[16] Epistolae Hoelianae, p. 405.
[17] Critical and Historical Dictionary, article Thorius.
[18] Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy, fol. p. 235.
[19] King James's Works, fol. p. 214.
[20] Hist. North America, vol. i. p. 322.--See also Hennepin's Voyages,
p. 93 et seq.
[21] Stith's Hist. of Virginia, p. 19.
[22] Sloan's Nat. Hist. Jamaica, vol. i. p. 147.
[23] This hiatus we are in some measure able to supply from a note in
the Appendix to Mrs. Thomson's Life of Ralegh, (Note B. Notices
concerning Tobacco by Dr. Thomson,) p. 458. "In the Mexican or Aztuk
tongue, it is called _yetle_; in Algonkin, _sema_; in the Huron,
_ayougoua_; in the Peruvian, it is _sayri_; in Chiquito, _pais_; in
Vilela, _tusup_; Albaja, _nalodagadi_; Moxo, _sabare_; Omagua, _potema_;
Tumanac, _cavai_; Mayhure, _jema_; and in the Cabre, _sena_. The other
synonymes are, _tabac_, in French; _tabak_, in German, Dutch, and
Polish; _tobak_, in Swedish and Danish; _tobaco_, Spanish and
Portuguese; and _tobacco_ in the Italian. In the Oriental languages,--it
is _tambacu_, in Hindostanee; _tamracutta_, in Sanscrit; _pogheielly_,
in Tamool; _tambracco_, in the Malay tongue; _tambracco_, in Javanese;
_doorkoole_, in Cingalese; and _bujjerhony_, in Arabic."
[24] Nat. Hist. Jam. vol. i. p. 147.
[25] Dr. Tobias Venner, in his "Treatise of Tobacco," at the end of his
curious old work, entitled, "Via recta ad longam vitam," says
humorously, that petum is the "fittest name that both we and other
nations may call it by, deriving it of peto, for it is far-fetched and
much desired." p. 386.
[26] This Harriot, or Herriot, was a distinguished mathematician, and
the instructer of Ralegh, in whom both himself and the celebrated
Richard Hakluyt, the industrious and indefatigable compiler of voyages,
found a liberal friend and patron.--Mrs. A. T. Thomson's Life of Sir W.
Ralegh, pp. 46 and 48.
[27] Stith, p. 17.
[28] "Le Cardinal de Sainte Croix, nonce en Portugal, et Nicholas
Tornabon, legat en France, l'introduisent en Italie ou elle recut les
noms d'herbe de Sainte Croix, et de Tornabonne; elle a encore porte
d'autres noms fondes sur des proprietes vraies ou supposees, ou sur la
haute idee qu'on avait de ses vertus: c'est ainsi qu'on l'a appelee
Buglose ou Panacee Antarctique, Herbe Sainte ou Sacree, Herbe a tous
maux, Jusquiame du Peron," &c. &c. Dictionnaire des Sciences Medicales,
Art. Tabac, par Mons. Merat.
[29] Article Santa Croce, where they are attributed to Victor Duranti.
[30] M. Merat ut supra.
[31] Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, p. 62.
[32] Robertson's Hist. of America, vol. iv. p. 97.
[33] It is said that Ralegh used to give smoking parties at his house,
where his guests were treated with nothing but a pipe, a mug of ale, and
a nutmeg.--Thomson's Life of Ralegh, p. 471.
[34] Ralph Lane was lieutenant of the fleet of Sir Richard Grenville,
which had been sent to Virginia by Sir Walter Ralegh, in 1585, where he
was made governor.--Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 251.
[35] Camden has the following passage: "Et hi reduces," speaking of
those survivers who were carried home by Drake, "Indicam illam plantam,
quam tabaccam vocant et nicotiam, qua contra cruditates, ab Indis
edocti, usi erant, in Angliam primi quod sciam, intulerunt. Ex illo sane
tempore usu coepit esse creberrimo, et magno pretio, dum quamplurimi
graveolentem illius fumum, alii lascivientes, alii valetudini
consulentes, per tubulum testaceum inexplebili aviditate passim hauriunt
et mox e naribus efflant; adeo ut tabernae tabacanae non minus quam
cervisiariae et vinariae," beer-houses and grog-shops, we presume, "passim
per oppida habeantur. Ut Anglorum corpora (quod salse ille dixit) qui
hac planta tantopere delectantur in barbarorum naturam degenerasse
videantur; cum iisdem quibus barbari delectentur et sanari se posse
credant."--Camdeni Ann. Rer. Anglican. p. 415.
[36] These valuables are thus described in a note to Cayley's Life of
Sir Walter Ralegh, vol. i. p. 81. "Among Thoresby's artificial
curiosities, we have Sir W. Ralegh's tobacco-box, as it was called, but
is rather the case for the glass wherein it was preserved, which was
surrounded with small wax candles of various colours. This is of gilded
leather, like a muff-case, about half a foot broad and thirteen inches
high, and hath cases for sixteen pipes in it.--Ducatus Leodensis, fol.
1715, p. 485."
[37] Ralegh is believed to have introduced the culture of the potato, as
well as tobacco, into Ireland. The latter on his own estate at Youghal,
in the county of Cork.
[38] Universal Geography, vol. iii. p. 223.
[39] Appendix, p. 466.
[40] King James's Works, fol. from page 214 to 222.
[41] Naturall and Morall Historie of the Indies, p. 289.
[42] Silva Silvarum--Lassitude.
[43] History of life and death. Lord Bacon's Works, vol. iii. p. 377.
[44] Howell's Epist. Hoel. or Familiar Letters, p. 405.
[45] In the TEXNODAMIA or Marriage of the Arts, by Barten Holiday, 1680,
there is a singular poem on the subject of Tobacco, where, in successive
stanzas, if is compared to a musician, a lawyer, a physician, a
traveller, a crittike, an ignis fatuus, and a whyffler. Beloe's
Sketches, vol. ii. p. 10.
[46] Notes on Virginia, pp. 278, 279.
[47] Davies' Hist. of the Carriby Islands, fol. p. 192.
[48] Ramazzini also says that the breath of those who labour at tobacco
is intolerably offensive, "efficit, ut tabacariarum semper foeteant
animae."
[49] "Tanta enim ex illa tritura partium tenuim," says Ramazzini,
"aestate praesertim, diffunditur exhalatio, ut tota vicinia tabaci odorem,
non sine querimonia, et nausea persentiat."
[50] Puellam hebraeam novi, quae tota die explicandas placentas istas ex
tabaco incumbens, magnum ad vomitum irritamentum sentiebat, et
frequenter alvi subductiones patiebatur, mihique narrabat, vasa
hemorroidalia multum sanguinis profudisse, cum super placentas illas
sederet.
[51] Tourtel, in his Elemens d'Hygiene tom. ii. p. 410, assures us it is
very dangerous to sleep in tobacco magazines. He cites an observation of
Buchoz, who says that a little girl, five years old, was seized with
frightful vomitings, and expired in a very short time from this sole
cause.
[52] This memoir is entitled "Influence du tabac sur la sante des
ouvriers," and is published in the "Annales d'hygiene publique et de
medecine legale," first volume, April, 1829--p. 169.
[53] Mather's Christian Philosopher, p. 128.
[54] M. Merat.
[55] Rush's Essays, p. 261.
[56] Flore Medicale, tom. six. p. 205.
[57] Journey from Constantinople to England, p. 4.
[58] Dictionnaire des Sciences Medicales. Art. Tabac.
[59] Essays, p. 267.
[60] Brodie, Macartney, &c. See also Nancrede's Orfila, p. 289.
[61] Materia Medica, vol. ii. p. 197.
[62] Mat. Med. vol. ii. p. 198.
[63] Essays, p. 271.
[64] Hist. N. America, vol. i. p. 322.
[65] Rush's Works, vol. i. p. 167.
[66] Essays, p. 270.
[67] Macnish's Anatomy of Drunkenness, p. 83.
[68] "Qu'on ne pense pas, malgre l'usage immense et presque general du
tabac, qu'il n'y ait aucun inconvenient a s'en servir. Les auteurs
rapportent des faits qui prouvent le contraire, et sans ajouter foi a ce
que raconte Borrichius (dans un lettre ecrite a Bartholin) d'une
personne qui s'etait tellement desseche le cerveau a force de prendre du
tabac, qu'apres sa mort, on ne lui trouva dans le crane, au lieu
d'encephale, qu'un petit grumeau noir; ni meme a ce que dit Simon Pauli,
que ceux qui fument trop de tabac ont le cerveau et la crane tout noirs,
nonplus qu'a l'assertion de Van Helmont qui a vu, affirme-t-il, un
estomac teint enjaune par la vapeur du tabac; tout le monde sait qu'il
affaiblit l'odorat par suite de ses irritations repetees sur la membrane
olfactive, qu'il nuit a l'integrite du gout, parce qu'il en passe
toujours un peu dans la bouche et jusque sur la langue. Ce que l'on
n'ignore pas nonplus c'est qu'il derange la memoire, la rends moins
nette, moins entiere; il produit de plus des vertiges, des cephalees et
meme l'apoplexie."--_Dictionnaire des Sciences Medicales, art. Tabac._
[69] Orfila's Toxicology, p. 291.
[70] Essays, p. 265.
[71] M. Merat.
[72] Sketches of Literature and Scarce books, vol. ii. p. 130.
[73] Mr. Brodigan, in his treatise on the tobacco plant, quotes
Herodotus, Strabo, Pomponius Mela, and Solinus, to prove that _tobacco_
was smoked in very ancient times, but the passages merely go to show
that the smoking of _herbs_ was common.
[74] Venner gives ten precepts on the manner in which tobacco is to be
used, and afterwards summarily rehearses the consequences to all who use
it contrary to the order and way he sets down; viz. that "it drieth the
brain, dimmeth the sight, vitiateth the smell, dulleth and dejecteth
both the appitite and stomach, destroyeth the concoction, disturbeth the
humours and spirits, corrupteth the breath, induceth a trembling of the
limbs, exsiccateth the wind-pipe, lungs, and liver, annoyeth the milt,
scorcheth the heart, and causeth the blood to be adusted. Moreover it
eliquateth the pinguie substance of the kidneys, and absumeth the
geniture. In a word, it overthroweth the spirits, perverteth the
understanding, and confoundeth the sences with a sudden astonishment and
stupiditie of the whole body." Via recta ad longam vitam. p. 404.
[75] Christian Philosopher, p. 136.
[76] Materia Medica, vol. ii. p. 196.
[77] In many parts of Europe it is almost impossible for a tobacco
chewer to be regarded as a gentleman.
[78] The fashionable snuff-taker was formerly accustomed to dip up the
snuff with a little spoon or ladle, "which ever and anon he gave his
nose."
[79] Natural Hist. Jam. vol. i. p. 147.
ART. VII.--_Voyages and Discoveries of the Companions of Columbus._ By
WASHINGTON IRVING: Philadelphia: Carey & Lea: 1831.
