and statesmanlike prudence, he lived a life of great luxury, debauchery,
and profuse expenditure, swaggering through the market-place with his
long effeminate mantle trailing on the ground. He had the deck of his
trireme cut away, that he might sleep more comfortably, having his bed
slung on girths instead of resting on the planks; and he carried a
shield not emblazoned with the ancestral bearings of his family, but
with a Cupid wielding a thunderbolt. The leading men of Athens viewed
his conduct with disgust and apprehension, fearing his scornful and
overbearing manner, as being nearly allied to the demeanour of a despot,
while Aristophanes has expressed the feeling of the people towards him
in the line,
"They love, they hate, they cannot live without him."
And again he alludes to him in a bitterer spirit in the verse:
"A lion's cub 'tis best you should not rear,
For if you do, your master he'll appear."
His voluntary contributions of money to the State, his public
exhibitions and services, and displays of munificence, which could not
be equalled in splendour, his noble birth, his persuasive speech, his
strength, beauty, and bravery, and all his other shining qualities,
combined to make the Athenians endure him, and always give his errors
the mildest names, calling them youthful escapades and honourable
emulation. For example, he locked up Agatharchus the painter, and when
he had painted his house let him go with a present. He boxed Taurea's
ears because he was exhibiting shows in rivalry with him, and
contending with him for the prize. And he even took one of the captive
Melian women for his mistress, and brought up a child which he had by
her. This was thought to show his good nature; but this term cannot be
applied to the slaughter of all the males above puberty in the island of
Melos, which was done in accordance with a decree promoted by
Alkibiades.
When Aristophon painted the courtesan Nemea embracing Alkibiades, all
men eagerly crowded to see it; but older men were vexed at these things
too, thinking them only fit for despots, and considering them to be open
violations of the laws. Indeed Archestratus spoke very much to the
purpose when he said that Greece could not bear more than one
Alkibiades. Once, when Alkibiades had made a successful speech in the
public assembly, and was being conducted home in triumph by his friends,
Timon the misanthrope met him, and did not get out of his way, as he did
to every one else, but came up to him and took him by the hand, saying,
"Go on, my boy, increase in glory; for your increase will bring ruin to
all this crowd." Some laughed, some cursed him, but others took his
words to heart. So various were the opinions formed about Alkibiades,
because of the inconsistency of his character.
XVII. Even during the lifetime of Perikles, the Athenians had a
hankering after Sicily, and after his death they endeavoured to obtain
possession of it, by sending troops to the assistance of those cities
which were oppressed by the Syracusans, and thus paving the way for a
greater armament. It was, however, Alkibiades who fanned their desires
into a flame, and who persuaded them to abandon these half-hearted
attempts, to proceed with a great force to the island, and to endeavour
to subdue it. He raised great expectations among the people, but his own
aspirations were far more entensive; for he regarded the conquest of
Sicily not merely as an end, but as a stepping-stone to greater things.
While Nikias was dissuading the people from the attempt, on the ground
that it would be a difficult matter to capture the city of Syracuse,
Alkibiades was dreaming of Carthage and Libya; and after these were
gained, he meditated the conquest of Italy and of Peloponnesus,
regarding Sicily as little more than a convenient magazine and place of
arms. He greatly excited the younger Athenians by his vast designs, and
they listened eagerly to the marvellous stories of the old who had
served in that country; so that many of them would spend their time
sitting in the gymnasia and public seats, drawing sketches of the shape
of the island of Sicily, and of the position of Libya and Carthage. It
is said that Sokrates the philosopher, and Meton the astronomer, did not
expect that the state would gain any advantage from this expedition; the
former probably receiving a presentiment of disaster, as was his wont,
from his familiar spirit. Meton either made calculations which led him
to fear what was about to happen, or else gathered it from the art of
prophecy. He feigned madness, and seizing a torch, attempted to set his
house on fire. Some say that Meton made no pretence of madness, but that
he burned down his house one night, and next morning came and besought
the Athenians, after such a misfortune, to exempt his son from serving
with the expedition. Thus he deceived his fellow citizens and carried
his point.
