of anger was quenched by the blow they had dealt him, just as a bee
leaves its sting in the wound; but his private affairs were in great
distress and disorder, as he had lost many of his relatives during the
plague, while others were estranged from him on political grounds.
Xanthippus too, the eldest of his legitimate sons, who was a spendthrift
by nature and married to a woman of expensive habits, a daughter of
Tisander, the son of Epilykus, could not bear with his father's stingy
ways and the small amount of money which he allowed him. He consequently
sent to one of his friends and borrowed money from him as if Perikles
had authorised him to do so. When the friend asked for his money back
again, Perikles prosecuted him, at which proceeding young Xanthippus was
enraged and abused his father, sneering at his way of life and his
discussions with the sophists. When some athlete accidentally killed
Epitimus of Pharsalus with a javelin, he said that Perikles spent the
whole day arguing with Protagoras whether in strict accuracy the
javelin, or the man who threw it, or the stewards of the games, ought to
be considered the authors of the mishap. And, besides this, Stesimbrotus
tells us that Xanthippus put about that scandal about his father and his
own wife, so that the father and son remained irreconcilable enemies
until Xanthippus's death, which happened during the plague, by an
attack of that disorder. At the same time Perikles lost his sister and
most of his relations, especially those who supported his policy. Yet he
would not yield, nor abate his firmness and constancy of spirit because
of these afflictions, but was not observed to weep or mourn, or attend
the funeral of any of his relations, until he lost Paralus, the last of
his legitimate offspring. Crushed by this blow, he tried in vain to keep
up his grand air of indifference, and when carrying a garland to lay
upon the corpse he was overpowered by his feelings, so as to burst into
a passion of tears and sobs, which he had never done before in his whole
life.
XXXVII. Athens made trial of her other generals and public men to
conduct her affairs, but none appeared to be of sufficient weight or
reputation to have such a charge entrusted to him. The city longed for
Perikles, and invited him again to lead its counsels and direct its
armies; and he, although dejected in spirits and living in seclusion in
his own house, was yet persuaded by Alkibiades and his other friends to
resume the direction of affairs. The people apologised for their
ungrateful treatment of him, and when he was again in office and elected
as general, he begged of them to be released from the operations of the
law of bastardy, which he himself had originally introduced, in order
that his name and race might not altogether become extinct for want of
an heir. The provisions of the law were as follows:--Perikles many years
before, when he was at the height of his power and had children born to
him, as we have related, of legitimate birth, proposed a law that only
those born of an Athenian father and mother should be reckoned Athenian
citizens. But when the king of Egypt sent a present of forty thousand
_medimni_ of wheat to be divided among the citizens, many lawsuits arose
about the citizenship of men whose birth had never been questioned
before that law came into force, and many vexatious informations were
laid. Nearly five thousand men were convicted of illegitimacy of birth
and sold for slaves, while those who retained their citizenship and
proved themselves to be genuine Athenians amounted to fourteen thousand
and forty. It was indeed an unreasonable request that a law which had
been enforced in so many instances should now be broken in the person of
its own author, but Perikles's domestic misfortunes, in which he seemed
to have paid the penalty for his former haughtiness and pride, touched
the hearts of the Athenians so much that they thought his sorrows
deserving of their pity, and his request such as he was entitled to make
and they to grant in common charity, and they consented to his
illegitimate son being enrolled in his own tribe and bearing his own
name. This man was subsequently put to death by the people, together
with all his colleagues, for their conduct after the sea-fight at
Arginusae.