When we noticed, three years since, a former production of Mr. Irving,
we took occasion to express an opinion of its merits, which has been
fully confirmed. No work of the present era appears to have afforded
more general and unmingled gratification to its readers, than his Life
of Columbus; and he has received, in the approbation, not only of his
own countrymen, but of Europeans, the most gratifying reward an author
can desire. The fame which he had acquired, and that most justly, by the
happy works of fiction in which he was introduced to the public, is now
changed into one of higher character; and he becomes entitled to take
his stand among those writers who have done more than amuse the fancy,
or even gratify the heart. He is to be classed with the historians of
great events; for if the period of which he has treated is limited, or
the persons whose actions he has described are not numerous, yet the one
included within it, short as it was, circumstances that have produced an
effect which long ages have not always surpassed in importance or
wonderful consequences; and the others embrace individuals whose actions
have more deeply affected the human race than many of the revolutions of
great and populous nations.
Having these feelings in regard to the former work of Mr. Irving, we
open the present volume with mingled apprehension and pleasure. We
rejoice that we are to follow again the same guide in adventurous
voyages among the clustering Antilles; but we almost fear that the
narrative may want much of that interest, novelty, and beauty, which
make the story of Columbus among the most attractive ever recorded. The
followers of the Admiral were, it is true, brave, adventurous, gallant
men; the skies beneath which they sailed were as blue, clear, and
tranquil as when he first admired their delightful serenity; the islands
they visited were as flowery and as fertile as when they first blessed
the sight of the enterprising sailor; if the iron hand of Christian
civilization had, here and there, broken down the gentle and benevolent
spirit of the naked beings who wandered through a life of inglorious
bliss, in their remote and peaceful regions, there were yet haunts
undiscovered where they might roam in undisturbed security--there were
yet bays over which they might dart unobstructed their light
canoes--green and shady forests beneath which they might chant their
songs, and rich valleys not yet searched for gold. But yet with all
this, he, the master spirit, is no longer among the voyagers. There is
no longer the novelty of a vast discovery. The way has been opened by
the daring pioneer, and we are now only to follow in the plain track his
genius conceived, discovered, and marked out. We can merely watch the
footsteps of those who followed the triumphal chariot; the hero of the
ovation has already passed along, and our eyes are still dazzled with
his splendour--our minds are still filled with admiration of his genius,
his enterprise, his undaunted and noble spirit. We are to turn from
those loftier efforts of human intellect and perseverance, which mark,
now and then, a human being, as a beacon in the midst of his fellow men,
to the more common, though it is true, the bold and spirited adventures
which attend the fortunes of many in the career of life. The story of
these adventures is indeed full of interest, but it is an interest less
in degree; and we can no more venture to compare it with that which
attends the actions and fortunes of him who seeks and finds a new world,
than we can compare the patient inquirer, who nightly searches through
his telescope for new stars in the vast firmament, with him who
proclaimed and proved the theory of the universe--than we can see in
every military exploit of Parmenio and Seleucus, the master spirit that
planned and effected the subjugation of the world.
Yet the pen which has described with so much felicity the life of
Columbus, cannot fail to impart great attraction to an account of those
who followed in the career they had commenced with him; who were
emboldened by the energy they had witnessed, and the success in which
they had partaken; and who completed the discovery of those regions,
which he was permitted scarcely to see, and of whose vast extent he had
no conception. While they were yet his associates, these voyagers had
become acquainted with the pearl fisheries of Paria and Cubaga; they
learned to believe that they had approached the confines of the golden
regions of the east, described by the ancients in glowing colours; and
they had heard something of a vast ocean to the south, in which they
expected to find the oriental islands of spice and perfumes. All that
they thus collected from tradition or partial observation, they
treasured up to form the groundwork of schemes for future adventures,
which they might pursue for the purposes of individual gain, or from
motives of individual ambition, when no longer sailing under the ensign
of their great commander. The more selfish objects of these exploits,
their want of connexion with the lofty views that inspired Columbus, the
comparatively small scale on which they were conducted, gave to them a
sort of daring and chivalrous character, which much resembles the
warfare of the predatory nobles of Europe during the middle ages. While
they were as far removed from the treacherous rapine of the buccaneers,
as the inroads of the armed bands of knights were from the secret
attacks of the robber and assassin; they were yet the offspring of
personal interest, and were distinguished by innumerable incidents of
personal valour. They offered new fields where the burning desire for
romantic achievement might be gratified; and the old spirit of Castile,
which no longer found scope among the fastnesses of Andalusia, or the
rich valleys of Granada, was delighted to embark on the waves of an
ocean scarcely known, and to seek beyond it wealth and glory in golden
regions, of which the discovery had already made one man the object of
unmingled admiration and applause.
Of these voyagers, the first to whom Mr. Irving directs our attention is
_Alonzo de Ojeda_--a man whose daring exploits, enterprising spirit, and
headlong valour, cannot be forgotten by those who have already read the
History of Columbus. He was his companion in the second voyage, and, it
may be remembered, attracted the admiration of the bold cacique Caonabo,
who paid that reverence to his undaunted prowess, which he refused to
the superior rank of Columbus. Whether his restless and ambitious spirit
could not bear the control of a superior, or whether he had formed,
during the voyage he had made, some plan of individual enterprise, he
did not accompany the admiral in his subsequent expeditions. He could
not, however, long endure the irksome life of a courtier; and he could
less bear to hear, without desiring to partake of the discoveries which
were announced by every returning vessel, of new coasts and islands,
abounding with drugs, spices, precious stones, and pearls, said to
surpass in size and clearness those gathered in the East. Through the
influence of a relative, he obtained the patronage of the bishop Don
Juan Rodriguez Fonseca, who had the chief management of the affairs of
the Indies, and was permitted to fit out an expedition to visit any
territories in the new world, except such as appertained to Portugal, or
such as had been discovered in the name of Spain previous to the year
1495. The latter part of the exception being craftily intended to leave
open to him the coast and pearl fisheries of Paria, notwithstanding the
rights reserved to Columbus. Destitute of wealth, the young adventurer
contrived, by his reputation for boldness and enterprise, and by his
confident promises of rich rewards, to obtain money from the merchants
of Seville. He united with him as associates, _Juan de la Cosa_, a hardy
veteran who had already navigated the new seas with the admiral, and
_Amerigo Vespucci_, who seems then to have been distinguished by little
but a roving disposition and a broken fortune, but who is now known from
the accident which has forever attached his name to the discoveries of
Columbus.
Ojeda sailed from Port St. Mary on the 20th of May 1499; he reached land
on the coast of Surinam; thence he steered along the shore of South
America, passed and beheld with wonder the mouths of the mighty rivers
that there flow into the Atlantic, and first landed among the natives on
the island of Trinidad. He then kept his course along the coast of Terra
Firma, until he arrived at Maracapana, where he unloaded and careened
his vessels, and built a small brigantine. He found the natives
hospitable and well disposed, but differing greatly in character from
the gentle and peaceful inhabitants of the islands within the gulf. They
were tall, well made, and vigorous; expert with the bow, the lance, and
the buckler, and ready for the wars in which they delighted to engage.
The martial spirit of Ojeda was soon roused, and he readily proffered
his aid to the savages, in an expedition against a hostile tribe of
cannibals, in a neighbouring island. As soon as his ships were refitted,
he attacked and defeated, with great slaughter, the savage warriors,
who, decorated with coronets of gaudy plumes, their bodies painted, and
armed with bows, arrows, and lances, gallantly met and resolutely fought
him on the beach. He then pursued his voyage along the coast, passed the
island of Curacoa, and penetrated into the deep gulf to the south. On
the eastern shore he found an Indian village which struck him with
surprise. The houses were built on piles, and the communication was
carried on in canoes. From these resemblances to the Italian city, he
called it Venezuela, or little Venice, a name it still bears, and which
is now extended to the bay and the province around. The natives made a
treacherous attack on Ojeda, but manning his boats, the gallant Spaniard
charged among the thickest of the enemy, and soon drove them to the
shore, whence they fled into the woods. Not desiring to cause useless
irritation, he continued his voyage as far as the port of Maracaibo,
which still retains its Indian name. In the territory beyond, called
Coquibacoa, he found a gentler race of inhabitants, who received the
Spaniards with delight, and solicited them to visit their towns.
"Ojeda, in compliance with their entreaties, sent a detachment
of twenty-seven Spaniards on a visit to the interior. For nine
days they were conducted from town to town, and feasted and
almost idolized by the Indians, who regarded them as angelic
beings, performing their national dances and games, and
chanting their traditional ballads for their entertainment.
"The natives of this part were distinguished for the symmetry
of their forms; the females in particular appeared to the
Spaniards to surpass all others that they had yet beheld in the
new world for grace and beauty; neither did the men evince, in
the least degree, that jealousy which prevailed in other parts
of the coast.
"By the time the Spaniards set out on their return to the ship,
the whole country was aroused, pouring forth its population,
male and female, to do them honour. Some bore them in litters
or hammocks, that they might not be fatigued with the journey,
and happy was the Indian who had the honour of bearing a
Spaniard on his shoulders across a river. Others loaded
themselves with the presents that had been bestowed on their
guests, consisting of rich plumes, weapons of various kinds,
and tropical birds and animals. In this way they returned in
triumphant procession to the ships, the woods and shores
resounding with their songs and shouts.
"Many of the Indians crowded into the boats that took the
detachment to the ships; others put off in canoes, or swam from
shore, so that in a little while the vessels were thronged with
upwards of a thousand wondering natives. While gazing and
marvelling at the strange objects around them, Ojeda ordered
the cannon to be discharged, at the sound of which, says
Vespucci, the Indians 'plunged into the water like so many
frogs from a bank.' Perceiving, however, that it was done in
harmless mirth, they returned on board, and passed the rest of
the day in great festivity. The Spaniards brought away with
them several of the beautiful and hospitable females from this
place, one of whom, named by them Isabel, was much prized by
Ojeda, and accompanied him in a subsequent voyage."
Leaving these friendly Indians, Ojeda pursued his way along the coast to
the westward, until he reached cape de la Vela. During his long voyage
he had been disappointed in finding the ready treasures of gold and
pearls which he had expected, and now, wearied with his fruitless
efforts, and embarrassed by the crazy state of his vessels, he resolved
reluctantly to return to Spain. On his way, he stopped, in spite of the
clause in his commission, at Hispaniola, to cut dye-wood, but was
prevented by the governor, and obliged to set sail. He then cruised
among the islands, and seizing the natives, carried them home to sell
for slaves. He reached Cadiz in June, 1500, but so unproductive was his
expedition, that it is said, after the expenses were paid, but five
hundred ducats remained to be divided among fifty-five adventurers.