XVIII. Nikias, much against his will, was chosen to lead the expedition.
His unwillingness was in a great measure due to the fact that Alkibiades
was to act as his colleague; for the Athenians thought that the war
would be conducted better if the rashness of Alkibiades was tempered by
the prudence of Nikias, because the third general, Lamachus, although
advanced in years, yet had the reputation of being no less daring and
reckless a soldier than Alkibiades himself.
When the public assembly were debating about the number of the troops
and the preparation for the armament, Nikias made another attempt to
oppose the whole measure and to put a stop to the war. Alkibiades,
however, took the other side and carried all before him. The orator
Demostratus moved, that the generals should be empowered to demand
whatever stores and war material they pleased, and have absolute power
to carry on the war at their own discretion. This was agreed to by the
people, and all was ready for setting sail, when unlucky omens occurred.
The festival of Adonis took place at that very time, and during it the
women carry about in many parts of the city figures dressed like corpses
going to be buried, and imitate the ceremony of a funeral by tearing
their hair and singing dirges. And besides this, the mutilation of the
Hermae in one night, when all of them had their faces disfigured,
disturbed many even of those who, as a rule, despised such things. A
story was put about that the Corinthians, of whom the Syracusans were a
colony, had done it, hoping that such an evil omen might make the
Athenians either postpone or give up their expedition. But the people
paid no heed to this insinuation, and still less to those who argued
that there was no omen in the matter at all, but that it was the work of
extravagant young men after their wine. They regarded the incident with
feelings of rage and fear, imagining that it proved the existence of an
organised plot aimed at greater matters. Both the Senate and the General
Assembly met several times during the next few days, and inquired
sharply into every thing that could throw any light upon it.
XIX. During this time, Androkles, a popular speaker, brought forward
several slaves and resident aliens, who charged Alkibiades and his
friends with mutilating certain other statues, and with parodying the
ceremonies of initiation to the sacred mysteries when in their cups.
They said that the part of the Herald was taken by Theodorus, that of
the Torch-bearer by Polytion, and that of Hierophant by Alkibiades
himself, while the rest of the company were present and were initiated,
and were addressed by them as Mysts, which means persons who have been
initiated into the mysteries. These are the charges which we find
specified in the indictment drawn against Alkibiades by Thessalus the
son of Kimon, in which he accuses Alkibiades of sacrilege against the
two goddesses, Demeter (Ceres) and Proserpine. The people now became
very much enraged with Alkibiades, and were still more exasperated by
his personal enemy Androkles. Alkibiades was at first alarmed, but soon
perceived that all the sailors of the fleet about to sail to Sicily
were on his side, as were also the soldiers. A body of a thousand
Argives and Mantineans also were heard to say that they were going to
cross the seas and fight in a distant land all for the sake of
Alkibiades, and that if he did not meet with fair play, they would at
once desert. Encouraged by this, he appeared at the appointed time to
defend himself, which disconcerted and disheartened his enemies, who
feared that the people might deal leniently with him because they
required his services. Matters being in this posture, they prevailed
upon some of the orators who were not known to be enemies to Alkibiades,
but who hated him nevertheless, to move before the people that it was an
absurd proceeding for the irresponsible general of so great a force of
Athenians and their allies to waste his time while the court was drawing
lots for the jury, and filling water-clocks with water. "Let him sail,
and may good luck attend him, and when the war is finished let him
return and speak in his defence, for the laws will be the same then as
now." Alkibiades saw clearly their malicious object in postponing his
trial, and said publicly that it was very hard to leave such accusations
and slanders behind him, and to be sent out in command of a great
expedition with such a terrible fate hanging over him. If he could not
prove his innocence, he ought to be put to death; and if he could clear
himself of these charges, it was only just that he should be enabled to
attack the enemy with a light heart, without having to fear false
accusers at home.
