Speaking of the paper money created for Louisiana, M. Marbois tells us--

"The expenses resulting from want of order had no limits: in no

condition to provide for them, the heads of the government had

recourse to paper money, the desperate resource of financiers

without capacity. The following remarks on this subject are

from a despatch of M. Rouille, minister of marine.

"'The disorder, which has for some time prevailed in the

finances and trade of Louisiana, principally arises from

pouring into the province treasury orders and other kinds of

paper money; all of which soon fell into discredit, and

occasioned a depreciation of the currency, which has been the

more injurious to the colony and its trade, as the prices of

all things, and particularly of manual labour, have increased

in proportion to the fall in the treasury notes.'

"It was on the 30th of November, 1744, that this minister thus

expressed himself with regard to the chimerical systems of

credit, which have never been more in vogue than in our time."

We pass over the sixth chapter of our book, without any particular

notice of its contents. It is occupied with miscellaneous transactions

in other provinces; with Indian wars; the abdication of James II., and

the accession of William and Mary to the throne of England; which, in

pursuance of the chronological order, we find snugly deposited between

the census of Canada and some affairs in Fort Louis. These things, with

the peace made between the Marquess de Denonville and some Indians, and

some other matters, cover one page.

The seventh chapter of this volume brings us again in sight of

Louisiana; and we thought our author was a little like Louis XIV., who,

it is said, "seemed to have lost sight of Louisiana in the prosecution

of the war," &c. Some interesting details are here given of the early

attempts to plant a French colony in this territory, interrupted by

hostilities with the Indians, and other impediments not unusual to

enterprises of this kind. The northern provinces, however, are not

neglected; and we are specially informed of the determination of the

British cabinet to attack Montreal and Quebec--this was in 1710.

In tracing the history of a country which has attained the strength and

importance of Louisiana, it is gratifying, occasionally, to look back to

the days of its weakness, and particularly so when the advance has been

surprisingly rapid, and may be fairly traced to the freedom of the

government under which it was made. Our author has, from time to time,

exhibited the population, agriculture, production, and trade of this

province, at various periods, and under different circumstances.

"In 1713, there were in Louisiana two companies of infantry of

fifty men each, and seventy-five Canadian volunteers in the

king's pay. The rest of the population consisted of

twenty-eight families; one half of whom were engaged, not in

agriculture, but in horticulture: the heads of the others were

shop and tavern keepers, or employed in mechanical occupations.

A number of individuals derived their support by ministering to

the wants of the troops. There were but twenty negroes in the

colony: adding to these the king's officers and clergy, the

aggregate amount of the population was three hundred and eighty

persons. A few female Indians and children were domesticated in

the houses of the white people, and groups of the males were

incessantly sauntering or encamped around them.

"The collection of all these individuals, on one compact spot,

could have claimed no higher appellation than that of a hamlet;

yet they were dispersed through a vast extent of country, the

parts of which were separated by the sea, by lakes, and wide

rivers. Five forts, or large batteries, had been erected for

their protection at Mobile, Biloxi, on the Mississippi, and at

Ship and Dauphine Islands.

"Lumber, hides, and peltries, constituted the objects of

exportation, which the colony presented to commerce. A number

of woodsmen, or _coureurs de bois,_ from Canada, had followed

the missionaries, who had been sent among the nations of

Indians, between that province and Louisiana. These men plied

within a circle, of a radius of several hundred miles, of which

the father's chapel was the centre, in search of furs,

peltries, and hides. When they deemed they had gathered a

sufficient quantity of these articles, they floated down the

Mississippi, and brought them to Mobile, where they exchanged

them for European goods, with which they returned. The natives

nearer to the fort, carried on the same trade. Lumber was

easily obtained around the settlement: of late, vessels, from

St. Domingo and Martinique, brought sugar, coffee, molasses,

and rum, to Louisiana, and took its peltries, hides, and

lumber, in exchange. The colonists procured some specie from

the garrison of Pensacola, whom they supplied with vegetables

and fowls. Those who followed this sort of trade, by furnishing

also the officers and troops, obtained flour and salt

provisions from the king's stores, which were abundantly

supplied from France and Vera Cruz. Trifling but successful

essays had shown, that indigo, tobacco, and cotton, could be

cultivated to great advantage: but hands were wanting.

Experience had shown, that the frequent and heavy mists and

fogs were unfavourable to the culture of wheat, by causing it

to rust."

What a change have a few years of good government and undisturbed

industry and enterprise made in this country; for up to the time of its

cession to the United States, its improvement was slow, uncertain, and

by no means remarkable! Who can now recognise in this rich and

prosperous state, the member of a great confederation, of a powerful

republic, known and respected by every nation of the earth, the desolate

wilds, the miserable and scattered habitations, "few and far between,"

with a population half savage and half civilized, of various bloods and

colours, and scarcely able to support a pinched and comfortless

existence, by excessive toil and a constant exposure to hardships and

peril!

After the charter of Crouzat, in September 1712, and a subsequent

charter to a new corporation five years after, the settlement of the

colony was better attended to, and measures taken to advance its

prosperity. Unfortunately for humanity, and perhaps for the ultimate

happiness of the province, it was found, or thought, to be necessary, to

introduce the negroes of Africa, for the cultivation of the soil. This

species of labour was resorted to in Louisiana in the year 1719.

"Experience had shown the great fertility of the land in

Louisiana, especially on the banks of the Mississippi, and its

aptitude to the culture of tobacco, indigo, cotton, and rice;

but the labourers were very few, and many of the new comers had

fallen victims to the climate. The survivers found it

impossible to work in the field during the great heats of the

summer, protracted through a part of the autumn. The necessity

of obtaining cultivators from Africa, was apparent; the company

yielding thereto, sent two of its ships to the coast of Africa,

from whence they brought five hundred negroes, who were landed

at Pensacola. They brought thirty recruits to the garrison."

Whatever may hereafter be the consequences of this determination to

employ slave-labour, its immediate effects were beneficial to the

planters; and in the next year, it is said that the company represented

to the king that "the planters had been enabled, by the introduction of

a great number of negroes, to clear and cultivate large tracts of land."

It will be observed, that at this time the cultivation of sugar was not

thought of.

The discursive manner of our author frequently furnishes us with

anecdotes of interest, sometimes relating to habits of the Indians, and

sometimes to other persons and subjects. In this class we reckon an

account of a female adventurer who appeared in Louisiana so early as the

year 1721.--

"There came, among the German new comers, a female adventurer.

She had been attached to the wardrobe of the wife of the

Czarowitz Alexius Petrowitz, the only son of Peter the Great.

She imposed on the credulity of many persons, but particularly

on that of an officer of the garrison of Mobile, (called by

Bossu, the Chevalier d'Aubant, and by the king of Prussia,

Maldeck) who having seen the princess at St. Petersburg,

imagined he recognised her features in those of her former

servant, and gave credit to the report which prevailed, that

she was the Duke of Wolfenbuttle's daughter, whom the Czarowitz

had married, and who, finding herself treated with great

cruelty by her husband, caused it to be circulated that she had

died, while she fled to a distant seat, driven by the blows he

had inflicted on her--that the Czarowitz had given orders for

her private burial, and she had travelled incog. into France,

and had taken passage at L'Orient, in one of the company's

ships, among the German settlers.

"Her story gained credit, and the officer married her. After a

long residence in Louisiana, she followed him to Paris and the

Island of Bourbon, where he had a commission of major. Having

become a widow in 1754, she returned to Paris, with a daughter,

and went thence to Brunswick, when her imposture was

discovered; charity was bestowed on her, but she was ordered to

leave the country. She died in 1771, at Paris, in great

poverty.

"A similar imposition was practised for a while with

considerable success, in the southern British provinces, a few

years before the declaration of their independence. A female,

driven for her misconduct from the service of a maid of honour

of Princess Matilda, sister to George the Third, was convicted

at the Old Bailey, and transported to Maryland. She effected

her escape before the expiration of her time, and travelled

through Virginia and both the Carolinas, personating the

princess, and levying contributions on the credulity of

planters and merchants; and even some of the king's officers.

She was at last arrested in Charleston, prosecuted, and

whipped."

When we read the account of New-Orleans, a century ago, we can hardly

credit that it is the same New-Orleans which we now know.--

"New-Orleans, (according to his account,) consisted at that

time of one hundred cabins, placed without much order, a large

wooden warehouse, two or three dwelling houses, that would not

have adorned a village, and a miserable storehouse, which had

been at first occupied as a chapel; a shed being now used for

this purpose. Its population did not exceed two hundred

persons."

In the enormous increase of population and wealth which this highly

favoured city exhibits, a Pennsylvanian may feel pride in observing,

that the industrious Germans, who have never failed to improve and

enrich the soil they inhabit, have had their share. John Randolph once

said on the floor of Congress, that the land on which a slave set his

foot was cursed with barrenness. The reverse of this may be truly

asserted of the German settlers. To their persevering industry, patient

labour, and habitual economy, every difficulty yields, and every soil

becomes fertile. An accident brought them to New-Orleans, with no

intention of remaining; and their usefulness was felt and encouraged.