The private enterprise of Ojeda did not fail to excite the same spirit
among other followers of Columbus, who remained in Spain. He had been
scarcely a month gone, before _Pedro Alonzo Nino_, who had been the
pilot of the admiral on his first voyage, set out from Palos with
_Christoval Guerra_, the brother of a Sevillian merchant who supplied
the outfit. The vessel of these bold adventurers was but a bark of fifty
tons, the crew but thirty-three men--yet with the daring spirit of the
Spanish sailors of those days, they embarked fearlessly and joyfully to
explore barbarous shores and unknown seas. Reaching the coasts of Paria
and Cumana, they carried on for some time a profitable commerce with the
natives, from whom they obtained pearls and gold in exchange for glass
beads and other trinkets; but falling in at length with tribes less
peaceful, and not, like Ojeda, enjoying warlike renown as much as
profitable traffic, they returned to Spain after an absence of ten
months, and making fewer discoveries but more profit than had yet
resulted from any voyage across the Atlantic.
In the month of December of the same year, 1499, _Vicente, Yanez
Pinzon_, one of the three brave men of that family who aided Columbus in
his first voyage, but who had since remained in Spain, owing to the
difference that arose between his brother and the admiral, embarked with
two of his nephews, sons of Martin Alonzo, in an armament consisting of
four caravels, from the port of Palos, the cradle of American discovery.
Carried by a storm south of the equator, they were perplexed with the
new aspect of the heavens, and it was not till the 28th of January,
1500, that they were consoled by the sight of land. The headland they
saw, now known as cape St. Augustin, the most prominent point of Brazil,
they named Santa Maria de la Consolacion. They found the natives warlike
and inhospitable, treating with haughty contempt the hawks' bills and
trinkets which were exhibited to them; and Pinzon and his weary
messmates were fain to pursue their voyages, amid occasional conflicts
whenever they landed, along the shores that stretched to the north. He
discovered the mouth of the vast river of the Amazons, visited a number
of fresh and verdant islands lying within it, and thence passing the
gulf of Paria, made his way directly to Hispaniola. From there, sailing
to the Bahamas, he encountered a violent storm, and sustained so much
damage that he returned to Spain.
Scarcely had Pinzon sailed from Palos, when he was followed by his
townsman _Diego de Lepe_. Of his voyage, however, but little is known,
except that he doubled cape St. Augustin, and enjoyed for ten years the
reputation of having extended his discoveries farther south than any
other voyager.
In October following, soon after the return of Ojeda, a wealthy notary
of Seville, by name _Rodrigo de Bastides_, desirous of speculating in
the new El Dorado, engaged the services of the veteran pilot and
companion of Ojeda, Juan de la Cosa, and set out with two caravels in
quest of gold and pearls. They continued the discoveries along Terra
Firma, from cape de la Vela, where Ojeda had stopped, to the port
afterwards called Nombre de Dios; they treated the natives kindly, and
acquired rich cargoes; but unfortunately their vessels were cast away on
the coast of Hispaniola, and the crews were forced to travel on foot to
the city of St. Domingo, provided only with a small store of trinkets
and other articles of Indian traffic, with which to buy provisions on
the road. The moment Bastides made his appearance, he was seized as an
illicit trader by the governor Bobadilla, the oppressor and superseder
of Columbus, and sent for trial to Spain. He was there acquitted, and
his voyage was so lucrative, that he had considerable profit after all
his misfortunes.
The reports of these successive adventures were not heard by Ojeda, who
had continued to linger about the bishop of Fonseca, without reanimating
his bold spirit. He found numbers ready to listen to his wonderful
stories, and embark in his wild expeditions; he found others who desired
to increase their wealth, by aiding him with the means to renew them.
The king made him governor of the province of Coquibacoa, which he had
discovered; and in 1502 he again set sail, with four vessels well fitted
out. Arriving at his new government, he selected a bay which he named
Santa Cruz, but which is supposed to be that now called Bahia Honda, as
the site of a settlement, and commenced at once the erection of a
fortress. Before long, however, dissensions broke out between him and
some of his principal companions, which ended in his being seized by the
latter, accused as a defaulter to the crown of Spain, and thrown into
irons. The whole community then set sail with their former chief for St.
Domingo. They arrived at the island of Hispaniola, and while at anchor
within a stone's throw of the land, Ojeda, confident of his strength and
skill as a swimmer, let himself quietly down the side of the ship during
the night, and tried to gain the shore. His arms were free, but his feet
were shackled, and the weight of the irons threatened to sink him. He
was obliged to call for help; a boat was sent from the ship; and the
unfortunate governor, half drowned, was restored to captivity. He was
tried at San Domingo and condemned, but appealing to the sovereign, was
afterwards acquitted. The long litigation, however, exhausted his
fortune, and he again found himself a ruined man.
If ruined, however, he was yet in the vigour of his years, and his
spirit was undaunted. He still yearned for the gold of Terra Firma. All
he wanted was money to fit out an armament. In this difficulty he was
aided by an old and tried friend. Juan de la Cosa, the hardy pilot of
Columbus, and the companion of Ojeda in his first voyage, and
subsequently of Rodrigo de Bastides, had remained in Hispaniola, and
contrived to fill his purse in subsequent cruises among the islands. The
friends united together, and applied to the crown of Spain for a grant
of territory and command on Terra Firma. A similar application was made
about the same time by Diego de Nicuesa, an accomplished courtier of
noble birth.--
"Nature, education, and habit, seemed to have combined to form
Nicuesa as a complete rival of Ojeda. Like him he was small of
stature, but remarkable for symmetry and compactness of form,
and for bodily strength and activity; like him he was master at
all kinds of weapons, and skilled, not merely in feats of
agility, but in those graceful and chivalrous exercises, which
the Spanish cavaliers of those days had inherited from the
Moors; being noted for his vigour and address in the jousts or
tilting matches after the Moresco fashion. Ojeda himself could
not surpass him in feats of horsemanship, and particular
mention is made of a favourite mare, which he could make caper
and carricol in strict cadence to the sound of a viol; beside
all this, he was versed in the legendary ballads or romances of
his country, and was renowned as a capital performer on the
guitar! Such were the qualifications of this candidate for a
command in the wilderness, as enumerated by the reverend Bishop
Las Casas. It is probable, however, that he had given evidence
of qualities more adapted to the desired post; having already
been out to Hispaniola in the military train of the late
Governor Ovando."
King Ferdinand found some difficulty in deciding between the claims of
candidates whose merits were so singularly balanced; he ultimately
divided that part of the continent lying along the isthmus, and
extending from cape de la Vela to cape Gracias a Dios, into two
provinces, separated by the bay of Uraba, which is at the head of the
gulf of Darien. Of these provinces, the eastern was assigned to Ojeda,
the western to Nicuesa.
The armaments of the rival governors met in the port of St. Domingo. It
was not long before cause of collision arose between two men, both
possessed of such swelling spirits. They quarrelled about the boundaries
of their governments, and the province of Darien was boldly claimed by
each.--
"Their disputes on these points ran so high, that the whole
place resounded with them. In talking, however, Nicuesa had the
advantage; having been brought up in the court, he was more
polished and ceremonious, had greater self-command, and
probably perplexed his rival governor in argument. Ojeda was no
great casuist, but he was an excellent swordsman, and always
ready to fight his way through any question of right or dignity
which he could not clearly argue with the tongue; so he
proposed to settle the dispute by single combat. Nicuesa,
though equally brave, was more a man of the world, and saw the
folly of such arbitrament. Secretly smiling at the heat of his
antagonist, he proposed as a preliminary to the duel, and to
furnish something worth fighting for, that each should deposit
five thousand castillanos, to be the prize of the victor. This,
as he foresaw, was a temporary check upon the fiery valour of
his rival, who did not possess a pistole in his treasury; but
probably was too proud to confess it."
How long the poverty of Ojeda could have kept down his fiery spirit, we
may doubt. Fortunately he had in his companion, the brave Juan de la
Cosa, a friend who could control him, as well as follow and support him.
Juan reconciled, at least for a time, the quarrel of the rival
governors, and it was agreed that the river Darien should be the
boundary of their provinces. Things being thus arranged, Ojeda was
anxious to set sail; he still, however, wanted pecuniary assistance to
complete his equipment; though careless of money himself, he seems to
have had a facility in commanding the purses of his neighbours; and on
this occasion he found, in a quarter, where perhaps he could scarce have
expected it, both personal and pecuniary aid. There lived at San
Domingo, the bachelor _Martin Fernandez de Enciso,_ a shrewd lawyer, who
had contrived to accumulate a considerable fortune by the litigation
which already flourished in the New World. He was dazzled by the visions
of unbounded wealth, he was promised the lofty office and title of
Alcalde Mayor, and in an evil hour the worthy bachelor united in the
enterprise of Ojeda, in search of fame and fortune. It was determined
that he should stay at St. Domingo till he could collect a larger store
of provisions and more men; and then follow his partner, who set sail
without delay. The armament of Nicuesa still remained in port; for that
gallant cavalier, notwithstanding his challenge to his rival, had
exhausted all the money he could raise; he was even threatened with a
prison; and it was not till some time after his rival had sailed, that
he was enabled by unexpected assistance to embark.
In the month of November 1509, Ojeda reached the harbour of Cartagena,
in his new province. In addition to Juan de la Cosa, he had as a
companion _Francisco Pizarro_, who afterwards conquered Peru. The
former, knowing from previous voyages the savage character of the
natives, advised Ojeda not to stop there, but to proceed to the bay of
Uraba. Such advice was useless to a proud warrior, who despised a naked
and a savage foe. Having failed to keep his commander from danger, the
faithful Juan could only stand by to aid him. Ojeda, who was a good
Catholic, thought that he performed a pious duty in reducing the savages
to the dominion of the king and the knowledge of the true faith. He
carried as a protecting relic a small painting of the Holy Virgin; he
summoned the Indians in the name of the Pope, and he assured them in
the most solemn terms that they were the lawful subjects of the
sovereigns of Castile.
"On landing, he advanced towards the savages, and ordered the
friars to read aloud a certain formula, which had recently been
digested by profound jurists and divines in Spain. It began in
stately form. 'I, Alonzo de Ojeda, servant of the most high and
mighty sovereigns of Castile and Leon, conquerors of barbarous
nations, their messenger and captain, do notify unto you, and
make you know, in the best way I can, that God our Lord, one
and eternal, created the heaven and the earth, and one man and
one woman, from whom you and we, and all the people of the
earth proceeded, and are descendants, as well as all those who
shall come hereafter.' The formula then went on to declare the
fundamental principles of the Catholic Faith; the supreme power
given to St. Peter over the world and all the human race, and
exercised by his representative the pope; the donation made by
a late pope of all this part of the world and all its
inhabitants, to the Catholic sovereigns of Castile; and the
ready obedience which had already been paid by many of its
lands and islands and people to the agents and representatives
of those sovereigns. It called upon those savages present,
therefore, to do the same, to acknowledge the truth of the
Christian doctrines, the supremacy of the pope, and the
sovereignty of the Catholic King, but, in case of refusal, it
denounced upon them all the horrors of war, the desolation of
their dwelling, the seizure of their property, and the slavery
of their wives and children. Such was the extraordinary
document, which, from this time forward, was read by the
Spanish discoverers to the wondering savages of any newly-found
country, as a prelude to sanctify the violence about to be
inflicted on them."