XX. He did not, however, succeed in this, but was ordered to sail, and
put to sea with his colleagues, having under their orders a fleet of
nearly one hundred and forty triremes, five thousand one hundred
heavy-armed troops, archers, slingers, and light-armed troops to the
number of about thirteen hundred, and all other stores and provisions in
proportion. After reaching Italy and capturing Rhegium, he gave his
opinion as to the manner in which the war ought to be conducted; but as
Nikias opposed him and was joined by Lamachus, he sailed over to Sicily
and induced the city of Catana to join them, but did nothing further,
because he was sent for at once to return and stand his trial at Athens.
At first, as we have stated, Alkibiades was only vaguely suspected, and
only the testimony of slaves and resident aliens could be obtained
against him; but afterwards, during his absence, his enemies had worked
hard to get up a case against him, and connected his sacrilegious
conduct about the mysteries with the mutilation of the Hermae, which
they argued were all the work of one body of conspirators, bent upon
revolution and the destruction of the existing form of government. All
those who were in any degree implicated were cast into prison without a
trial, and they were much vexed they had not immediately brought
Alkibiades to trial and obtained judgment against him on such grave
charges as these. Any of his friends, relations, or acquaintances who
fell into their hands received very harsh treatment.
Thucydides has omitted the names of those who impeached him, but others
give their names as Diokleides and Teukrus, among whom is Phrynichus the
comic dramatist, who writes as follows:--
"And, dearest Hermes, do not fall
And break your head; and, worst of all,
To some new Diokleides show the way,
By slander base to swear men's lives away."
And again Hermes says:
"I will not fall. I will not for my pains
Let Teukrus fatten on informers' gains."
Though really the informers brought no decided evidence forward for any
important charge, one of them, when asked how he recognised the faces of
the statue-breakers, answered that he saw them by the light of the moon:
a signal falsehood, because it was done on the night of the new moon.
This answer made the more thoughtful citizens unwilling to press the
charge, but had no effect whatever on the people, who were as eager as
ever, and continued to cast into prison any man who might be informed
against.
XXI. One of those who was imprisoned was the orator Andokides, whom
Hellanikus, the historian, reckons as a descendant of Odysseus
(Ulysses). Andokides was thought to be a man of aristocratic and
antipopular sentiments, and what made him particularly suspected of
having taken part in the statue-breaking, was that the large statue of
Hermes, near his house, the gift of the tribe Aegeis, was one of the
very few which remained unbroken. Wherefore even at the present day it
is called the Hermes of Andokides, and everyone speaks of it by that
name in spite of the inscription on it.
It happened that Andokides, while in custody, formed an acquaintance and
friendship for one of the other persons who were imprisoned on the same
charge, a man of the name of Timaeus, of inferior birth and position to
himself, but much cleverer and more courageous. This man persuaded
Andokides to inform against himself and some few others, because, by a
decree of the people, any one who acted as informer was to be given a
free pardon, whereas no one could count upon the results of a trial,
which the more prominent citizens had especial reasons for dreading. He
pointed out that it was better to save his life by a lie than to be put
to death with infamy as if he was really guilty; moreover, looking at
the whole affair, it was best to sacrifice a few persons of doubtful
character to the fury of the people, and thereby to save many good men
from becoming its victims. Andokides was convinced by these arguments of
Timaeus, and by informing against himself and some others obtained a
pardon for himself, while all those whose names he mentioned were put to
death, except such as had fled the country.
To procure greater credit to his information, Andokides even accused his
own servants. However, the people did not abate their rage, but, ceasing
to take any further interest in the statue-breakers, they turned
savagely against Alkibiades. Finally, they despatched the Salaminian
trireme after him, ingeniously ordering its officers not to use any
personal violence, but to speak him fair and bid him return to stand his
trial and set himself right with the people.
They were afraid of an outbreak, or even of a mutiny in the army in
Sicily, which Alkibiades could have raised with the greatest ease, if he
had wished to do so. Indeed, the soldiers became disheartened when he
left them, and looked forward to long delays and periods of dull
inaction under Nikias's command, now that he who used to spur matters
on was gone. Lamachus, indeed, was a brave and skilful soldier, but his
poverty prevented his opinions from carrying their due weight.