"Since the failure of Law, and his departure from France, his

grant at the Arkansas had been entirely neglected, and the

greatest part of the settlers, whom he had transported thither

from Germany, finding themselves abandoned and disappointed,

came down to New-Orleans, with the hope of obtaining a passage

to some port of France, from which they might be enabled to

return home. The colonial government being unable or unwilling

to grant it, small allotments of land were made to them twenty

miles above New-Orleans, on both sides of the river, on which

they settled in cottage farms. The Chevalier d'Arensbourg, a

Swedish officer, lately arrived, was appointed commandant of

the new post. This was the beginning of the settlement, known

as the German coast, or the parishes of St. Charles and St.

John the Baptist. These laborious men supplied the troops and

the inhabitants of New-Orleans with garden stuff. Loading their

pirogues with the produce of their week's work, on Saturday

evening, they floated down the river, and were ready to spread

at sun-rise, on the first market that was held on the banks of

the Mississippi, their supplies of vegetables, fowls, and

butter. Returning, at the close of the market, they reached

their homes early in the night, and were ready to resume their

work at sun-rise; having brought the groceries and other

articles needed in the course of the week."

A few years later, the Jesuit and Ursuline nuns arrived at New-Orleans,

and began the improvement of a tract of land immediately above the city.

They erected a house and chapel; they planted the front of their land

with the myrtle wax shrub. Soon after, the foundation was laid for a

large nunnery, into which the ladies removed in 1730, and occupied it

until 1824. On every side the work of improvement proceeded gradually,

but effectually. Among other expedients to hasten the progress of

population, "a company ship brought out a number of poor girls, shipped

by the company. They had not been taken, as those whom it had

transported before, in the houses of correction in Paris. It had

supplied each of them with a small box, _cassette_, containing a few

articles of clothing. From this circumstance, and to distinguish them

from those who had preceded them, they were called girls _de la

cassette_. Till they could be disposed of in marriage, they remained

under the care of the nuns."

The fig tree was introduced from Provence, and the orange from

Hispaniola, both now so abundant and so excellent at New-Orleans.

Injustice to the aborigines seems to have marked the march of the white

man in all its stages; nor were the victims of his cupidity slow in

their revenge, or wanting in courage and ingenuity in prosecuting it. We

have an instance of this, which we think interesting enough to be

extracted.--

"The indiscretion and ill conduct of Chepar, who commanded at

Fort Rosalie, in the country of the Natchez, induced these

Indians to become principals, instead of auxiliaries, in the

havock.

"This officer, coveting a tract of land in the possession of

one of the chiefs, had used menaces to induce him to surrender

it, and unable to intimidate the sturdy Indian, had resorted to

violence. The nation, to whom the commandant's conduct had

rendered him obnoxious, took part with its injured member--and

revenge was determined on. The suns sat in council to devise

the means of annoyance, and determined not to confine

chastisement to the offender; but, having secured the

co-operation of all the tribes hostile to the French, to effect

the total overthrow of the settlement, murder all white men in

it, and reduce the women and children to slavery. Messengers

were accordingly sent to all the villages of the Natchez and

the tribes in their alliance, to induce them to get themselves

ready, and come on a given day to begin the slaughter. For this

purpose bundles of an equal number of sticks were prepared and

sent to every village, with directions to take out a stick

everyday, after that of the new moon, and the attack was to be

on that on which the last stick was taken out.

"This matter was kept a profound secret among the chiefs and

the Indians employed by them, and particular care was taken to

conceal it from the women. One of the female suns, however,

soon discovered that a momentous measure, of which she was not

informed, was on foot. Leading one of her sons to a distant and

retired spot, in the woods, she upbraided him with his want of

confidence in his mother, and artfully drew from him the

details of the intended attack. The bundle of sticks for her

village had been deposited in the temple, and to the keeper of

it, the care had been intrusted of taking out a stick daily.

Having from her rank access to the fane at all times, she

secretly, and at different moments, detached one or two sticks,

and then threw them into the sacred fire. Unsatisfied with

this, she gave notice of the impending danger to an officer of

the garrison, in whom she placed confidence. But the

information was either disbelieved or disregarded."

This well concerted plan of revenge was carried into a terrible

execution; and the aggressor who had caused it was among the victims.

A circumstance, purely accidental, and, in itself, altogether

insignificant, was the beginning of an agricultural experiment in

Louisiana, which, long afterwards, was followed by a success, important

not only to that territory, but to these United States.

"Two hundred recruits arrived from France on the 17th of April,

for the completion of the quota of troops allotted to the

province. The king's ships, in which they were embarked,

touched at the cape, in the Island of Hispaniola, where, with a

view of trying with what success the sugar cane could be

cultivated on the banks of the Mississippi, the Jesuits of that

island were permitted to ship to their brethren in Louisiana, a

quantity of it. A number of negroes, acquainted with the

culture and manufacture of sugar, came in the fleet. The canes

were planted on the land of the fathers immediately above the

city, in the lower part of the spot now known as the suburb St.

Mary. Before this time, the front of the plantation had been

improved in the raising of the myrtle wax shrub; the rest was

sown with indigo."

In this humble manner was the sugar cane introduced into Louisiana,

which has now become a principal source of its wealth. We will here

advance upon our work in order to trace, in a connected manner, the

various attempts which were made to fix the cultivation of this plant,

with their failures and success, for many years vibrating in

uncertainty. The experiment we have just alluded to was made in 1751;

eight years afterwards, our author tells us:--

"Although the essay, which the Jesuits had made in 1751, to

naturalize the sugar cane in Louisiana, had been successful,

the culture of it, on a large scale, was not attempted till

this year, when Dubreuil erected a mill for the manufacture of

sugar, on his plantation, immediately adjoining the lower part

of New-Orleans--the spot now covered by the suburb Marigny."

In 1769, the project seems to have been given up, as we are then

informed that--"the indigo of Louisiana was greatly inferior to that of

Hispaniola, the planters being quite unskilful and inattentive in the

manufacture of it; that of sugar had been abandoned, but some planters

near New-Orleans raised a few canes for the market."

No explanation is given of the causes of the abandonment of this most

valuable product, which subsequent experience has shown is so admirably

adapted to the soil and climate of Louisiana. It is the more

unaccountable, as a large capital had been embarked in it, for the

purchase of slaves principally. It may be that it did not receive the

protection from jealous rivals, which is indispensable for the success

of every new enterprise of this kind, even under the most favourable

circumstances; at least until it is firmly established; its expenditures

secured or reimbursed; and its capacity brought into full development

and operation.

From the period we have last spoken of, 1769, until 1796, we hear, from

our author, of no effort to resume the cultivation of the sugar cane;

although we may presume it was not absolutely extinguished; for in the

record of the events of this year, (1796) he tells us--"Bore's success,

in his first attempt to manufacture sugar, was very great, and he sold

his crop for ten thousand dollars. His example induced a number of other

planters to plant cane." In the transactions of 1794, we are indeed

informed upon this point; and of the origin of Bore's undertaking this

culture.

"Since the year 1766, the manufacture of sugar had been

entirely abandoned in Louisiana. A few individuals had,

however, contrived to plant a few canes in the neighbourhood of

the city: they found a vent for them in the market. Two

Spaniards, Mendez and Solis, had lately made larger

plantations. One of them boiled the juice of the cane into

syrup, and the other had set up a distillery, in which he made

indifferent taffia.

"Etienne Bore, a native of the Illinois, who resided about six

miles above the city, finding his fortune considerably reduced

by the failure of the indigo crops for several successive

years, conceived the idea of retrieving his losses by the

manufacture of sugar. The attempt was considered by all as a

visionary one. His wife, (a daughter of Destrehan, the colonial

treasurer under the government of France, who had been one of

the first to attempt, and one of the last to abandon, the

manufacture of sugar) remembering her father's ill success,

warned him of the risk he ran of adding to instead of repairing

his losses, and his relations and friends joined their

remonstrances to hers. He, however, persisted; and, having

procured a quantity of canes from Mendez and Solis, began to

plant."