The pious manifesto was uttered in vain to the warlike savages: they
brandished their weapons, and Ojeda, after a short prayer to the Virgin,
had to discard the parchment, brace up his armour, and charge the foe at
the head of his followers. He was not long in defeating his naked
enemies, who fled into the forests. Juan de la Cosa again tried his
influence with his commander, and urged him to desist from pursuit. It
was in vain. Ojeda, with Juan faithfully at his side, rushed madly on
through the mazes of unknown woods. The Indians rallied and waylaid the
imprudent Spaniards. It was in vain that Ojeda inspired them with fresh
courage by the example of his undaunted prowess. Numbers prevailed; the
weapons of the savages were steeped in a deadly poison; and one after
one the invaders were left dead. Among those who fell was the brave Juan
de la Cosa; and a Spaniard, who was near him when he died, was the only
surviver of seventy that had followed Ojeda in his rash and headlong
inroad.
For days those who remained at the ships waited the arrival of their
companions. They searched the woods and shouted along the shore, but
they could hear no signal from them. What was their surprise one day, at
catching in a thicket of mangrove trees, a glimpse of a man in Spanish
attire. They entered, and found the unfortunate Ojeda; he lay on the
matted roots of the trees; he was speechless, wan, and wasted; but his
hand still grasped his sword. They restored him with wine and a warm
fire; he recounted the story of his rash expedition; of his struggles
among rocks and forests to reach the shore; and he bitterly reproached
himself with the death of his faithful companion. While the crowd of
Spaniards were yet on the beach administering to the recovery of their
commander, they beheld steering into the harbour, a squadron of ships,
which they soon recognised as that of Nicuesa. Ojeda recollected at once
his quarrel; his valiant spirit was quelled by the hardships he had
suffered; he feared to meet his rival; and he directed his followers to
leave him concealed in the woods until the disposition of Nicuesa should
be known.--
"As the squadron entered the harbour, the boats sallied forth
to meet it. The first inquiry of Nicuesa was concerning Ojeda.
The followers of the latter replied, mournfully, that their
commander had gone on a warlike expedition into the country,
but days had elapsed without his return, so that they feared
some misfortune had befallen him. They entreated Nicuesa,
therefore, to give his word, as a cavalier, that should Ojeda
really be in distress, he would not take advantage of his
misfortunes to revenge himself for their late disputes.
"Nicuesa, who was a gentleman of noble and generous spirit,
blushed with indignation at such a request. 'Seek your
commander instantly,' said he; 'bring him to me if he be alive;
and I pledge myself not merely to forget the past, but to aid
him as if he were a brother.'
"When they met, Nicuesa received his late foe with open arms.
'It is not,' said he, 'for Hidalgos, like men of vulgar souls,
to remember past differences when they behold one another in
distress. Henceforth, let all that has occurred between us be
forgotten. Command me as a brother. Myself and my men are at
your orders, to follow you wherever you please, until the
deaths of Juan de la Cosa and his comrades are revenged.'
"The spirits of Ojeda were once more lifted up by this gallant
and generous offer. The two governors, no longer rivals, landed
four hundred of their men and several horses, and set off with
all speed for the fatal village. They approached it in the
night, and, dividing their forces into two parties, gave orders
that not an Indian should be taken alive."
Dreadful indeed was the carnage, and fierce the vengeance the two
commanders wreaked upon the natives. Having sacked the village, they
left it a smoking ruin, and returned in triumph to their ships. The
spoil, which was great, was divided among the followers of each
governor, and they now parted with many expressions of friendship,
Nicuesa proceeding westward to his province.
Ojeda did not long continue at a spot so fatal. He proceeded along the
coast, and at length selected a height on the east side, at the entrance
of the gulf of Darien, as the place for his town, which he named St.
Sebastian. He immediately erected a fortress to defend himself against
the natives, and considering this as his permanent seat of government,
despatched a ship to Hispaniola, with a letter to the bachelor Enciso,
requesting him to join the colony with the provisions and men he had
collected. In the meanwhile, those who remained soon exhausted the
stores they had, and were reduced to great want. They were fortunately
relieved by the arrival of a vessel commanded by _Bernardo de_
_Talavera_, a reckless adventurer, who being threatened with
imprisonment by his creditors in St. Domingo, had persuaded a set of
men, as reckless as himself, to seize by force a vessel, lying off shore
loaded with provisions, and join the new colony. While the supply
brought by Talavera lasted, Ojeda was able to pacify his murmuring
companions, and to persuade them peacefully to await the arrival of
Enciso. When this however was exhausted, and famine threatened them,
they became outrageous in their clamours, and Ojeda was compelled, as
the only means of appeasing them, to agree to go himself to St. Domingo
for aid, leaving those who stayed under the command of Francisco
Pizarro, as his lieutenant. Talavera, already tired of the hardships he
had encountered, was willing enough to return, and set sail with the
commander in his vessel. The ill luck which had attended Ojeda during
this expedition still continued. The vessel was cast on the island of
Cuba, and completely wrecked; and the unhappy Spaniards had no choice
but to perish on the beach, or to traverse the wide morasses that spread
along the coast, until they reached some place where they could obtain
aid. These morasses, as they proceeded, became deeper and deeper, the
water sometimes reaching to their girdles; and when they slept, they had
to creep up among the twisted roots of the mangrove trees, which grew in
clusters in the waters. Of all the party, Ojeda alone kept up his spirit
undaunted. He cheered his companions; he shared his food among them;
whenever he stopped to repose in the mangrove trees, he took out his
treasured picture of the Virgin, which he had carefully preserved
through all his troubles, and placing it before him, commended himself
to the Holy Mother; and by persuading his companions to join him, he
renewed their patience and courage. It was on one of these occasions
that he made a vow to erect a chapel and leave his relic in the first
Indian town to which he came. At length, after incredible sufferings,
they reached a village; the natives gathered round the poor wanderers,
and gazed at them with wonder; they treated them with humanity, and
after restoring them to health and strength, aided and accompanied them
till they reached the point of land nearest Jamaica. At that spot they
procured canoes, arrived at a settlement of their countrymen, and thence
returned to St. Domingo.
Ojeda was too pious a Catholic to forget the vow he had made in his
distress, though it must have sorely grieved him to part with the relic
to which he attributed his safety in so many perils. At the village,
however, where he had been so kindly succoured, he faithfully performed
it.
"He built a little hermitage or oratory in the village, and
furnished it with an altar, above which he placed the picture.
He then summoned the benevolent cacique, and explained to him,
as well as his limited knowledge of the language, or the aid of
interpreters would permit, the main points of the Catholic
faith, and especially the history of the Virgin, whom he
represented as the mother of the Deity that reigned in the
skies, and the great advocate for mortal man.
"The worthy cacique listened to him with mute attention, and
though he might not clearly comprehend the doctrine, yet he
conceived a profound veneration for the picture. The sentiment
was shared by his subjects. They kept the little oratory always
swept clean, and decorated it with cotton hangings, laboured by
their own hands, and with various votive offerings. They
composed couplets or areytos in honour of the Virgin, which
they sang to the accompaniment of rude musical instruments,
dancing to the sound under the groves which surrounded the
hermitage.
"A further anecdote concerning this relique may not be
unacceptable. The venerable Las Casas, who records these facts,
informs us that he arrived at the village of Cuebas some time
after the departure of Ojeda. He found the oratory preserved
with the most religious care, as a sacred place, and the
picture of the Virgin regarded with fond adoration. The poor
Indians crowded to attend mass, which he performed at the
altar; they listened attentively to his paternal instructions,
and at his request brought their children to be baptized. The
good Las Casas having heard much of this famous relique of
Ojeda, was desirous of obtaining possession of it, and offered
to give the cacique in exchange, an image of the Virgin which
he had brought with him. The chieftain made an evasive answer,
and seemed much troubled in mind. The next morning he did not
make his appearance.
"Las Casas went to the oratory to perform mass, but found the
altar stripped of its precious relique. On inquiring, he learnt
that in the night the cacique had fled to the woods, bearing
off with him his beloved picture of the Virgin. It was in vain
that Las Casas sent messengers after him, assuring him that he
should not be deprived of the relique, but, on the contrary,
that the image should likewise be presented to him. The cacique
refused to venture from the fastnesses of the forest, nor did
he return to his village and replace the picture in the
oratory, until after the departure of the Spaniards."
The fate of Ojeda was that of a ruined man. He lingered for some time at
San Domingo, but he no longer appeared there as the governor of a
province. He was a needy wanderer. His health was broken down by wounds
and hardships, and he died at last so poor that he did not leave money
enough to pay for his interment; and so broken in spirit, that he
entreated with his last breath, that his body might be buried at the
portal of the Monastery of St. Francisco, in humble expiation of his
past pride, "so that every one who entered might tread upon his grave."
When the gallant and generous minded Nicuesa left Ojeda, he sailed to
the west to encounter perils still greater than his rival endured. His
squadron arrived safely on the coast of Veragua. He there embarked
himself in a small caravel belonging to it, that he might the better
explore the inlets and places along the shore, committing the charge of
the other vessels to his lieutenant Lope de Olano. One night, shortly
after making this arrangement, a violent storm came on, and when day
dawned, Nicuesa was left without one of the squadron in sight. Taking
refuge in a river, his caravel was wrecked, and the unfortunate
commander was left on the desert shore with the crew of the vessel, and
nothing remaining to them but the boat, which was accidentally cast on
the beach. Day after day they hoped for the arrival of their
companions, until they began to suspect that the lieutenant had
determined to profit by the absence of Nicuesa, assume his power, and
leave him to perish. They wandered along shore, in the direction, as
they supposed, of the place where they had been separated from the
squadron. They crossed the rivers and sailed to the islands near the
coast in their boat. At length, to complete their misfortunes, at one of
the latter, four of the party deserted, took with them the boat, and
left their commander and the rest of the party, without food,
assistance, or means to regain the land. In this sad situation they
remained for weeks; many of them died, and those who lived envied,
instead of mourning over, their fate. At length one of the brigantines
of the squadron appeared; it had been sent by Lope de Olano, who had
been found by the four mariners in the boat; and Nicuesa and the
survivers were conveyed to their companions, who had made a settlement
at the mouth of the river Belen. Finding that spot unhealthy, Nicuesa
broke up the settlement, and established the remnant of his once large
colony, now reduced to a hundred emaciated wretches, at "El Nombre de
Dios." "Here let us stop," exclaimed the weary commander to his
companions, "in the name of God (en el nombre de Dios,)"--whence the
port derived its name.