XXII. Alkibiades the moment he sailed away lost Messina for the
Athenians. There was a party in that city ready to deliver it up, which
he knew well, and by disclosing their intentions to the Syracusan party
he effectually ruined the plot. At Thurii he landed, and concealed
himself so that he could not be found. When one of his friends said to
him, "Alkibiades, do you not trust your native country?" He answered,
"Yes, in other matters; but when my life is at stake I would not trust
my own mother, for fear that she might mistake a black bean for a white
one." Afterwards hearing that the Athenians had condemned him to death,
he said, "I will show them that I am still alive."
The indictment against him is framed thus:
"Thessalus, the son of Kimon, of the township of Lakia, accuses
Alkibiades, the son of Kleinias, of the township of the Skambonidae, of
sacrilege against the two goddesses, Demeter and Kora, by parodying the
sacred mysteries and giving a representation of them in his own house,
wearing himself such a robe as the Hierophant does when he shows the
holy things, and calling himself the Hierophant, Poulytion, the
Torch-bearer, Theodorus, of the township of Phegaea, the Herald, and
addressing the rest of the company as Mysts and Epopts (Initiates and
Novices), contrary to the rules and ceremonies established by the
Eumolpidae, and Kerykes, and the priests of Eleusis." As he did not
appear, they condemned him, forfeited his goods, and even caused all the
priests and priestesses to curse him publicly. It is said that Theano,
the daughter of Menon, the priestess of the temple of Agraulos, was the
only one who refused to carry out this decree, alleging that it was to
pray and not to curse that she had become a priestess.
XXIII. While these terrible decrees and sentences were being passed
against Alkibiades, he was living at Argos; for as soon as he left
Thurii, he fled to the Peloponnesus, where, terrified at the violence of
his enemies, he determined to abandon his country, and sent to Sparta
demanding a safe asylum, on the strength of a promise that he would do
the Spartans more good than he had in time past done them harm. The
Spartans agreed to his request, and invited him to come. On his arrival,
he at once effected one important matter, by stirring up the dilatory
Spartans to send Gylippus at once to Syracuse with reinforcements for
that city, to destroy the Athenian army in Sicily. Next, he brought them
to declare war against the Athenians themselves; while his third and
most terrible blow to Athens was his causing the Lacedaemonians to seize
and fortify Dekeleia, which did more to ruin Athens than any other
measure throughout the war. With his great public reputation, Alkibiades
was no less popular in private life, and he deluded the people by
pretending to adopt the Laconian habits. When they saw him closely
shaved, bathing in cold water, eating dry bread and black broth, they
wondered, and began to doubt whether this man ever had kept a professed
cook, used perfumes, or endured to wear a Milesian mantle. For
Alkibiades, among his other extraordinary qualities, had this especial
art of captivating men by assimilating his own manners and habits to
theirs, being able to change, more quickly than the chameleon, from one
mode of life to another. The chameleon, indeed, cannot turn itself
white; but Alkibiades never found anything, good or bad, which he could
not imitate to the life. Thus at Sparta he was fond of exercise, frugal
and severe; in Ionia, luxurious, frivolous, and lazy; in Thrace, he
drank deep; in Thessaly he proved himself a good horseman; while, when
he was consorting with the satrap Tissaphernes, he outdid even the
Persian splendour and pomp. It was not his real character that he so
often and so easily changed, but as he knew that if he appeared in his
true colours, he would be universally disliked, he concealed his real
self under an apparent adoption of the ways and fashions of whatever
place he was in. In Lacedaemon you would say, looking at his appearance,
"'Tis not Achilles' son, 'tis he himself."
He was just such a man as Lykurgus himself would have trained; but if
you examined his habits and actions more closely, you would say:
"'Tis the same woman still."