XXXVIII. After this it appears that Perikles was attacked by the plague,
not acutely or continuously, as in most cases, but in a slow wasting
fashion, exhibiting many varieties of symptoms, and gradually
undermining his strength. Theophrastus, in his treatise on Ethics,
discusses whether a man's character can be changed by disease, and
whether virtue depends upon bodily health. As an example, he quotes a
story that Perikles, when one of his friends came to visit him during
his sickness, showed him a charm hung round his neck, as a proof that he
must be indeed ill to submit to such a piece of folly. As he was now on
his deathbed, the most distinguished of the citizens and his surviving
friends collected round him and spoke admiringly of his nobleness and
immense power, enumerating also the number of his exploits, and the
trophies which he had set up for victories gained; for while in chief
command he had won no less than nine victories for Athens. They were
talking thus to one another in his presence, imagining that he could no
longer understand them, but had lost his power of attending to them. He,
however, was following all that they said, and suddenly broke silence,
saying that he was surprised at their remembering and praising him for
the exploits which depended entirely upon fortune for their success, and
which many other generals had done as well as himself, while they did
not mention his greatest and most glorious title to fame. "No Athenian,"
said he, "ever wore black because of me."
XXXIX. Perikles was to be admired, not only for his gentleness and
mildness of spirit, which he preserved through the most violent
political crises and outbreaks of personal hatred to himself, but also
for his lofty disposition. He himself accounted it his greatest virtue
that he never gave way to feelings of envy or hatred, but from his own
exalted pinnacle of greatness never regarded any man as so much his
enemy that he could never be his friend. This alone, in my opinion,
justifies that outrageous nickname of his, and gives it a certain
propriety; for so serene and impartial a man, utterly uncorrupt though
possessed of great power, might naturally be called Olympian. Thus it is
that we believe that the gods, who are the authors of all good and of no
evil to men, rule over us and over all created things, not as the poets
describe them in their bewildering fashion, which their own poems prove
to be untrue. The poets describe the abode of the gods as a safe and
untroubled place where no wind or clouds are, always enjoying a mild air
and clear light, thinking such a place to be fittest for a life of
immortal blessedness; while they represent the gods themselves as full
of disorder and anger and spite and other passions, which are not
becoming even to mortal men of common sense. Those reflections, however,
perhaps belong to another subject.
Events soon made the loss of Perikles felt and regretted by the
Athenians. Those who during his lifetime had complained that his power
completely threw them into the shade, when after his death they had made
trial of other orators and statesmen, were obliged to confess that with
all his arrogance no man ever was really more moderate, and that his
real mildness in dealing with men was as remarkable as his apparent
pride and assumption. His power, which had been so grudged and envied,
and called monarchy and despotism, now was proved to have been the
saving of the State; such an amount of corrupt dealing and wickedness
suddenly broke out in public affairs, which he before had crushed and
forced to hide itself, and so prevented its becoming incurable through
impunity and licence.
LIFE OF FABIUS MAXIMUS.
I. Such a man did Perikles show himself to be in his most memorable
acts, as far as they are extant.
Let us now turn our attention to Fabius.
The first of the family is said to descend from one of the nymphs,
according to some writers, according to others from an Italian lady who
became the mother of Fabius by Hercules near the river Tiber. From him
descended the family of the Fabii, one of the largest and most renowned
in Rome. Some say that the men of this race were the first to use
pitfalls in hunting, and were anciently named Fodii in consequence; for
up to the present day ditches are called _fossae_, and to dig is called
_fodere_ in Latin: and thus in time the two sounds became confused, and
they obtained the name of Fabii. The family produced many distinguished
men, the greatest of whom was Rullus, who was for that reason named
Maximus by the Romans. From him Fabius Maximus, of whom I am now
writing, was fourth in descent. His own personal nickname was
Verrucosus, because he had a little wart growing on his upper lip. The
name of Ovicula, signifying sheep, was also given him while yet a child,
because of his slow and gentle disposition. He was quiet and silent,
very cautious in taking part in children's games, and learned his
lessons slowly and with difficulty, which, combined with his easy
obliging ways with his comrades, made those who did not know him think
that he was dull and stupid. Few there were who could discern, hidden in
the depths of his soul, his glorious and lion-like character. Soon,
however, as time went on, and he began to take part in public affairs,
he proved that his apparent want of energy was really due to serenity of
intellect, that he was cautious because he weighed matters well
beforehand, and that while he was never eager or easily moved, yet he
was always steady and trustworthy. Observing the immense extent of the
empire, and the numerous wars in which it was engaged, he exercised his
body in warlike exercises, regarding it as his natural means of defence,
while he also studied oratory as the means by which to influence the
people, in a style suited to his own life and character. In his speeches
there were no flowery passages, no empty graces of style, but there was
a plain common sense peculiar to himself, and a depth of sententious
maxims which is said to have resembled Thucydides. One of his speeches
is extant, a funeral oration which he made in public over his son who
died after he had been consul.