While the two governors were thus struggling to establish their
colonies, the bachelor Enciso, whom we have mentioned as having enlisted
with Ojeda, set out from St. Domingo to join that adventurer with the
men and provisions he had collected. Among his recruits was _Vasco Nunez
de Balboa_, another name destined to become famous on these seas. The
bachelor had hardly reached Terra Firma before he fell in with Francisco
Pizarro, and the small remains of the colony left by Ojeda at St.
Sebastian. He heard the story of their misfortunes and the departure of
their commander, but nothing daunted, the worthy gentleman of the robe
assumed the courageous bearing of a knight errant, and determined to
pursue the adventures on which he had embarked. Having heard of a great
sepulchre not far in the interior, where the natives were said to be
buried with all their ornaments of gold, he determined at once to pounce
on so valuable a mine. He held it no sacrilege to plunder the graves of
pagans and infidels, and he took care to secure the law on his side, by
causing to be read and interpreted to all the caciques, a declaration,
informing them of the nature of the Deity, the supremacy of the pope,
and the undoubted validity of his grant of their country to the Catholic
sovereigns.
"The caciques listened to the whole very attentively, and
without interruption, according to the laws of Indian courtesy.
They then replied, that, as to the assertion that there was but
one God, the sovereign of heaven and earth, it seemed to them
good, and that such must be the case; but as to the doctrine
that the pope was regent of the world in place of God, and
that he had made a grant of their country to the Spanish king,
they observed that the pope must have been drunk to give away
what was not his, and the king must have been somewhat mad to
ask at his hands what belonged to others. They added, that they
were lords of those lands, and needed no other sovereign, and
if this king should come to take possession, they would cut off
his head and put it on a pole; that being their mode of dealing
with their enemies.--As an illustration of this custom, they
pointed out to Enciso the very uncomfortable spectacle of a row
of grisly heads impaled in the neighbourhood."
On hearing this answer, the bachelor at once discarded the legal, and
assumed the warlike character. He charged the Indians, and routed them
with ease. He forthwith plundered the sepulchres, but whether he
obtained the expected booty is not recorded. After this exploit, the
worthy bachelor set about establishing the provincial government as
Alcalde Mayor of Ojeda. St. Sebastian being in ruins, and the scene of
so many misfortunes, was speedily deserted, and by the advice of Vasco
Nunez he seized on the village of Darien, drove out the inhabitants,
collected at it great quantities of food and golden ornaments, and
established his capital under the sounding title of Santa Maria de la
Antigua del Darien.
It so happened that this new town was on the western shore of the river
Darien, and consequently within the province of Nicuesa, not of Ojeda.
Some discontented or ambitious persons in the colony took advantage of
this, and attacked the alcalde in his own way, with legal weapons,
questioning his right to rule. Among these Vasco Nunez and one Zamudio
were the leaders, and aspired to the bachelor's post. It was however at
last determined to seek for the rightful head of the colony, Nicuesa;
and bring him to the new capital. That woe-worn commander accepted with
delight the unexpected proffer; foolishly however he assumed at once the
haughty airs of a governor, and before he had seen his new colony, spoke
of the punishment he would inflict on the disturbers of its harmony. The
inhabitants of Darien heard of this language, and repented of their
hasty measure. Placing Vasco Nunez at their head, they awaited the
arrival of Nicuesa on the beach, and when they saw his vessel enter the
bay, refused him permission to land. It was in vain that the unfortunate
cavalier entreated, promised, and explained. Even Vasco Nunez, who was
of a generous spirit, supplicated for his reception as a private
individual, without effect. The determination of the populace was made
up; and sad to tell, Nicuesa was driven to sea in his crazy bark, and
never heard of more.
The bachelor Enciso now again claimed his right to command the colony.
The people, however, were all on the side of Vasco Nunez; he had become
a great favourite, from his frank and fearless character, and his
winning affability; in fact, he was peculiarly calculated to manage the
fiery and the factious, yet generous and susceptible nature of his
countrymen, and in addition to this he was in the vigour of his age,
tall, well formed and hardy. After a fruitless struggle, Enciso left the
colony, and Vasco Nunez, well aware of the appeal he would make to the
Spanish government, sent at the same time Zamudio to represent and
defend him before the same tribunal. Vasco Nunez at once exerted himself
to prove his capacity as governor. His first expedition was against
Careta, the neighbouring cacique of Coyba, for the purpose of obtaining
supplies. By a stratagem he made captives of the cacique, his wives, and
children, and many of his people. He discovered also their store of
provisions, and returned with his booty and his captives to Darien.
"When the unfortunate cacique beheld his family in chains, and
in the hands of strangers, his heart was wrung with despair;
'What have I done to thee,' said he to Vasco Nunez, 'that thou
shouldst treat me thus cruelly? None of thy people ever came to
my land that were not fed, and sheltered, and treated with
loving kindness. When thou camest to my dwelling, did I meet
thee with a javelin in my hand? Did I not set meat and drink
before thee, and welcome thee as a brother? Set me free
therefore, with my family and people, and we will remain thy
friends. We will supply thee with provisions, and reveal to
thee the riches of the land. Dost thou doubt my faith? Behold
my daughter, I give her to thee as a pledge of friendship. Take
her for thy wife, and be assured of the fidelity of her family
and her people!'
"Vasco Nunez felt the force of these words, and knew the
importance of forming a strong alliance among the natives. The
captive maid, also, as she stood trembling and dejected before
him, found great favour in his eyes, for she was young and
beautiful. He granted, therefore, the prayer of the cacique,
and accepted his daughter, engaging, moreover, to aid the
father against his enemies, on condition of his furnishing
provisions to the colony.
"Careta remained three days at Darien, during which time, he
was treated with the utmost kindness. Vasco Nunez took him on
board of his ships and showed him every part of them. He
displayed before him also the war horses, with their armour and
rich caparisons, and astonished him with the thunder of
artillery. Lest he should be too much daunted by these warlike
spectacles, he caused the musicians to perform a harmonious
concert on their instruments, at which the cacique was lost in
admiration. Thus having impressed him with a wonderful idea of
the power and endowments of his new allies, he loaded him with
presents and permitted him to depart.
"Careta returned joyfully to his territories, and his daughter
remained with Vasco Nunez, willingly for his sake giving up her
family and native home. They were never married, but she
considered herself his wife, as she really was, according to
the usages of her own country, and he treated her with
fondness, allowing her gradually to acquire great influence
over him. To his affection for this damsel, his ultimate ruin
is, in some measure, to be ascribed."
Vasco Nunez did not neglect the favourable occasion these circumstances
offered, of extending his power among the neighbouring Indians. Those
who were hostile he attacked; those who were friendly he conciliated.
From all he obtained supplies of provisions and gold, to support and
enrich his colony. It was in one of his excursions to a friendly chief,
the cacique of Comagre, that he obtained the information which gave
greater scope to his adventurous spirit, and enabled him to place
himself in the same degree with Pizarro and Cortez among the
discoverers who succeeded the great admiral. The cacique had made a
present or tribute of a large quantity of gold, and the followers of
Vasco Nunez quarrelled as they were dividing among them their respective
shares in the presence of the Indian chief.
"The high minded savage was disgusted at this sordid brawl
among beings whom he had regarded with such reverence. In the
first impulse of his disdain he struck the scale with his fist,
and scattered the glittering gold about the porch. Before the
Spaniards could recover from their astonishment at this sudden
act, he thus addressed them: 'Why should you quarrel for such a
trifle? If this gold is indeed so precious in your eyes, that
for it alone you abandon your homes, invade the peaceful lands
of others, and expose yourselves to such sufferings and perils,
I will tell you of a region where you may gratify your wishes
to the utmost.--Behold those lofty mountains,' continued he,
pointing to the south; 'beyond these lies a mighty sea, which
may be discerned from their summit. It is navigated by people
who have vessels almost as large as yours, and furnished, like
them, with sails and oars. All the streams which flow down the
southern side of those mountains into that sea abound in gold;
and the kings who reign upon its borders eat and drink out of
golden vessels. Gold, in fact, is as plentiful and common among
those people of the south as iron is among you Spaniards.'
"Struck with this intelligence, Vasco Nunez inquired eagerly as
to the means of penetrating to this sea and to the opulent
regions on its shores. 'The task,' replied the prince, 'is
difficult and dangerous. You must pass through the territories
of many powerful caciques, who will oppose you with hosts of
warriors. Some parts of the mountains are infested by fierce
and cruel cannibals, a wandering lawless race: but, above all,
you will have to encounter the great cacique Tubanama, whose
territories are at the distance of six days journey, and more
rich in gold than any other province; this cacique will be sure
to come forth against you with a mighty force. To accomplish
your enterprise, therefore, will require at least a thousand
men armed like those who follow you."
The effect of this intelligence, on the enterprising spirit of Vasco
Nunez, may be well imagined. The Pacific ocean and its golden realms
seemed to be at his feet. He beheld within his power an enterprise which
would at once elevate him from a wandering and desperate man, to a rank
among the great captains and discoverers of the earth. He lost no time
in making every preparation to realize the splendid vision. With this
object he sent for aid to Don Diego Columbus, who then governed at St.
Domingo; and in the mean time endeavoured to strengthen himself with the
surrounding tribes of natives, and to quiet the spirit of
insubordination which would occasionally break out at Darien. At length,
on the 1st of September, 1513, he set out with one hundred and ninety
Spaniards, and a number of Indians. At Coyba he left half his company
with the cacique Careta, to await his return, and with the residue, on
the sixth of the month, struck off towards the mountains. By some of the
Indian tribes he was kindly received, by others hostile intentions were
displayed. These were soon overcome by the use of fire arms and blood
hounds, which terrified the natives and put them at once to flight. On
the evening of the 25th of September, the party, now reduced to
sixty-seven Spaniards, arrived at the foot of the last mountain, from
whose top they were told they would command the long sought prospect.
Vasco Nunez obtained fresh Indian guides, and ordered his men to retire
early to repose, that they might be ready to set off at the cool and
fresh hour of daybreak, so as to reach the summit of the mountain before
the noontide heat.
"The day had scarcely dawned, when Vasco Nunez and his
followers set forth from the Indian village and began to climb
the height. It was a severe and rugged toil for men so wayworn,
but they were filled with new ardour at the idea of the
triumphant scene that was so soon to repay them for all their
hardships.
"About ten o'clock in the morning they emerged from the thick
forests through which they had hitherto struggled, and arrived
at a lofty and airy region of the mountain. The bald summit
alone remained to be ascended, and their guides pointed to a
moderate eminence from which they said the southern sea was
visible.
"Upon this Vasco Nunez commanded his followers to halt, and
that no man should stir from his place. Then, with a
palpitating heart, he ascended alone the bare mountain-top. On
reaching the summit the long-desired prospect burst upon his
view. It was as if a new world were unfolded to him, separated
from all hitherto known by this mighty barrier of mountains.
Below him extended a vast chaos of rock and forest, and green
savannahs and wandering streams, while at a distance the waters
of the promised ocean glittered in the morning sun.