So that in two years after Bore began to plant, he was able to make a

crop which sold for ten thousand dollars. From this time the culture of

the cane may be considered as established in Louisiana, constantly and

rapidly increasing in its importance, until it has become a principal

product of its soil, in which an immense capital is embarked. We have

before us a copy of a "Letter of Mr. Johnston of Louisiana, to the

secretary of the treasury, in reply to his circular of the 1st July

1830, relative to the culture of the sugar cane." This interesting

document contains a mass of authentic information, which leaves no doubt

of the importance of the culture of the cane, not only to those regions

of the United States which are suitable to it, but to all or most of the

other states; and the inference he justly draws from it is, that it

deserves and still requires all the protection it now receives from the

government. If it should be discontinued or diminished so as to affect

materially the sugar planter, the injury will not stop there, but be

extended to thousands of our citizens, who may not have reflected upon

the direct interest they have in this question. We deem it to be so

important, that we believe our readers, many of whom may not see the

letter of the honourable senator, will not find a page or two

unprofitably given to some extracts from it. In the introduction of his

subject he says:

"When Louisiana was acquired by the United States, there was a

duty on brown sugar of two and a half cents a pound, levied for

revenue. The people of that state, who had already made some

experiments in the culture of the cane, saw that the duty

afforded them some protection from foreign competition, and

secured the benefit of the home market, which was then of

considerable extent, and rapidly increasing. This induced them,

within the region then considered adapted to the cane, to turn

their attention to the production of sugar. They embarked their

whole fortunes, and for a long time struggled, under very

discouraging circumstances, against the effects of the climate,

the vicissitudes of seasons, the deficiency of capital, the

want of skill, and all the difficulties incident to the

commencement of such an enterprise. It was for many years a

doubtful experiment and hazardous undertaking, but they

persevered.

"The cane gradually adapted itself to the climate. Different

kinds of cane were introduced, skill was acquired by

experience, capital increased, machinery and steam power

applied, improvements adopted, and expenses diminished.

"At the close of the war, Congress, for the purpose of

increasing the revenue, and of protecting the domestic

industry, increased the rate of duty on sugar half a cent a

pound, as a part of a general system. This had a most decisive

effect in bringing this great national interest to its present

state, and they have now finally triumphed over every obstacle.

"It was more than twenty years before they could produce 40,000

hogsheads; and during the greater part of that time very little

profit was made upon the capital employed.

"The increase of capital, the introduction of machinery, the

diversion of labour from other less profitable pursuits, the

acquisition of skill, and, above all, the confidence of the

people in the protection of the government, have vastly

augmented the means of production. It now promises an ample

supply for the consumption of the country, and a steady but

moderate profit. They are in a course of experiment, that will

in a short period establish this great interest upon a scale

adequate to the wants of the people.

"Under the faith of the laws, they have embarked their capital

in the production of one of the great necessaries of life, and

in support of a national system, which they understood it was

the object of the government to establish. They have opened a

new and extensive field of agricultural industry; directed

labour to more profitable employment; maintained the value of

slaves; and increased the internal commerce of the country.

They have contributed their full share to all the duties paid

on other articles. They came into this Union, charged with _an

immense public debt_, which was greatly increased by the war,

in which they suffered in common: they have freely contributed

their portion to its payment."

He proceeds to show that the value of lands and slaves "is predicated

upon the value of the sugar, and that depends upon the rate of duty

established by the laws." The effects of a reduction of the duty is thus

detailed.

"The present price of sugar, at 5-1/2 cents, is sustained by a

duty of 3 cents a pound. If that duty was removed, foreign

sugar would be sold 3 cents less, and ours would fall in the

same proportion. That reduction would bring sugar below the

actual cost, and therefore it could not be made, even if slaves

and lands cost nothing. A reduction of 2 cents would bring the

price to the exact amount of 3-1/2 cents a pound, the precise

cost of the sugar, independent of the capital, and therefore

would yield nothing to the cultivator. A reduction of 1 cent

would bring sugar to 4-1/2 cents, which would leave only 1 cent

profit to pay for the capital--that is, the lands and slaves.

That would diminish the present profit one half, and the value

of the slaves in the same proportion. This reduction of duty

operates entirely upon the _profit_; and a reduction of

one-third of the duty operates a reduction of one-half of the

profit, and thereby one-half of the value of the capital, and

one-half of the slaves. Capital has been invested in Louisiana

by the present standard of value. A reduction in that standard

would produce a corresponding reduction in the value of all

property. A reduction of one-third of the duty would sink half

the value of property in the state, and ruin all those who have

made engagements upon the faith of the laws."

The writer subsequently presents very precise and satisfactory

statements, to show the capital required for this branch of agriculture,

and the prices which are necessary to sustain it; with some calculated

anticipations of its increase, if not crushed by foreign competition.

Should it be asked, what interest have the other states of the Union in

this concern? It may be a very profitable employment of the money and

slaves of the rich planters of Louisiana; but is this a fair reason for

imposing heavy duties on a necessary of life, thus enhancing its cost to

those who consume it? To meet this inquiry, and remove the objection

contained in it; to show that the citizens of the states who consume the

sugar have an immediate participation in the profits of its cultivator,

Mr. Johnston says--

"It is said that this is a local concern, interesting only to

Louisiana. The slaves are taken, as beforementioned, from

cotton and tobacco, and are furnished by the Southern States.

"The provisions and animals come from the Western States.

"The clothing from the North.

"The engines, machinery, &c. come from the different foundries

in the United States--principally from the West.

"One-third of the capital comes from the South--and more than

three-fifths of the whole production goes either in sugar or

money to the other states, as their portion of the contribution

in making it. The remaining two-fifths, being the profit on

the capital, goes back chiefly to Virginia and Maryland, to

purchase more slaves.

"There are estimated now, 35,000 slaves: it will require 26,000

more to supply the consumption of 1835.

"There are estimated 725 plantations, which, when brought into

operation, will yield an average of 300 hogsheads, sufficient

for the consumption of 1836.

"These have required 725 mills for grinding, as many sets of

kettles, &c. There are now about 100 steam engines--there will

be required in addition, upwards of 600 steam engines.

"These plantations require also a large amount of horses,

mules, and oxen; carts, wagons, ploughs, tools, iron, &c.

"The present consumption for the slaves, is 35,000 barrels of

pork.

"Which will be increased in 1835 to--say 60,000 " "

"They purchase now about ... 50,000 barrels of corn.

"Each mill, with steam engine and kettles, &c. will cost

$5,000.

"There are employed on the sugar plantations (independent of

the cotton estates) 22,000 horses--value $1,500,000. These are

to be renewed every seven years, or it will require $200,000 a

year to supply the market. There were purchased in 1827-8,

2,500 horses--in 1828-9, 2,800--in 1829-30, 3,000 horses.

"Of the 100,000 hogsheads of sugar made in Louisiana, 50,000

hogsheads are transported up the Mississippi in steam-boats,

for the supply of the Western States, who obtain it in exchange

for their productions. Here, then, there is an internal trade

of five millions, created in the Western States.

"The remainder of the sugar is transported coastwise by our

vessels, to the North, to restore the balance of trade with

that quarter, as well as with foreign nations.

"Thus every interest of agriculture, manufactures, commerce,

and navigation, connects itself intimately with this object.

"The sugar is indeed made in Louisiana, but a portion of the

money on which the establishments are founded, the whole of the

labour by which it is produced, the chief supply of food, and

the entire amount of clothing, and the transportation of the

article, are furnished from the different states."

A prospect is reasonably held out of the reduction of the price of the

article, by continuing the protection, to a point as low as need be

desired, or could be obtained if we were to depend upon a foreign

supply.

"When the estates are paid for, and the general diminution of

value in other things takes place, with the improvements in

machinery and other causes, sugar will be profitably made at 4

cents, and that is about the price at which we purchase it now

in the islands: at that price we can, after supplying this

country, enter into the general market of the Baltic,

Mediterranean, and Black Seas."

On this part of the case a more satisfactory ground is taken; and it is

made manifest, by authentic documents, that since the production of

sugar in Louisiana, with the duties by which it is protected, a

reduction has taken place in the price of the article, of _one-half_.

The results of the tables annexed to the letter are thus given.

"The protecting duty on sugar, besides opening a new field of

industry, diverting a large portion of labour from other

objects, maintaining the value of all the slave property in the

country, and supplying the people with an article of general

use and prime necessity, has actually diminished the price

one-half in twelve years.

"In paper A, it will be seen that the prices in 1818 ranged

from $14 to 15, and that in 1829 they had fallen to $7.50.

"In paper marked B, it will be seen, that the brown of Havana

has fallen 3 cents in 6 years, from 10 to 7 cents, while the

sugar of Louisiana has varied from 8-1/2 to 6-1/2. The price

of sugar has in that time depreciated more than the duty, and

will produce still greater effect. The general average of

Havana brown, for six years, is 9-3/4, which now sells at from

7 to 8. The general average of Louisiana for the same period is

8-1/4; the present price ranges from 6-1/2 to 7-1/2. The sugar

of Louisiana now sells in New-Orleans at 5-1/2; freight, &c.

will bring it to 6-1/2 in the Atlantic ports."

Mr. Johnston has no doubt of the capacity of the sugar region of the

United States to supply all our demands for it, for a long period to

come.