For while King Agis was away in the wars, Alkibiades seduced his wife
Timaea, so that she became pregnant by him, and did not even deny the
fact. When her child was born it was called Leotychides in public, but
in her own house she whispered to her friends and attendants that his
name was Alkibiades, so greatly was she enamoured of him. He himself
used to say in jest that he had not acted thus out of wanton passion,
but in order that his race might one day rule in Lacedaemon. King Agis
heard of all this from many informants, but was most convinced of its
truth by a computation of the time before the birth of the child.
Terrified at an earthquake, he had once quitted his wife's chamber, and
for ten months afterwards had never conversed with her. As it was at the
end of this period that Leotychides was born, he declared that the child
was not his; and for this reason he never succeeded to the throne.
XXIV. After the Athenian disaster in Sicily, ambassadors came to Sparta
from Chios, Lesbos, and Kyzikus. The claims of the Lesbians were
favoured by the Boeotians, and those of the people of Kyzikus by
Pharnabazus; but, at the recommendation of Alkibiades, the
Lacedaemonians decided to give the preference to the Chians. He himself
sailed to that island, caused nearly the whole of the cities of Ionia to
revolt from Athens, and injured the Athenian cause much by constantly
assisting the Lacedaemonian generals. King Agis, however, was already
his personal enemy, because of Alkibiades's intrigue with his wife, and
now was enraged at his successes; for it was said that scarcely anything
was done without Alkibiades. The other leading men in Sparta also hated
Alkibiades, because he had thrown them into the shade; and they had
sufficient influence with the home government to obtain an order for his
execution, to be sent to the generals in Ionia.
Alkibiades received warning of this in good time. Alarmed at the news,
he still continued to co-operate with the Lacedaemonians, but utterly
refused to trust his person among them. To ensure his safety, he betook
himself to Tissaphernes, the satrap or viceroy for the king of Persia in
that province, and at once became the most important personage amongst
his followers. The barbarian being himself a lover of deceit and of
crooked ways, admired his cleverness and versatility; while no man's
nature could resist the fascinations and charms of the society of
Alkibiades, which Tissaphernes now enjoyed daily. Although he hated the
Greeks as much as any Persian, yet he was so overpowered by the
flatteries of Alkibiades, that he in his turn repaid him with
compliments even more excessive. He decreed that the pleasantest of his
parks, a place charmingly wooded and watered, with delightful walks and
summer-houses, should be called "the Alkibiades;" and all men from that
time forth spoke of it by that name.
XXV. Now that Alkibiades had determined that the Spartans were not to be
trusted, and that he was in fear of Agis, their king, he began to speak
evil of them to Tissaphernes, withholding him from assisting them
thoroughly, and enabling them to conquer the Athenians, but advising him
rather to starve the Lacedaemonians forces by insufficient supplies, so
as to play one side off against the other, and thus encourage them to
wear each other out, in order that in the end both might be so weakened
as to fall an easy prey to the Persians.
Tissaphernes at once adopted this policy, and made no secret of his
regard and admiration for Alkibiades, who was now looked up to by the
Greeks on both sides, while the Athenians repented of their decrees
against him. He also began to fear that if their city were to be utterly
destroyed he would necessarily fall into the hands of his enemies, the
Lacedaemonians.
The most important post in the Athenian empire at this time was the
island of Samos. Here lay the greater part of their fleet, and it was
from this headquarters that they sent out expeditions to recover the
revolted cities of Ionia, and guarded those which they still retained,
as, in spite of their great losses, they still possessed a fleet capable
of holding its own against the Lacedaemonians. They were in great fear
of Tissaphernes and the Phoenician fleet of a hundred and fifty sail of
triremes, which was said to be on the point of arriving, because if it
really came all would be over with Athens. Alkibiades, knowing this,
sent a secret message to the Athenian leaders at Samos, holding out
hopes of bringing Tissaphernes over to the Athenian side. He would not,
he said, do this to please the populace of Athens, because he could not
trust them, but he would effect it if the nobility would, like brave
gentlemen, put an end to the insolent behaviour of the lower orders, and
would themselves undertake to save the city and empire of Athens.