"At this glorious prospect Vasco Nunez sank upon his knees, and
poured out thanks to God for being the first European to whom
it was given to make that great discovery. He then called his
people to ascend: 'Behold, my friends,' said he, 'that glorious
sight which we have so much desired. Let us give thanks to God
that he has granted us this great honour and advantage. Let us
pray to him that he will guide and aid us to conquer the sea
and land which we have discovered, and in which Christian has
never entered to preach the holy doctrine of the Evangelists.
As to yourselves, be as you have hitherto been, faithful and
true to me, and by the favour of Christ you will become the
richest Spaniards that have ever come to the Indies; you will
render the greatest services to your king that ever vassal
rendered to his lord; and you will have the eternal glory and
advantage of all that is here discovered, conquered, and
converted to our holy Catholic faith.'
"The Spaniards answered this speech by embracing Vasco Nunez,
and promising to follow him to death. Among them was a priest,
named Andres de Vara, who lifted up his voice and chanted _Te
Deum laudamus_--the usual anthem of Spanish discoverers. The
people, kneeling down, joined in the strain with pious
enthusiasm and tears of joy; and never did a more sincere
oblation rise to the Deity from a sanctified altar than from
that wild mountain summit. It was indeed one of the most
sublime discoveries that had yet been made in the New World,
and must have opened a boundless field of conjecture to the
wondering Spaniards. The imagination delights to picture forth
the splendid confusion of their thoughts. Was this the great
Indian Ocean, studded with precious islands, abounding in gold,
in gems, and spices, and bordered by the gorgeous cities and
wealthy marts of the East? Or was it some lonely sea, locked up
in the embraces of savage uncultivated continents, and never
traversed by a bark, excepting the light pirogue of the Indian?
The latter could hardly be the case, for the natives had told
the Spaniards of golden realms, and populous and powerful and
luxurious nations upon its shores. Perhaps it might be bordered
by various people, civilized in fact, but differing from Europe
in their civilization; who might have peculiar laws and customs
and arts and sciences; who might form, as it were, a world of
their own, intercommuning by this mighty sea, and carrying on
commerce between their own islands and continents; but who
might exist in total ignorance and independence of the other
hemisphere.
"Such may naturally have been the ideas suggested by the sight
of this unknown ocean. It was the prevalent belief of the
Spaniards, however, that they were the first Christians who had
made the discovery. Vasco Nunez, therefore, called upon all
present to witness that he took possession of that sea, its
islands, and surrounding lands, in the name of the sovereigns
of Castile, and the notary of the expedition made a testimonial
of the same, to which all present, to the number of sixty-seven
men, signed their names. He then caused a fair and tall tree to
be cut down and wrought into a cross, which was elevated on the
spot from whence he had at first beheld the sea. A mound of
stones was likewise piled up to serve as a monument, and the
names of the Castilian sovereigns were carved on the
neighbouring trees. The Indians beheld all these ceremonials
and rejoicings in silent wonder, and, while they aided to erect
the cross and pile up the mound of stones, marvelled
exceedingly at the meaning of these monuments, little thinking
that they marked the subjugation of their land."
From the summit of the mountain Vasco Nunez cheerfully pursued his
journey to the coast; when he tasted the water and found it salt, he
felt assured that he had indeed discovered an ocean; he again returned
thanks to God, and drawing his dagger from his girdle, marked three
trees with crosses in honour of the Trinity and in token of possession.
He remained on the shore of the Pacific ocean till the 3d of November.
In the interval, he conciliated by his good management the kind feelings
of the natives; he visited some of the neighbouring islands; he was
shown the valuable pearl fisheries; and was loaded when he left there
with pearls and gold. On his return he had several hostile rencounters
with the natives, and reached Darien on the 19th of January, 1514.
"Thus ended one of the most remarkable expeditions of the early
discoverers. The intrepidity of Vasco Nunez in penetrating,
with a handful of men, far into the interior of a wild and
mountainous country, peopled by warlike tribes; his skill in
managing his band of rough adventurers, stimulating their
valour, enforcing their obedience, and attaching their
affections, show him to have possessed great qualities as a
general. We are told that he was always foremost in peril, and
the last to quit the field. He shared the toils and dangers of
the meanest of his followers, treating them with frank
affability; watching, fighting, fasting and labouring with
them; visiting and consoling such as were sick or infirm, and
dividing all his gains with fairness and liberality. He was
chargeable at times with acts of bloodshed and injustice, but
it is probable that these were often called for as measures of
safety and precaution; he certainly offended less against
humanity than most of the early discoverers; and the unbounded
amity and confidence reposed in him by the natives, when they
became intimately acquainted with his character, speak strongly
in favour of his kind treatment of them.
"The character of Vasco Nunez had, in fact, risen with his
circumstances, and now assumed a nobleness and grandeur from
the discovery he had made, and the important charge it had
devolved upon him. He no longer felt himself a mere soldier of
fortune, at the head of a band of adventurers, but a great
commander conducting an immortal enterprise. 'Behold,' says old
Peter Martyr, 'Vasco Nunez de Balboa, at once transformed from
a rash royster to a politic and discreet captain:' and thus it
is that men are often made by their fortunes; that is to say,
their latent qualities are brought out, and shaped and
strengthened by events, and by the necessity of every exertion
to cope with the greatness of their destiny."
While Vasco Nunez was thus exulting in his successful expedition,
fortune was preparing for him a sad reverse. The bachelor Enciso had
arrived in Spain, and notwithstanding the statements of Zamudio, had
made an unfavourable impression in regard to Vasco Nunez. The result
was, that a new governor of Darien was appointed, in the person of Pedro
Arias Davila, commonly called Pedrarias, a brave warrior, but little
fitted to command in a colony such as that to which he was sent. A
number of young Spanish nobles and gentlemen determined to accompany
him, having heard wild stories of the wealth and adventures which the
new world offered. Pedrarias was also attended by his heroic wife, Dona
Isabella de Bobadilla, and by the bishop Quevedo, a just and benevolent
priest. Scarcely had the new expedition left the shores of Spain, when
news arrived there of the splendid discoveries of Vasco Nunez, and the
king repented that he had so hastily superseded him.
In the month of June, the squadron of Pedrarias anchored before Darien.
When the hardy veterans of the colony heard that their beloved commander
was to be thus removed, they were loud in their murmurs, and eagerly
desired to resist the newly arrived governor. Not so Vasco Nunez; he
bowed at once to the mandates of the king, and acknowledged the
authority of Pedrarias. This frank and honourable conduct was ill repaid
by the new chief; he took advantage of the unsuspecting confidence of
Vasco Nunez, and directed him to be prosecuted for usurpation and
tyrannical abuse of power. Fortunately, the bishop was opposed to the
conduct of the governor, and even his wife ventured to express her
respect and sympathy for the discoverer. This alone saved him from being
sent in irons to Spain. In the mean time, the gallant Spanish cavaliers
sunk beneath the fatal climate, to which they were unaccustomed, and the
affairs of the colony became distracted. Pedrarias, to engage them,
fitted out an expedition for the Pacific, but it ended in disappointment
and disaster, and had little result but to change some of the friendly
Indian tribes into implacable enemies.
While things were in this state, despatches arrived from Spain. In a
letter addressed to Vasco Nunez, the king expressed his high sense of
his merits and services, and constituted him adelantado of the South
Sea, though subordinate to the general command of Pedrarias. That
governor, still envious of the renown of his rival, refused to confer on
him the powers belonging to his new office, and all that Vasco Nunez
could obtain was the recognition of the title. Still further to thwart
the honourable plans of the discoverer, he determined to explore, under
his own auspices, the pearl fisheries and islands discovered by Vasco
Nunez on the Pacific, and for this purpose fitted out an expedition
under the command of his own relative Morales; he sent with him,
however, Francisco Pizarro, who had accompanied Vasco Nunez on his first
expedition. These explorers were kindly received by the caciques, who
willingly gave them pearls for hatchets, beads, and hawks' bills, which
they valued much more. An incident occurred on their visit to Isla
Rica, which, connected with the future history of Pizarro, was
singularly interesting.
"Finding that pearls were so precious in the eyes of the
Spaniards, the cacique took Morales and Pizarro to the summit
of a wooden tower, commanding an unbounded prospect. 'Behold
before you,' said he, 'the infinite sea, which extends even
beyond the sun-beams. As to these islands which lie to the
right and left, they are all subject to my sway. They possess
but little gold, but the deep places of the sea around them are
full of pearls. Continue to be my friends, and you shall have
as many as you desire; for I value your friendship more than
pearls, and, as far as in me lies, will never forfeit it.'
"He then pointed to the main land, where it stretched away
towards the east, mountain beyond mountain, until the summit of
the last faded in the distance, and was scarcely seen above the
watery horizon. In that direction, he said, there lay a vast
country of inexhaustible riches, inhabited by a mighty nation.
He went on to repeat the vague but wonderful rumours which the
Spaniards had frequently heard about the great kingdom of Peru.
Pizarro listened greedily to his words, and while his eye
followed the finger of the cacique, as it ranged along the line
of shadowy coast, his daring mind kindled with the thought of
seeking this golden empire beyond the waters."
On their way back through the mountains, the Spaniards were attacked by
the savages with great ferocity; and when they reached Darien their
party was greatly diminished, though the spoil they brought with them
was great.
In the mean time, the disagreement between Pedrarias and Vasco Nunez
continued, to the great regret of the bishop Quevedo, and the
mortification of Dona Isabella. At length a plan was suggested by the
former which had the fortunate effect of producing a reconciliation. It
was agreed that Vasco Nunez should marry the daughter of the governor,
then in Spain, and he was accordingly betrothed at once. Pedrarias now
looked upon the exploits of his rival as those of one of his own family,
and no longer thwarted him. He cheerfully aided him in a new expedition
which was planned for transporting timber across the isthmus, building
brigantines on the Pacific, and exploring the country farther to the
south. When Vasco Nunez found himself floating in large vessels, on the
waves of the vast ocean he had discovered, he felt an honourable pride,
and a thousand visions of discoveries yet to be made crowded on his
fancy. Alas! they were not destined to be realized. A person who had a
private pique against him, insinuated himself into the confidence of
Pedrarias; declared that Vasco Nunez had schemes of boundless ambition;
that he would soon throw off his connexion with the governor, and above
all, that such was his devotion to the Indian damsel, the daughter of
Careta, that he would never wed her to whom he was betrothed. All the
ancient enmity of Pedrarias was renewed; he determined at once to put an
end to the rivalry of Vasco Nunez; by fair promises he induced him
unsuspectingly to return; and as soon as he arrived within his power had
him arrested and tried for treason. His condemnation was to be
expected, but deep was the emotion and surprise among the colonists when
they learned that it was to be followed by the immediate death of the
unfortunate soldier. No entreaties, however, could induce the governor
to relent. He had his victim now in his power and he determined he
should not escape.