"Without entering into any exact calculation, I can with

confidence assure you, that Louisiana alone can produce enough

for the consumption of the country for twenty-five or thirty

years, and including Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, and Georgia

south of the 32d degree, will supply it for twice that period.

"It thus appears, that the people of Louisiana, under a

confidence in the permanency of the policy of the government,

have embarked their fortunes in the production of an article of

extensive use; that they are now in the course of successful

experiment, which promises, in a few years, to supply the

consumption of the country; that they have opened a new field

of agricultural industry and enterprise, requiring a vast

amount of labour and capital; that they have actually reduced

the price of the article one-half, and have saved the country

an expense of six or seven millions a-year, and will reduce the

price still lower, when the experiment is complete."

Having found in our "History of Louisiana," the feeble commencement of

the culture of the sugar cane in that country, we thought it not beside

our purpose, and likely to be agreeable to our readers, to trace it to

its present strong and flourishing condition; to show the causes of its

increase, and its immense value to those who have embarked their

fortunes in it; to those by whom its produce is consumed, and finally to

the revenue of the government. All these matters, doubtless, will be

carefully examined and considered by the public councils whose right and

duty it is to decide upon them.

We return to our history; the colony seems now to have attracted the

attention of the mother country, and liberal assistance was given to

advance its population.

"The ships landed also sixty poor girls, who were brought over

at the king's expense. They were the last succour of this kind,

which the mother country supplied. They were given in marriage

to such soldiers whose good conduct entitled them to a

discharge. Land was allotted to each couple, with a cow and

calf, a cock and five hens; a gun, axe, and hoe. During the

three first years, rations were allowed them, with a small

quantity of powder, shot, and grain for seed."

This was in 1751.

An anecdote is recorded, exhibiting at once a feature of aboriginal

justice, and the strength of parental affection in the "poor Indian."

"In a quarrel between a Choctaw and a Colapissa, the former

told the latter his countrymen were the dogs of the

French--meaning their slaves. The Colapissa, having a loaded

musket in his hands, discharged its contents at the Choctaw,

and fled to New-Orleans. The relations of the deceased came to

the Marquis de Vaudreuil to demand his surrender: he had in the

mean while gone to the German coast. The Marquis, having vainly

tried to appease them, sent orders to Renaud, the commandant

of that post, to have the murderer arrested; but he eluded the

pursuit. His father went to the Choctaws and offered himself a

willing victim: the relations of the deceased persisted in

their refusal to accept any compensation in presents. They at

last consented to allow the old man to atone, by the loss of

his own life, for the crime of his son. He stretched himself on

the trunk of an old tree, and a Choctaw severed his head from

the body, at the first stroke. This instance of paternal

affection was made the subject of a tragedy by Leblanc de

Villeneuve, an officer of the troops lately arrived from

France. This performance is the only dramatic work which the

republic of letters owes to Louisiana."

In the same year the white men furnished a subject for a tragedy far

more cruel and vindictive than the self-immolation of an Indian father,

and far less just and amiable.

"During the summer, some soldiers of the garrison of Cat

Island, rose upon and killed Roux, who commanded there. They

were exasperated at his avarice and cruelty. He employed them

in burning coal, of which he made a traffic, and for trifling

delinquencies had exposed several of them, naked and tied to

trees in a swamp, during whole nights, to the stings of

musquetoes. Joining some English traders in the neighbourhood

of Mobile, they started in the hope of reaching Georgia,

through the Indian country. A party of the Choctaws, then about

the fort, was sent after and overtook them. One destroyed

himself; the rest were brought to New-Orleans, where two were

broken on the wheel--the other, belonging to the Swiss regiment

of Karrer, was, according to the law of his nation, followed by

the officers of the Swiss troops in the service of France,

sawed in two parts. He was placed alive in a kind of coffin, to

the middle of which two sergeants applied a whip saw. It was

not thought prudent to make any allowance for the provocation

these men had received."

The removal of the Acadians from their country; stripping them of their

lands and goods; permitting them to carry nothing away but their

household furniture and money, of which they had but little; laying

waste their fields and their dwellings, and consuming their fences by

fire, was another awful tragedy performed by civilized man upon the weak

and defenceless, upon the pretences of policy. It was an act of British

inhumanity; the sufferings of these miserable outcasts and wanderers are

described by our author.

"Thus beggared, these people were, in small numbers and at

different periods, cast on the sandy shores of the southern

provinces, among a people of whose language they were ignorant,

and who knew not theirs, whose manners and education were

different from their own, whose religion they abhorred, and who

were rendered odious to them, as the friends and countrymen of

those who had so cruelly treated them, and whom they considered

as a no less savage foe, than he who wields the tomahawk and

the scalping knife.

"It is due to the descendants of the British colonists, to say,

that their sires received with humanity, kindness, and

hospitality, those who so severely smarted under the calamities

of war. In every province the humane example of the legislature

of Pennsylvania was followed, and the colonial treasury was

opened to relieve the sufferers; and private charity was not

outdone by the public. Yet but a few accepted the proffered

relief, and sat down on the land that was offered them.

"The others fled westerly, from what appeared to them a hostile

shore--wandering till they found themselves out of sight of any

who spoke the English language. They crossed the mighty spine,

and wintered among the Indians. The scattered parties, thrown

off on the coast of every colony from Pennsylvania to Georgia,

united, and trusting themselves to the western waters, sought

the land on which the spotless banner waved, and the waves of

the Mississippi brought them to New-Orleans."

The practice of _shipping off_ individuals who were obnoxious to the

dominant party, seems to have obtained in Louisiana at a very early

period; and, as we shall see, became a favourite process in the

administration of justice. A pretty strong case of this employment of

physical force, without any consultation with the officers of the law,

or any regard to the civil rights of the people, occured in 1759. We

shall give it to our readers.

"Diaz Anna, a Jew from Jamaica, came to New-Orleans, on a

trading voyage. We have seen, that by an edict of the month of

March, 1724, that of Louis the Thirteenth, of the 13th of

April, 1615, had been extended to Louisiana. The latter edict

declared, that Jews, as enemies of the Christian name, should

not be allowed to reside in Louisiana; and if they staid in

spite of the edict, their bodies and goods should be

confiscated: Rochemore had the vessel of the Israelite and her

cargo seized. Kerlerec sent soldiers to drive away the guard

put on board the vessel, and had her restored to the Jew.

Imagining he had gone too far to stop there, he had Belot,

Rochemore's secretary, and Marigny de Mandeville, de Lahoupe,

Bossu, and some other officers, whom he suspected to have

joined the ordonnateur's party, arrested, and a few days after

shipped them for France."

Thus far we have seen this province under the dominion of France, and

gradually ameliorating its condition under her government. We come now

to the period when a new master was to be given to it, or rather, when

it was to be given to a new master. It is thus that kings have used

territories and their people, their industry and their wealth, as

subjects of diplomatic traffic and political accommodation. "On the 3d

of November 1763, a secret treaty was signed between the French and

Spanish kings, by which the former ceded to the latter the part of the

province of Louisiana which lies on the western side of the Mississippi,

with the city of New-Orleans, and the island on which it stands." When

the rumours of this cession reached the colonists, it produced the

deepest distress; they had a dread of passing "under the yoke of Spain."

Official intelligence of the event was not received until October 1764,

when an order came from the king to deliver possession of the ceded

territory to the governor of the Catholic king. "This intelligence

plunged the inhabitants in the greatest consternation;" especially as it

estranged them from their kindred and friends in the eastern part of the

province--transferring them to a foreign potentate. Every effort was

made by meetings and memorials to avert the calamity. The actual

delivery was delayed; and a hope was entertained that the cession might

be rescinded, for two years had elapsed since the direction had been

given to surrender the province to Spain. In the summer of 1766,

intelligence was received that Don Ulloa had arrived at Havana, to take

the possession, for Spain, of Louisiana. Soon after he landed at

New-Orleans, and was received "with dumb respect." He declined

exhibiting his powers, and of course delayed to receive the possession

of the country. In 1768 the council insisted that Don Ulloa should

produce his powers or depart from the province; he chose the latter

alternative, and sailed for Havana, and from thence to Spain. In the

following year a governor of a different temperament was sent from

Spain, attended by a strong military force, with a large supply of arms

and ammunition. On the 24th of July, Don Alexander O'Reilly landed on

the levee. "The inhabitants immediately came to a resolution to choose

three gentlemen to wait on him, and inform him that the people of

Louisiana were determined to abandon the colony, and had no other favour

to ask from him, but that he would allow them two years to remove

themselves and their effects." O'Reilly received the deputies with great

politeness; made professions of his desire to promote the interests of

the colonists, and said every thing he thought would flatter the people.

At this time the Spanish armament had not reached the city; it cast

anchor on the 16th of August. In the afternoon of the 18th, the

Spaniards disembarked; the French flag was lowered, and the Spanish was

seen flying in its place in the middle of the square. We have been thus

particular in narrating these events, because they were the precursors

of a proceeding of military violence, astonishing _even for that day_,

and under circumstances of open disaffection and opposition to the

government; for some of the planters had taken up arms on the arrival of

O'Reilly.