"It was a day of gloom and horror at Acla, when Vasco Nunez and
his companions were led forth to execution. The populace were
moved to tears at the unhappy fate of a man, whose gallant
deeds had excited their admiration, and whose generous
qualities had won their hearts. Most of them regarded him as
the victim of a jealous tyrant; and even those who thought him
guilty, saw something brave and brilliant in the very crime
imputed to him. Such, however, was the general dread inspired
by the severe measures of Pedrarias, that no one dared to lift
up his voice, either in murmur or remonstrance.
"The public crier walked before Vasco Nunez, proclaiming, 'This
is the punishment inflicted by command of the king, and his
lieutenant Don Pedrarias Davila, on this man, as a traitor and
an usurper of the territories of the crown.'
"When Vasco Nunez heard these words, he exclaimed, indignantly,
'It is false! never did such a crime enter my mind. I have ever
served my king with truth and loyalty, and sought to augment
his dominions.'
"These words were of no avail in his extremity, but they were
fully believed by the populace.
"Thus perished, in his forty-second year, in the prime and
vigour of his days and the full career of his glory, one of the
most illustrious and deserving of the Spanish discoverers--a
victim to the basest and most perfidious envy.
"How vain are our most confident hopes, our brightest triumphs!
When Vasco Nunez, from the mountains of Darien, beheld the
Southern ocean revealed to his gaze, he considered its unknown
realms at his disposal. When he had launched his ships upon its
waters, and his sails were in a manner flapping in the wind, to
bear him in quest of the wealthy empire of Peru, he scoffed at
the prediction of the astrologer, and defied the influence of
the stars. Behold him interrupted at the very moment of his
departure; betrayed into the hands of his most invidious foe;
the very enterprise that was to have crowned him with glory
wrested into a crime; and himself hurried to a bloody and
ignominious grave, at the foot, as it were, of the mountain
from whence he had made his discovery! His fate, like that of
his renowned predecessor Columbus, proves, that it is sometimes
dangerous even to discern too greatly!"
There yet remain in this interesting volume the history of _Valdivia_
and his companions, and of the bold _Juan Ponce de Leon_. Each contains
scenes and incidents scarcely less interesting than those we have
rapidly noticed; but the termination of the story of Vasco Nunez affords
us a place to pause, and we are recalled from the agreeable task of
narrating to that of expressing some opinion on the merits of the work
which has so delightfully detained us. We may add that there is also an
appendix, containing a narrative of a visit or pilgrimage, truly
American, made by the author to the little port of Palos, where Columbus
and so many of his followers embarked for America; it is in the happiest
style, and cannot be read without the strongest emotions; we can
scarcely refrain, notwithstanding its length, from presenting it entire
to the reader.
The copious quotations we have made, and the abstract of some of the
more interesting parts of the narrative, will be sufficient to relieve
us in a great degree from the necessity of criticism. Our readers will,
themselves, be able to form a just estimate of the power and skill of
the writer, and of the pleasure to be derived from the story he has
recorded. We venture to say, that by none will that estimate be
otherwise than favourable, either to the talents of the author, or the
interest of the work.
The style of Mr. Irving has been objected to as somewhat elaborate, as
sacrificing strength and force of expression, to harmony of periods and
extreme correctness of language. We cannot say that we have been
inclined to censure him for this. If he assumed a style more than
usually refined, it was in those works of fiction, those short but
agreeable narratives, in which he desired to win the fond attention of
the reader, but in which he never endeavoured to call up violent
emotions, to engage in the wild speculations of a discursive fancy, or
to treat topics requiring logical or historical correctness. For such
works as the Sketch Book, we believe the style adopted by Mr. Irving to
be eminently well fitted, and we do not hesitate to attribute much of
the success of those charming tales to this very circumstance. We
believe so the more readily, because we find him adopting in the Life of
Columbus, and in the volume before us, a different manner, but one
equally well suited to the different nature of the subject he treats.
Without losing the elegance and general purity by which it has been
always characterized, it seems to us to have acquired more freshness,
more vivacity; to flow on more easily with the course of the spirited
narrative; to convey to the reader that exquisite charm in historical
writing--an unconsciousness of any elaboration on the part of the
writer, yet a quick and entire understanding of every sentiment he
desires to convey.
But connected with this, the writing of Mr. Irving possesses another
characteristic, which has never been more strongly and beautifully
exhibited than in the present volume. We mean that lively perception of
all those sentiments and incidents, which excite the finest and the
pleasantest emotions of the human breast. As he leads us from one savage
tribe to another--as he paints successive scenes of heroism,
perseverance, and self-denial--as he wanders among the magnificent
scenes of nature--as he relates with scrupulous fidelity the errors, and
the crimes, even of those whose lives are for the most part marked with
traits to command admiration, and perhaps esteem--every where we find
him the same undeviating, but beautiful moralist, gathering from all
lessons to present, in striking language, to the reason and the heart.
Where his story leads him to some individual, or presents some incident
which raises our smiles, it is recorded with a naive humour, the more
effective from its simplicity; where he finds himself called on to tell
some tale of misfortune or wo--and how often must he do so when the
history of the gentle and peaceful natives of the Antilles is his
subject--the reader is at a loss whether most to admire the beauty of
the picture he paints, or the deep pathos which he imperceptibly
excites.
Nor has he shown less judgment in the selection of his subject. To all
persons the discovery of this continent is one which cannot fail to
engage and reward attention--to him who loves to speculate on the
changes and progress of society, to him who loves to trace the paths of
science and knowledge, to him who loves to dwell on bold adventures and
singular accidents, to him who loves carefully to ascertain historical
truth. We scarcely know any topics at the present day, explored and
exhausted as so many fields have been, that afford a richer harvest than
those which Mr. Irving has now selected. We trust that many more works
are yet to be the fruits of his most fortunate visit to the peninsula.
The sources of information so liberally opened to him, and already so
judiciously used--and which have contributed to add new reputation to so
many names honourable to Spain--must yet furnish ample materials to
illustrate other men, to disclose the incidents attending other
adventures; and we trust that three years more may not elapse, before we
again sail with our author over the newly discovered billows of the
Pacific, or explore the plains of Mexico and Peru, or wander with some
of the hardy adventurers who first dared to penetrate the defiles of the
Andes.
We have already mentioned, in the notice of the Life of Columbus, the
circumstances which led Mr. Irving to the investigation of this period
of Spanish history, and the facilities afforded him in the prosecution
of his labours. The materials for this volume were procured during the
same visit. In addition to the historical collections of Navarrete, Las
Casas, Herrera, and Peter Martyr, he profited by the second volume of
Oviedo's history, of which he was shown a manuscript copy in the
Columbian library of the cathedral of Seville, and by the legal
documents of the law case between Diego Columbus and the crown, which
are deposited in the Archives of the Indies.
ART. VIII.--_The History of Louisiana, from the earliest period._ By
FRANCOIS-XAVIER MARTIN: 2 vols. 8vo. New-Orleans: Lyman and Beardslee.
1827.
It is about a year and a half since a very good translation of the
History of Louisiana by _Barbe Marbois_, was laid before the public.
Another work on the same subject, by _Francis Xavier Martin_, has
recently come to our knowledge. We use this expression, because,
although the title page shows a publication of the book in 1827, we
neither saw it nor heard of it until the close of the last year; and,
even now, we know of no copy but that in our possession. It may be that
the honourable author, (for he is a Judge of the Supreme Court of the
state whose history he has written,) was satisfied with collecting and
preserving his materials by printing them, and cared not for the fame or
profit of an extensive circulation and sale of his work. His philosophy
may make him as indifferent to the one as his fortune does to the other,
or his modesty may be greater than either. We think we shall perform an
acceptable service by introducing the stranger to our readers, who will
not fail to derive from him many things which will reward the time and
trouble given to acquire them.
History has seldom appeared under the sanction of names better entitled
to credit and respect than those we have mentioned. M. Marbois is known
to us by his residence in the United States, as the secretary of the
French legation, and Consul General of France, during the revolutionary
war; and, afterwards, as _Charge d' Affaires_; in which situations he
was distinguished for his extraordinary capacity in the business of
diplomacy, as well as for the integrity of his principles, and the
frankness and amenity of his manners. By living long among us, he seems
to have acquired not only an affection and respect for the American
people, but an ardent admiration of our political institutions, which
have adhered to him with undiminished strength through the various
fortunes he has since encountered. He has prefixed to his History, an
"Introduction," which is, as it professes to be, "An Essay on the
Constitution and Government of the United States of America;" and
although the venerable author had passed his eightieth year, he had lost
none of the freshness of his attachment to our republic and its
citizens, or of the vigour of his pen in portraying them. No foreigner
has ever understood us so well, and few Americans better.
That part of his history which relates to the cession of Louisiana to
the United States, is particularly entitled to attention from its
curious details, and will be received with implicit belief, as M.
Marbois was the negotiator on the part of France in that extraordinary
transaction, fraught with consequences so momentous. He relates nothing
but what was in his personal knowledge. We will not anticipate our
notice of this event, but we cannot suppress the remark, that the
acquisition of this vast region by the United States, now so prosperous,
so loyal and efficient a portion of our grand confederacy, by which we
were not only saved from a war, but liberty, happiness, and wealth have
been spread over a country, before that time neglected, mismanaged, and
unproductive, and dispensed to an intelligent and industrious people,
who had for a century been struggling with oppression and innumerable
difficulties, changing with their repeated changes of masters, was owing
to the keen sagacity and prompt decision of Napoleon. It is thus that
the destinies of mankind wait upon the fortunes, the caprice, the
foresight, and the blunders of the great, and are determined, for weal
or wo, by causes and accidents in which those who are most affected by
them have no agency. The people of Louisiana, and their fertile
territory, which from their first settlement had been a subject of
barter among the powers of Europe, to make a peace, to round off a
treaty, or answer some policy or interest of a distant sovereign, are
now irrevocably fixed as a member of a great republic, never again to be
a helpless and degraded makeweight in the bargains of foreign princes.
_F. X. Martin_, the author of the work now in our review, has held for
many years the high station of a Judge of the Supreme Court of
Louisiana; respected for the learning and integrity with which he
discharges the duties of his office, and equally so, in all his public
and private relations. He, also, is at once the historian and the
witness of some of the interesting transactions he narrates; and the
veracity of his testimony is unquestionable, as to those matters of
which he speaks from his personal knowledge. Being as independent in his
circumstances as he is in his principles, and having no resentments, of
which we have heard, to gratify, by calumniating any man, there is
nothing to draw him from the line of rectitude, and we presume that no
errors, at least of intention, will be imputed to him.
With this acquaintance with the character of the author, and his means
of information, we may open his book with more than the confidence
usually due to similar productions.
Before we introduce our readers to the materials of which these volumes
are composed, we would say a word, and do it frankly, upon the plan
adopted by the author in presenting them to the world. We speak not of
the language or style of the composition, which is sufficiently clear
and correct to be secure from criticism, especially under the apology of
the writer, that "as he does not write in his vernacular tongue,
elegance of style is beyond his hope, and consequently without the scope
of his ambition." We are not so well satisfied with his reasons for the
wide range he has taken over time and space in a "History of Louisiana."
He has commenced, as every annalist of an American village has done,
with the discoveries of Columbus; he has given us, with considerable
detail, the circumstances which attended the settlements of the English
and French provinces in this hemisphere; and has drawn "the attention of
his readers to transactions on the opposite side of the Atlantic,"
which have no apparent connexion with his subject. The "chronological
order" which he has adopted, is not confined to the affairs of
Louisiana, but comprehends occurrences in every part of the globe, and
sometimes brings together on the same page such a heterogeneous mass, as
to force a smile from us in spite of the official gravity which belongs
to the office of a reviewer. The assemblages of events are often so
unexpected and grotesque, that we should believe a joke was intended, if
they had not been brought together on the summons of a Judge of a
Supreme Court. Assuredly nothing like them was ever seen in a jury-box,
even in the mixed population of Louisiana. A few references will explain
the nature and meaning of our criticism.
The "Discovery of America" being disposed of, the reader of the History
of Louisiana has his recollection recalled to the reigns of Charles
VIII. in France; of Henry VII. of England; and Ferdinand and Isabella,
of course; with notices of various movements in those countries in their
several reigns. The second chapter is got up in the same manner, taking
a zigzag course over our continent, north, south, east, and west, with
occasional excursions to Europe to keep up the variety. This procedure
often produces an assemblage of events, as we have said, on the same
page, rather startling to themselves as well as to us.--Thus on page 48
of the first volume--"On the 20th of December, a ship from England
landed one hundred and twenty men near Cape Cod, who laid the foundation
of a colony, which, in course of time, became greatly conspicuous in the
annals of the northern continent. They called their first town Plymouth.
Philip III. on the 21st of March of the following year, the forty-third
of his age, transmitted the crown of Spain to his son Philip IV. This
year James I. of England granted to Sir William Alexander, all the
country taken by Argal from the French in America. The Iroquois,
apprehending that if the French were suffered to gain ground in
America." So on page 157--"Iberville returned to France in the
fleet--William III. of England died on the 16th of March, in consequence
of a fall from his horse, in the fifty-third year of his age. Mary, his
queen, had died in 1694; neither left issue. Anne, her sister, succeeded
her." Can we avoid to ask what has all this to do with Louisiana? In
page 234--John Law's well known scheme is thus abruptly introduced.
"Another Guinea-man landed three hundred negroes a few days after. John
Law, of Lauriston in North Britain, was a celebrated financier," &c.
The work abounds with such odd combinations, nor have we selected the
most singular, arising from the "chronological order" adopted by the
author, which, while it has advantages in narrations confined to one
object, will not do in a history extended over half of the world. We
have presented to us, in the same incongruous manner, the settlement of
Maryland--of Nova Scotia--sketches of English history under Oliver
Cromwell--an account of the hooping cough in Quebec--and an earthquake
in Canada. The cough was supposed to be the effect of enchantment,--"and
many of the faculty did, or affected to believe it." "It was said a
fiery crown had been observed in the air at Montreal; lamentable cries
heard at Trois Rivieres, in places in which there was not any person;
that, at Quebec, a canoe, all on fire, had been seen on the river, with
a man armed _cap-a-pie_, surrounded by a circle of the same element." On
the subject of the earthquake, the account of which is taken from
Charlevoix, it was indeed a fearful visitation, if the truth be not
exaggerated by terror and superstition.--
"A dreadful earthquake was felt in Canada, on the fifth of
February, 1663. The first shock is said by Charlevoix, to have
lasted half an hour; after the first quarter of an hour, its
violence gradually abated. At eight o'clock in the evening, a
like shock was felt; some of the inhabitants said they had
counted as many as thirty-two shocks, during the night. In the
intervals between the shocks, the surface of the ground
undulated as the sea, and the people felt, in their houses, the
sensations which are experienced in a vessel at anchor. On the
sixth, at three o'clock in the morning, another most violent
shock was felt. It is related that at Tadoussac, there was a
rain of ashes for six hours. During this strange commotion of
nature, the bells of the churches were kept constantly ringing,
by the motion of the steeples; the houses were so terribly
shaken, that the eaves, on each side, alternately touched the
ground. Several mountains altered their positions; others were
precipitated into the river, and lakes were afterwards found in
the places on which they stood before. The commotion was felt
for nine hundred miles from east to west, and five hundred from
north to south.
"This extraordinary phenomenon was considered as the effect of
the vengeance of God, irritated at the obstinacy of those, who,
neglecting the admonitions of his ministers, and contemning the
censures of his church, continued to sell brandy to the
Indians. The reverend writer, who has been cited, relates it
was said, ignited appearances had been observed in the air, for
several days before; globes of fire being seen over the cities
of Quebec and Montreal, attended with a noise like that of the
simultaneous discharge of several pieces of heavy artillery;
that the superior of the nuns, informed her confessor some time
before, that being at her devotions, she believed 'she saw the
Lord irritated against Canada, and she involuntarily demanded
justice from him for all the crimes committed in the country;
praying the souls might not perish with the bodies: a moment
after, she felt conscious the divine justice was going to
strike; the contempt of the church exciting God's wrath. She
perceived almost instantaneously four devils, at the corners of
Quebec, shaking the earth with extreme violence, and a person
of majestic mien alternately slackening and drawing back a
bridle, by which he held them.' A female Indian, who had been
baptized, was said to have received intelligence of the
impending chastisement of heaven. The reverend writer concludes
his narration by exultingly observing, 'none perished, all were
converted.'"
The fourth chapter still keeps us at a distance from the "promised
land." The discontents and disturbances which agitated Canada, are
minutely narrated, and, in some respects, not without considerable
interest. One of the causes of the commotion, was an arbitrary act of
power of the Count de Frontenac, who "had imprisoned the Abbe de
Fenelon, then a priest of the seminary of St. Sulpice at Montreal, who
afterwards became archbishop of Cambray." Thus were the genius, the
learning, and the virtues of this great and good man, laid prostrate at
the feet of a petty tyrant; and might have been for ever lost to the
world. It is by such abuses of power that men learn and feel the value
of a government of laws, supreme and superior to the influence of office
and the power of the sword. In this chapter we are introduced to the
name of Robert C. Lasalle, afterwards so conspicuous for his courage and
perseverance in the settlement of these regions. Some interesting
details of his life and adventures, which may be called romantic, are
given, for which we refer to the book.
As the character and conduct of the Founder of Pennsylvania has been
lately assailed, with exceeding injustice, by a Pennsylvanian, and a
judge too, it will add something to the testimony already so abundant in
his behalf, to quote the following extract--
"The year 1680 is remarkable for the grant of Charles the
Second, to William Penn, of the territory that now constitutes
the states of Pennsylvania and Delaware. The grantee, who was
one of the people called Quakers, imitating the example of
Gulielm Usseling and Roger Williams, disowned a right to any
part of the country included within his charter, till the
natives voluntarily yielded it on receiving a fair
consideration. There exists not any other example of so liberal
a conduct towards the Indians of North America, on the erection
of a new colony. The date of Penn's charter is the twentieth of
February."
We follow our author into his fifth chapter, which we find occupied with
a variety of matters, sufficiently interesting in themselves, but having
no relation to the professed subject of our history; and which have been
collected from works of no difficult access to any body. We notice,
however, an occurrence, especially worthy of our attention at this time,
when a project is entertained of introducing a government paper currency
into the United States.--
"Louis the Fourteenth having approved the emission of card
money made in Canada, during the preceding year, another
emission was now prepared in Paris, in which pasteboard was
used instead of cards. An impression was made on each piece, of
the coin of the kingdom, of the corresponding value.
"Pasteboard proving inconvenient, cards were again resorted to.
Each had the flourish which the intendant usually added to his
signature. He signed all those of the value of four livres and
upwards, and those of six livres and above were also signed by
the governor.
"Once a year, at a fixed period, the cards were required to be
brought to the colonial treasury, and exchanged for bills on
the treasurer-general of the marine, or his deputy at
Rochefort. Those which appeared too ragged for circulation were
burnt, and the rest again paid out of the treasury.
"For a while the cards were thus punctually exchanged once a
year; but in course of time bills ceased to be given for them.
Their value, which till then had been equal to gold, now began
to diminish; the price of all commodities rose proportionably,
and the colonial government was compelled, in order to meet the
increased demands on its treasury, to resort to new and
repeated emissions; and the people found a new source of
distress in the means adopted for their relief."
This subject is frequently referred to, and always as a source of
distress; as a disastrous measure of policy.--
"Louisiana suffered a great deal from the want of a circulating
medium. Card money had caused the disappearance of the gold and
silver circulating in the colony before its emission, and its
subsequent depreciation had induced the commissary ordonnateur
to have recourse to an issue of _ordonances_, a kind of bills
of credit, which although not a legal tender, from the want of
a metallic currency, soon became an object of commerce. They
were followed by treasury notes, which being receivable in the
discharge of all claims of the treasury, soon got into
circulation. This cumulation of public securities in the
market, within a short time threw them all into discredit, and
gave rise to an _agiotage_, highly injurious to commerce and
agriculture."
"The province was at this time inundated by a flood of paper
money. The administration, for several years past, had paid in
due bills all the supplies they had obtained, and they had been
suffered to accumulate to an immense amount. A consequent
depreciation had left them almost without any value. This had
been occasioned, in a great degree, by a belief that the
officers who had put these securities afloat, had, at times,
attended more to their own than to the public interest, and
that the French government, on the discovery of this, would not
perhaps be found ready to indemnify the holders against the
misconduct of its agents. With a view, however, to prepare the
way for the redemption of the paper, the colonial treasurer was
directed to receive all that might be presented, and to give in
its stead certificates, in order that the extent of the evil
being known, the remedy might be applied."
"The province laboured under great difficulties, on account of
a flood of depreciated paper, which, inundating it, annihilated
its industry, commerce, and agriculture. So sanguine were the
inhabitants of their appeal to the throne, that they instructed
their emissary, after having accomplished the principal object
of his mission, to solicit relief in this respect."
We turn also to Marbois, on this subject, and trust we shall be excused
for giving so much of our time to it, by the interest the people of the
United States now have in it. We have had our own experience of the
fatal consequences of such schemes; let us also listen to the experience
of others, which points to the distress and ruin that attend such
experiments. Speaking of Law's great scheme of finance, this wise and
venerable statesman says--"A foreigner of an eccentric mind, though a
skilful calculator, had engaged the regent in operations the most
disastrous to the finances of the state. John Law, after having
persuaded credulous people that paper money might advantageously take
the place of specie, drew from this false principle the most extravagant
consequences. They were adopted by ignorance and cupidity." This writer,
with the experience of more than half a century in public affairs,
adds--"These chimeras, called by the name of system, do not differ much
from the schemes that are brought forward in the present age, under the
name of credit."