One of the first acts of O'Reilly's administration was to take a census

of the inhabitants of New-Orleans. The aggregate population was 3190, of

every age, sex, and colour; of these 1902 were free; 1225 slaves, and

sixty domesticated Indians; the number of houses was 468; the whole

province contained but 13,538 inhabitants.

We have seen that the cession of the province had created the utmost

discontent; and the arrival of O'Reilly was considered as a general

calamity. The transfer had been impeded and resisted by all the means in

the power of the colonists. Although Don Ulloa had not ventured to

execute his commission with the force at his command, he had,

nevertheless, "set about building forts and putting troops into them."

On the other side, plans of resistance were contemplated by the people;

and assistance looked for from their English neighbours in West Florida;

and in the fall of 1768 Don Ulloa was, as we have seen, ordered away. By

this brief retrospect, the temper of the colonists, on the arrival of

O'Reilly, will be understood, and will serve as a key to his

proceedings. He resolved to lose nothing by timidity and hesitation. In

the reckless pride and unbridled passions of military despotism, he

disdained to temporize, or endeavour to sooth the irritated feelings of

the people, or to conciliate their confidence, or calm their fears. He

had been accustomed to rely upon no power but that of the sword, and to

respect no authority but a military commission. To him the _law_ was a

subject of scorn, and the civil rights of citizens or subjects an idle

tale. He looked upon his five thousand troops, with their arms and

ammunition, and he saw there the only power be respected, or would

condescend to use to maintain his government. Such principles led or

drove him to a course of desperate violence, having then no parallel in

any country pretending to a government of laws, or any civil rights. We

shall give his proceedings in the language of our historian.

"Towards the last day of August, the people were alarmed by the

arrest of Foucault, the commissary-general and ordonnateur, De

Noyant and Boisblanc, two members of the superior council; La

Freniere, the attorney-general, and Braud, the king's printer.

These gentlemen were attending O'Reilly's leve, when he

requested them to step into an adjacent apartment, where they

found themselves immediately surrounded by a body of

grenadiers, with fixed bayonets, the commanding officer of whom

informed them they were the king's prisoners. The two first

were conveyed to their respective houses, and a guard was left

there: the others were imprisoned in the barracks.

"It had been determined to make an example of twelve

individuals; two from the army, and an equal number from the

bar; four planters, and as many merchants. Accordingly, Marquis

and De Noyant, officers of the troop; La Freniere, the

attorney-general, and Doucet, (lawyers,) Villere, Boisblanc,

Mazent, and Petit, (planters,) and John Milhet, Joseph Milhet,

Caresse and Poupet, (merchants,) had been selected.

"Within a few days, Marquis, Doucet, Petit, Mazant, the two

Milhets, Caresse, and Poupet, were arrested and confined.

"Villere, who was on his plantation at the German coast, had

been marked as one of the intended victims; but his absence

from the city rendering his arrest less easy, it had been

determined to release one of the prisoners on his being

secured. He had been apprized of the impending danger, and it

had been recommended to him to provide for his safety by

seeking the protection of the British flag waving at Manshac.

When he was deliberating on the step it became him to take, he

received a letter from Aubry, the commandant of the French

troops, assuring him he had nothing to apprehend, and advising

him to return to the city. Averse to flight, as it would imply

a consciousness of guilt, he yielded to Aubry's recommendation,

and returned to New-Orleans; but as he passed the gate, the

officer commanding the guard arrested him. He was immediately

conveyed on board of a frigate that lay at the levee. On

hearing of this, his lady, a grand daughter of La Chaise, the

former commissary-general and ordonnateur, hastened to the

city. As her boat approached the frigate, it was hailed and

ordered away. She made herself known, and solicited admission

to her husband, but was answered she could not see him, as the

captain was on shore, and had left orders that no communication

should be allowed with the prisoner. Villere recognised his

wife's voice, and insisted on being permitted to see her. On

his being refused, a struggle ensued, in which he fell, pierced

by the bayonets of his guards. His bloody shirt thrown into the

boat, announced to the lady that she had ceased to be a wife;

and a sailor cut the rope that fastened the boat to the

frigate.

"O'Reilly's assessors heard and recorded the testimony against

the prisoners, and called on them for their pleas.

"The prosecution was grounded on a statute of Alfonso the

eleventh, which is the first law of the seventh title of the

first partida, and denounces the punishment of death and

confiscation of property against those who excite any

insurrection against the king or state, or take up arms under

pretence of extending their liberty or rights, and against

those who give them any assistance.

"Foucault pleaded he had done nothing, except in his character

of commissary-general and ordonnateur of the king of France in

the province, and to him alone he was accountable for the

motives that had directed his official conduct. The plea was

sustained; he was not, however, released; and a few days

afterwards, he was transported to France.

"Brand offered a similar plea, urging he was the king of

France's printer in Louisiana. The only accusation against him,

was that he had printed the petition of the planters and

merchants to the superior council, soliciting that body to

require Ulloa to exhibit his powers or depart. He concluded

that he was bound, by his office, to print whatever the

ordonnateur sent to his press; and he produced that officer's

order to print the petition. His plea was sustained and he was

discharged.

"The other prisoners declined also the jurisdiction of the

tribunal before which they were arraigned: their plea was

overruled. They now denied the facts with which they were

charged, contended that if they did take place, they did so

while the flag of France was still waving over the province,

and the laws of that kingdom retained their empire in it, and

thus the facts did not constitute an offence against the laws

of Spain; that the people of Louisiana could not bear the yokes

of two sovereigns; that O'Reilly could not command the

obedience, nor even the respect of the colonists, until he made

known to them his character and powers; and that the Catholic

king could not count on their allegiance, till he extended to

them his protection.

"It had been determined at first, to proceed with the utmost

rigour of the law against six of the prisoners; but, on the

death of Villere, it was judged sufficient to do so against

five only. The jurisprudence of Spain authorizing the

infliction of a less severe punishment than that denounced by

the statute, when the charge is not proved by two witnesses to

the same act, but by one with corroborating

circumstances.--Accordingly two witnesses were produced against

De Noyant, La Freniere, Marquis, Joseph Milhet, and Caresse.

They were convicted; and O'Reilly, by the advice of his

assessor, condemned them to be hanged, and pronounced the

confiscation of their estates.

"The most earnest and pathetic entreaties were employed by

persons in every rank of society, to prevail on O'Reilly to

remit or suspend the execution of his sentence till the royal

clemency could be implored. He was inexorable; and the only

indulgence that could be obtained, was, that death should be

inflicted by shooting, instead of hanging. With this

modification, the sentence was carried into execution on the

twenty-eighth of September.

"On the morning of that day, the guards, at every gate and post

of the city, were doubled, and orders were given not to allow

any body to enter it. All the troops were under arms, and

paraded the streets or were placed in battle array along the

levee and on the public square. Most of the inhabitants fled

into the country. At three o'clock of the afternoon, the

victims were led, under a strong guard, to the small square in

front of the barracks, tied to stakes, and an explosion of

musketry soon announced to the few inhabitants who remained in

the city, that their friends were no more.

"Posterity, the judge of men in power, will doom this act to

public execration. No necessity demanded, no policy justified

it. Ulloa's conduct had provoked the measures to which the

inhabitants had resorted. During nearly two years, he had

haunted the province as a phantom of dubious authority. The

efforts of the colonists, to prevent the transfer of their

natal soil to a foreign prince, originated in their attachment

to their own, and the Catholic king ought to have beheld in

their conduct a pledge of their future devotion to himself.

They had but lately seen their country severed, and a part of

it added to the dominion of Great Britain; they had bewailed

their separation from their friends and kindred; and were

afterwards to be alienated, without their consent, and

subjected to a foreign yoke. If the indiscretion of a few of

them needed an apology, the common misfortune afforded it.

"A few weeks afterwards, the proceedings against the six

remaining prisoners were brought to a close. One witness only

deposing against any of them, and circumstances corroborating

the testimony, Boisblanc was condemned to imprisonment for

life; Doucet, Mazent, John Milhet, Petit, and Poupet, were

condemned to imprisonment for various terms of years. All were

transported to Havana, and cast into the dungeons of the Moro

Castle."

O'Reilly was not satisfied with this bloody vengeance on the individuals

who had incurred his resentment and offended his pride. The "Superior

council" in a body must be prostrated by his power.

"A proclamation of O'Reilly, on the twenty-first of November,

announced to them that the evidence received during the late

trials, having furnished full proof of the part the superior

council had in the revolt during the two preceding years, and

of the influence it had exerted in encouraging the leaders,

instead of using its best endeavours to keep the people in the

fidelity and subordination they owed to the sovereign, it had

become necessary to abolish that tribunal, and to establish, in

Louisiana, that form of government and mode of administering

justice prescribed by the laws of Spain, which had long

maintained the Catholic king's American colonies in perfect

tranquillity, content, and subordination."

A year after these deeds of military heroism, O'Reilly took passage for

Europe. But what said his royal master, the King of Spain, for such

outrages upon the lives and liberty of his newly acquired subjects? We

are told in one short paragraph--"Charles III. _disapproved_ of

O'Reilly's conduct, and he received on his landing at Cadiz, an order

prohibiting his appearance at court." Well, it is something that his

conduct was _disapproved_ of, and not rewarded with new honours and

powers. Some _sovereigns_ might have done this.

We pass from these distressing and disgraceful scenes, and find nothing

of peculiar interest in our History, until we come to the period of our

revolution. Although in 1778, the people of Louisiana could have had no

prophetic vision to warn them that they would become a member of the

American Republic, they felt and manifested a friendly disposition

toward us, and rendered us efficient aid in the struggle then carrying

on for our independence.

"During the month of January, Captain Willing made a second

visit to New-Orleans. Oliver Pollock now acted openly as the

agent of the Americans, with the countenance of Galvez, who

now, and at subsequent periods, afforded them an aid of upwards

of seventy thousand dollars out of the royal treasury. By this

means, the posts occupied by the militia of Virginia on the

Mississippi, and the frontier inhabitants of the state of

Pennsylvania, were supplied with arms and ammunition."

Now that we have become one people, and our Independence has made the

independence of Louisiana, it is gratifying to recall to our

recollection every testimony that may draw us closer together in our

affections, as we are in our interests and common welfare. We take

pleasure also in presenting an instance of American enterprise and

gallantry, which ought not to be forgotten.

"Colonel Hamilton, who commanded at the British post at

Detroit, came this year to Vincennes, on the Wabash, with about

six hundred men, chiefly Indians, with a view to an expedition

against Kaskaskia, and up the Ohio as far as Fort Pitt, and the

back settlements of Virginia. Colonel Clark heard, from a

trader who came down from Vincennes to Kaskaskia, that

Hamilton, not intending to take the field until spring, had

sent most of his force to block up the Ohio, or to harass the

frontier settlers, keeping at Vincennes sixty soldiers only,

with three pieces of cannon and some swivels. The resolution

was immediately taken to improve the favourable opportunity for

averting the impending danger; and Clark accordingly despatched

a small galley, mounting two four pounders and four swivels, on

board of which he put a company of soldiers, with orders to

pursue her way up the Wabash, and anchor a few miles below

Vincennes, suffering nothing to pass her. He now sat off with

one hundred and twenty men, the whole force he could command,

and marched towards Vincennes. They were five days in crossing

the low lands of the Wabash, in the neighbourhood of Vincennes,

after having spent sixty in crossing the wilderness, wading for

several nights up to their breasts in water. Appearing suddenly

before the town, they surprised and took it. Hamilton for a

while defended the fort, but was at last compelled to

surrender."

We now approach a period in the History of Louisiana when her direct

communication and commerce with the United States began; and from this

moment she became an object of great and growing interest to us. The

commencement of this intercourse is of a singular character, and was

conducted with singular address.

"The foundation was now laid of a commercial intercourse,

through the Mississippi, between the United States and

New-Orleans, which has been continued, with but little

interruption, to this day, and has increased to an immense

degree; and, to the future extent of which, the imagination can

hardly contemplate any limit. Hitherto, the boats of the

western people, venturing on the Mississippi, were arrested by

the first Spanish officer who met them; and confiscation

ensued, in every case; all communication between the citizens

of the United States and the Spaniards being strictly

prohibited. Now and then, an emigrant, desirous of settling in

the district of Natchez, by personal entreaty and the

solicitations of his friends, obtained a tract of land, with

permission to settle on it with his family, slaves, farming

utensils, and furniture. He was not allowed to bring any thing

to sell without paying an enormous duty. An unexpected incident

changed the face of affairs in this respect.

"The idea of a regular trade was first conceived by General

Wilkinson, who had served with distinction as an officer in the

late war, and whose name is as conspicuous in the annals of the

west, as any other. He had connected with it a scheme for the

settlement of several thousand American families in that part

of the present state of Louisiana, now known as the parishes of

East and West Feliciana, and that of Washita, and on White

river, and other streams of the present territory of Arkansas.

For these services to the Spanish government, he expected to

obtain the privilege of introducing, yearly, a considerable

quantity of tobacco into the Mexican market.

"With a view to the execution of his plan, Wilkinson descended

the Mississippi, with an adventure of tobacco, flour, butter,

and bacon. He stopped at Natchez while his boat was floating

down the stream to New-Orleans, the commandant at the former

place having been induced to forbear seizing it, from an

apprehension that such a step would be disapproved by Miro, who

might be desirous of showing some indulgence to a general

officer of a nation with whom his was at peace--especially as

the boat and its owner were proceeding to New-Orleans, where he

could act towards them as he saw fit.

"Wilkinson having stopped at a plantation on the river, the

boat reached the city before him. On its approaching the levee,

a guard was immediately sent on board, and the revenue officers

were about taking measures for its seizure, when a merchant,

who was acquainted with Wilkinson, and had some influence with

Miro, represented to him that the step Navarro was about to

take might be attended with unpleasant consequences; that the

people of Kentucky were already much exasperated at the conduct

of the Spaniards in seizing all the property of those who

navigated the Mississippi, and if this system was pursued, they

would probably, in spite of Congress, take means themselves to

open the navigation of the river by force. Hints were, at the

same time, thrown out, that the general was a very popular

character among those who were capable of inflaming the whole

of the western people, and that, probably, his sending a boat

before him, that it might be seized, was a scheme laid by the

government of the United States, that he might, on his return,

influence the minds of his countrymen; and, having brought them

to the point he wished, induce them to choose him for their

leader, and, spreading over the country, carry fire and

desolation from one part of Louisiana to the other.

"On this, Miro expressed his wish to Navarro that the guard

might be removed. This was done; and Wilkinson's friend was

permitted to take charge of the boat, and sell the cargo,

without paying any duty.

"On his first interview with Miro, Wilkinson, that he might not

derogate from the character his friend had given him, by

appearing concerned in so trifling an adventure as a boat-load

of tobacco, flour, &c. observed that the cargo belonged to

several of his fellow-citizens in Kentucky, who wished to avail

themselves of his visit to New-Orleans to make a trial of the

temper of the colonial government. On his return he could then

inform the United States government, of the steps taken under

his eye; so that, in future, proper measures might be adopted.

He acknowledged with gratitude the attention and respect

manifested towards himself, and the favour shown to the

merchant who had been permitted to take care of the boat;

adding, he did not wish that the intendant should expose

himself to the anger of the court, by forbearing to seize the

boat and cargo, if such were his instructions, and he had no

authority to depart from them when circumstances might require

it.

"Miro supposed, from this conversation, that Wilkinson's object

was to produce a rupture rather than to avoid one. He became

more and more alarmed. For two or three years before,

particularly since the commissioners of the state of Georgia

came to Natchez to claim the country, he had been fearful of an

invasion at every rise of the water; and the rumour of a few

boats having been seen together on the Ohio, was sufficient to

excite his apprehensions. At his next interview with Wilkinson,

having procured further information of the character, number,

and disposition of the western people, and having revolved, in

his mind, what measures he could take, consistently with his

instructions, he concluded that he could do no better than to

hold out a hope to Wilkinson, in order to secure his influence

in restraining his countrymen from an invasion of Louisiana,

till further instructions could be received from Madrid. The

general sailed in September for Philadelphia."

In 1788, Don Martin Navarro, the intendant, left the province for Spain,

and we cannot deny him the credit of sagacity, in his last communication

to the king.

"Navarro's last communication to the king was a memorial which

he had prepared, by order of the minister, on the danger to be

apprehended by Spain, in her American colonies, from the

emancipation of the late British provinces on the Atlantic. In

this document, he dwells much on the ambition of the United

States, and their thirst for conquest; whose views he states to

be an extension of territory to the shores of the Pacific

ocean; and suggests the dismemberment of the western country,

by means of pensions and the grant of commercial privileges, as

the most proper means, in the power of Spain, to arrest the

impending danger. To effect this, was not, in his opinion, very

difficult. The attempt was therefore strongly recommended, as

success would greatly augment the power of Spain, and forever

arrest the progress of the United States to the west.

"It would not have been difficult for the King of Spain, at

this period, to have found, in Kentucky, citizens of the United

States ready to come into his views. The people of that

district met, this year, in a second convention, and agreed on

a petition to congress for the redress of their grievances--the

principal of which was, the occlusion of the Mississippi. Under

the apprehension that the interference of congress could not be

obtained, or might be fruitless, several expedients were talked

of, no one of which was generally approved; the people being

divided into no less than five parties, all of which had

different, if not opposite, views.

"The first was for independence of the United States, and the

formation of a new republic, unconnected with them, who was to

enter into a treaty with Spain.

"Another party was willing that the country should become a

part of the province of Louisiana, and submit to the admission

of the laws of Spain.

"A third desired a war with Spain, and the seizure of

New-Orleans.

"A fourth plan was to prevail on congress, by a show of

preparation for war, to extort from the cabinet of Madrid, what

it persisted in refusing.

"The last, as unnatural as the second, was to solicit France to

procure a retrocession of Louisiana, and extend her protection

to Kentucky."

We think the Don's scheme, for preventing the evils he anticipated,

altogether chimerical; but our author has more faith in it, and believes

"it would not have been difficult for the King of Spain, at this period,

to find, in Kentucky, citizens of the United States ready to come into

his views." We trust this is a mistake. The occlusion of the Mississippi

was the grievance they deplored. It is, however, worthy of our special

attention, that at the period when these matters were agitated in our

western country, our states were held together by the weak and

inefficient bonds of the old confederation, under which, state

selfishness and state pride, now called _state rights_, predominated

over the great and general interests of the Union; and the weaker

members were neglected, having no superintending, supreme federal power

to give an equal care and protection to every part. Our author

distinctly says, that "it was in the western part of the United States

that the inefficacy of the power of Congress was most complained of."

The present strength and prosperity of the west, are the fruits of our

"more perfect union," and the wisdom and gratitude of the west will

forever make it the friend and support of that Union.

We are now introduced to the Baron de Carondelet, a name which

afterwards became conspicuous in the History of Louisiana, and familiar

to the citizens of the United States. He was appointed governor of the

province, and entered upon his duties in 1792. "The sympathies and

partialities of the people of Louisiana began to manifest themselves

strongly in favour of the French patriots, principally in New-Orleans."

The Baron thought it to be his duty, especially as he was a native of

France, "to restrain excesses against monarchical government." He began

by stopping "the exhibition of certain martial dances and revolutionary

airs" at the theatre. He afterwards thought it necessary to adopt

stronger measures to suppress the growing inclination to popular

doctrines, and betook himself to the _custom of the country_, the

New-Orleans _common law_, or rather the law of its governors, _to ship

off the obnoxious persons_, without any form of trial or condemnation.

He caused six individuals to be arrested and confined in the fort, and

soon afterwards, "shipped them for Havana, where they were detained a

twelve month." This may be a very pretty military mode of getting rid of

disagreeable or troublesome people--the summary arrest--the fort--the

ship and banishment; but we cannot reconcile it to our notions of

liberty and law.

We pass over, as matters well known, the plans of _Genet_ at this

period, and the proceedings of the Baron to defeat them.--The Baron also

followed up, with great perseverance, "his favourite plan for the

separation of the western people from the Union," and he continued to do

so, subsequent to the ratification of the treaty between the United

States and Spain. The report made by _Power_, the Baron's agent, of the

dispositions of the western people, was altogether unpropitious to his

design. He, however, delayed the delivery of the posts, to which the

United States were entitled, under various pretences; still having the

separation in view. His proceedings to effect this object are detailed,

and will be read with interest. It is needless to say, that no ray of

success shone upon his enterprise. Power, the active agent of the

mischief, came very near to be tarred and feathered at Louisville, and

was afterwards arrested by General Wilkinson, at Detroit. The Baron must

have opened his eyes in astonishment at his egregious miscalculation of

the dispositions of the West, when Wilkinson informed him, "that the

people of Kentucky had proposed to him to raise an army of ten thousand

men to take New-Orleans in case of a rupture with Spain."

Our author gives a concise account of the cession of Louisiana by Spain

to France, and again by France to the United States. The negotiator by

whom the latter transfer was conducted, on the part of France, was M.

Marbois, and his work is the most satisfactory authority for the curious

details of that extraordinary proceeding. The general character of the

transaction, and the terms of purchase, are sufficiently known; but M.

Marbois lets us into some of the secrets of the negotiation, and of the

reasons which induced the first consul to part with this valuable

territory as soon as he had acquired it. We will be brief with them.

The cession of Louisiana by France to Spain in 1763, was not only, as we

have seen, a cause of violent discontent to the inhabitants of that

province, but was considered in all the maritime and commercial cities

of France, as impolitic and injurious; and a general wish prevailed to

recover the colony. This did not escape Bonaparte, who did not delay to

renew with the court of Madrid, a negotiation on the subject; having

also in view a diminution of the power of England, which was never out

of his mind. Profiting by the ascendancy he acquired by the victory of

Marengo, he easily persuaded the Prince of Peace to restore Louisiana to

France. This was done by a treaty made in October 1800. It was

stipulated that the surrender should be made six months after. The

treaty of 21st March 1801, renews these dispositions; but Louisiana

continued for some time longer under the dominion of Spain. The

differences between the United States and the French republic were

terminated by a convention at Paris, on 30th of September 1800; and on

the next day the treaty above mentioned with Spain was concluded at St.

Ildephonso. As the war between France and England still continued, the

cession of Louisiana to France was not made public; nor was possession

taken. This difficulty was not removed for some time. In October 1801,

preliminaries of peace were signed at London, followed up by the treaty

of Amiens in March 1802. In the following September General Victor was

appointed governor general of Louisiana; and Laussat the prefect sailed

for New-Orleans in January.

The retrocession of the province to France created much uneasiness and

alarm in the United States. The free navigation of the Mississippi

became daily of more importance, and it was apprehended that the French

would not be found as peaceable neighbours as the Spaniards. Every one

remembers the short and uneasy existence of the insincere peace of

Amiens. A renewal of the war was seen to be inevitable, and the American

cabinet perceived that, in such an event, France would postpone the

occupation of Louisiana. This state of things was justly thought to be

favourable to an arrangement with France on the subject of the deposit

at New-Orleans and the navigation of the river. Mr. Monroe was sent to

that country for this purpose, where Mr. Livingston, our minister, had

been pursuing it for many months; his overtures received little or no

attention. The debates in our senate are not forgotten, on the motion of

Mr. Ross; nor the prospect then in view of our taking by force of arms

what it was believed would never be gained by treaty. In the spring of

1803, war was clearly inevitable between France and England; and

Bonaparte knew that Louisiana, in that event, would be at the mercy of

his enemy. He at once determined to change his policy in regard to that

province, and to part with it, as the only means of saving it from

England. On the 10th of April 1803, he entered upon the execution of his

design, and called two counsellors to him, and addressed them "with that

vehemence and passion which he particularly manifested in political

affairs." He said he knew the full value of Louisiana, and had been

desirous of repairing the fault by which it was lost--that "a few lines

of a treaty have restored it to me, and I have scarcely recovered it

when I must expect to lose it." Looking to the strength it would give to

the United States, he said: "But if it escapes from me, it shall one

day cost dearer to those who oblige me to strip myself of it, than to

those to whom I wish to deliver it." After some remarks upon the naval

strength in the Gulf of Mexico, and the ease with which they might take

Louisiana, he added;--

"I think of ceding it to the United States. I can scarcely say

that I cede it to them, for it is not yet in our possession.

If, however, I leave the least time to our enemies, I shall

only transmit an empty title to those republicans whose

friendship I seek. They only ask of me one town in Louisiana,

but I already consider the colony as entirely lost, and it

appears to me that in the hands of this growing power, it will

be more useful to the policy and even to the commerce of

France, than if I should attempt to keep it."

The counsellors differed in their opinions, diametrically, each giving

his reasons at large. The first consul decided the question immediately;

he promptly declared, that

"Irresolution and deliberation are no longer in season. I

renounce Louisiana. It is not only New-Orleans that I will

cede, it is the whole colony without any reservation. I know

the price of what I abandon, and I have sufficiently proved the

importance that I attach to this province, since my first

diplomatic act with Spain had for its object the recovery of

it. I renounce it with the greatest regret. To attempt

obstinately to retain it would be folly. I direct you to

negotiate this affair with the envoys of the United States. Do

not even await the arrival of Mr. Monroe: have an interview

this very day with Mr. Livingston."

We hope and believe that one of the predictions of this luminous mind

will not be fulfilled, although we have lately seen some appearances of

its accomplishment.

"Perhaps it will also be objected to me, that the Americans may

be found too powerful for Europe in two or three centuries: but

my foresight does not embrace such remote fears. Besides, we

may hereafter expect rivalries among the members of the Union.

The confederations, that are called perpetual, only last till

one of the contracting parties finds it to its interest to

break them, and it is to prevent the danger, to which the

colossal power of England exposes us, that I would provide a

remedy."

"The conferences began the same day between Mr. Livingston and M. Barbe

Marbois, to whom the first consul confided the negotiation." Pending the

preliminary discussions, Mr. Monroe arrived at Paris; but even then Mr.

Livingston despaired of success, and said to Mr. Monroe, "I wish that

the resolution offered by Mr. Ross in the senate had been adopted. Only

force can give us New-Orleans; we must employ force; let us first get

possession of the country and negotiate afterwards." Mr. Livingston,

however, was happily mistaken. "The first difficulties," says M.

Marbois, "were smoothed by a circumstance which is rarely met with in

congresses and diplomatic conferences. The plenipotentiaries having been

long acquainted, were disposed to treat each other with confidence." The

negotiation, under such auspices, proceeded rapidly, but not without

some distrust on our part.

"Mr. Monroe, still affected by the distrust of his colleague,

did not hear without surprise the first overtures that were

frankly made by M. de Marbois. Instead of the cession of a

town and its inconsiderable territory, a vast portion of

America was in some sort offered to the United States. They

only asked for the mere right of navigating the Mississippi,

and their sovereignty was about to be extended over the largest

rivers of the world. They passed over an interior frontier to

carry their limits to the great Pacific ocean."

The termination of this important negotiation was as speedy and

satisfactory, as it has been and will be important in its consequences.

M. Marbois truly observes, "the cession of Louisiana was a certain

guarantee of the future greatness of the United States; and opposed an

insurmountable obstacle to any design formed by the English of becoming

predominant in America." In relation to the stipulations in the treaty,

that the inhabitants should be incorporated in the Union, and, in due

time, be admitted as a state, &c. M. Marbois records.

"The first consul, left to his natural disposition, was always

inclined to an elevated and generous justice. He himself

prepared the article which has been just recited. The words

which he employed on the occasion are recorded in the journal

of the negotiation, and deserve to be preserved. 'Let the

Louisianians know that we separate ourselves from them with

regret; that we stipulate in their favour every thing that they

can desire, and let them hereafter, happy in their

independence, recollect that they have been Frenchmen, and that

France, in ceding them, has secured for them advantages which

they could not have obtained from a European power, however

paternal it might have been. Let them retain for us sentiments

of affection; and may their common origin, descent, language,

and customs, perpetuate the friendship.'"

The arrangement being completed, M. Marbois says--"the following words

sufficiently acquaint us with the reflections which then influenced the

first consul. This accession of territory, said he, strengthens forever

the power of the United States, and I have just given to England a

maritime rival, that will sooner or later humble her pride."

We return to the History of Judge Martin, who describes the ceremonies

of delivering the colony to the United States. Some citizens of the

United States waved their hats, but "no emotion was manifested by any

other part of the crowd. The colonists did not appear conscious that

they were reaching the _Latium sedes ubi fata quietas ostendunt_."

We pass on to the year 1806, when the celebrated plot of Aaron Burr is

introduced. The president had received information of it, but not at

first with such certainty as warranted any steps to be taken against the

accused. General Wilkinson, then commanding in the west, afterwards made

communications to the president, "involving men distinguished for

integrity and patriotism; men of talents, honoured by the confidence of

the government, in the flagitious plot." The designs of Burr and his

associates were fully developed on his trial, and we need not repeat

them here; but the proceedings of General Wilkinson are not so generally

understood, and it is well that they should be. Nobody can be better

qualified than our historian to give the information, nor to obtain

implicit belief of all he narrates. We shall here see again that the old

practice of _shipping off_ obnoxious individuals was resorted to by a

military commander; as if there was something in the climate of

New-Orleans to excite men in power to this mode of punishment or

revenge. We cannot present these transactions better than in the

language of our author.

"On Sunday, the fourteenth, Dr. Erick Bollman was arrested by

order of Wilkinson, and hurried to a secret place of

confinement, and on the evening of the following day

application was made on his behalf, for a writ of habeas

corpus, to Sprigg, one of the territorial judges, who declined

acting, till he could consult Mathews, who could not then be

found. On the sixteenth, the writ was obtained from the

superior court; but Bollman was, in the meanwhile, put on board

of a vessel and sent down the river. On the same day,

application was made to Workman, the judge of the county of

Orleans, for a writ of habeas corpus, in favour of Ogden and

Swartwout, who had been arrested a few days before, by order of

Wilkinson, at Fort Adams, and were on board of a bomb ketch of

the United States lying before the city. Workman immediately

granted the writ, and called on Claiborne to inquire whether he

had assented to Wilkinson's proceedings: Claiborne replied he

had consented to the arrest of Bollman, and his mind was not

made up as to the propriety of that of Ogden and Swartwout.

Workman then expatiated on the illegality and evil tendency of

such measures, beseeching Claiborne not to permit them, but to

use his own authority, as the constitutional guardian of his

fellow-citizens, to protect them; but he was answered that the

executive had no authority to liberate those persons, and it

was for the judiciary to do it, if they thought fit. Workman

added, that he had heard that Wilkinson intended to ship off

his prisoners, and if this was permitted, writs of habeas

corpus would prove nugatory.

"From the alarm and terror prevalent in the city, the deputy

sheriff could procure no boat to take him on board of the

ketch, on the day the writ issued. This circumstance was made

known early on the next morning, to Workman, who thereupon

directed the deputy sheriff to procure a boat by the offer of a

considerable sum of money, for the payment of which he

undertook the county would be responsible. The writ was served

soon afterwards, and returned at five in the evening by

Commodore Shaw, and the commanding officer of the ketch,

Lieutenant Jones; Swartwout had been taken from the ketch

before the service of the writ. Ogden was produced and

discharged, as his detention was justified on the order of

Wilkinson only.

"On the eighteenth of December, Wilkinson returned the writ of

habeas corpus into the superior court, stating that, as

commander in chief of the army of the United States, he took on

himself all responsibility for the arrest of Erick Bollman,

charged with misprison of treason against the government of the

United States, and he had adopted measures for his safe

delivery to the government of the United States: that it was

after several conversations with the governor and one of the

judges of the territory, that he had hazarded this step for the

national safety, menaced to its basis by a lawless band of

traitors, associated under Aaron Burr, whose accomplices were

extended from New-York to New-Orleans: that no man held in

higher reverence the civil authorities of his country, and it

was to maintain and perpetuate the holy attributes of the

constitution, against the uplifted arm of violence, that he had

interposed the force of arms in a moment of the utmost peril,

to seize upon Bollman, as he should upon all others, _without

regard to standing or station_, against whom any proof might

arise of a participation in the lawless combination.

"This return was, afterwards, amended, by an averment that, at

the time of the service of the writ, Bollman was not in the

possession or power of the person to whom it was addressed.

"On the following day Ogden was arrested a second time by the

commanding officer of a troop of cavalry of the militia of the

territory, in the service of the United States, by whom

Alexander was also taken in custody; on the application of

Livingston, Workman issued writs of habeas corpus for both

prisoners.

"Instead of a return, Wilkinson sent a written message to

Workman, begging him to accept his return to the superior

court, as applicable to the two traitors, who were the subjects

of his writs. On this, Livingston procured from the court, a

rule that Wilkinson make a further and more explicit return to

the writs, or show cause why an attachment should not issue

against him.

"Workman now called again on Claiborne, and repeated his

observations, and recommended, that Wilkinson should be opposed

by force of arms. He stated, that the violent measures of that

officer had produced great discontent, alarm, and agitation, in

the public mind; and, unless such proceeding were effectually

opposed, all confidence in government would be at an end. He

urged Claiborne to revoke the order, by which he had placed the

Orleans volunteers under Wilkinson's command, and to call out

and arm the rest of the militia force, as soon as possible. He

stated it as his opinion, that the army would not oppose the

civil power, when constitutionally brought forth, or that, if

they did, the governor might soon have men enough to render the

opposition ineffectual. He added, that, from the laudable

conduct of Commodore Shaw and Lieutenant Jones, respecting

Ogden, he not only did not apprehend any resistance to the

civil authority from the navy, but thought they might be relied

on. Similar representations were made to Claiborne by Hall and

Mathews; but they were unavailing.

"On the twenty-sixth, Wilkinson made a second return to the

writ of habeas corpus, stating that the body of neither of the

prisoners was in his possession or control. On this, Livingston

moved for process of attachment.

"Workman now made an official communication to Claiborne. He

began by observing, that the late extraordinary events, which

had taken place within the territory, had led to a

circumstance, which authorized the renewal, in a formal manner,

of the request he had so frequently urged in conversation, that

the executive would make use of the constitutional force placed

under his command, to maintain the laws, and protect his

fellow-citizens against the unexampled tyranny exercised over

them.

"He added, it was notorious that the commander in chief of the

military forces had, by his own authority, arrested several

citizens for civil offences, and had avowed on record, that he

had adopted measures to send them out of the territory, openly

declaring his determination to usurp the functions of the

judiciary, by making himself the only judge of the guilt of the

persons he suspected, and asserting in the same manner, and as

yet without contradiction, that his measures were taken, after

several consultations with the governor.