II. He was consul five times, and in his first consulship obtained a
triumph over the Ligurians. They were defeated by him and driven with
great loss to take refuge in the Alps, and thus were prevented from
ravaging the neighbouring parts of Italy as they had been wont to do.
When Hannibal invaded Italy, won his first battle at the Trebia, and
marched through Etruria, laying everything waste as he went, the Romans
were terribly disheartened and cast down, and terrible prodigies took
place, some of the usual kind, that is, by lightning, and others of an
entirely new and strange character. It was said that shields of their
own accord became drenched with blood: that at Antium standing corn bled
when it was cut by the reapers; that red-hot stones fell from heaven,
and that the sky above Falerii was seen to open and tablets to fall, on
one of which was written the words "Mars is shaking his arms."
None of these omens had any effect upon Caius Flaminius, the consul,
for, besides his naturally spirited and ambitious nature, he was excited
by the successes which he had previously won, contrary to all reasonable
probability. Once, against the express command of the Senate, and in
spite of the opposition of his colleague, he engaged with the Gauls and
won a victory over them. Fabius also was but little disturbed by the
omens, because of their strange and unintelligible character, though
many were alarmed at them. Knowing how few the enemy were in numbers,
and their great want of money and supplies, he advised the Romans not
to offer battle to a man who had at his disposal an army trained by many
previous encounters to a rare pitch of perfection, but rather to send
reinforcements to their allies, keep a tight hand over their subject
cities, and allow Hannibal's brilliant little force to die away like a
lamp which flares up brightly with but little oil to sustain it.
III. This reasoning had no effect upon Flaminius, who said that he would
not endure to see an enemy marching upon Rome, and would not, like
Camillus of old, fight in the streets of Rome herself. He ordered the
military tribunes to put the army in motion, and himself leaped upon his
horse's back. The horse for no visible reason shied in violent terror,
and Flaminius was thrown headlong to the ground. He did not, however,
alter his determination, but marched to meet Hannibal, and drew up his
forces for battle near the lake Thrasymenus, in Etruria. When the armies
met, an earthquake took place which destroyed cities, changed the
courses of rivers, and cast down the crests of precipices; but in spite
of its violence, no one of the combatants perceived it. Flaminius
himself, after many feats of strength and courage, fell dead, and around
him lay the bravest Romans. The rest fled, and the slaughter was so
great that fifteen thousand were killed, and as many more taken
prisoners. Hannibal generously desired to bury the body of Flaminius
with military honours, to show his esteem for the consul's bravery; but
it could not be found among the slain, and no one knew how it
disappeared.
The defeat at the Trebia had not been clearly explained either by the
general who wrote the despatch, or by the messenger who carried it, as
they falsely represented it to have been a drawn battle; but as soon as
the praetor Pomponius heard the news of this second misfortune, he
assembled the people in the Forum, and said, without any roundabout
apologies whatever, "Romans, we have lost a great battle, the army is
destroyed, and the consul Flaminius has fallen. Now, therefore, take
counsel for your own safety." These words produced the same impression
on the people that a gust of wind does upon the sea. No one could calmly
reflect after such a sudden downfall of their hopes. All, however,
agreed that the State required one irresponsible ruler, which the Romans
call a dictatorship, and a man who would fulfil this office with
fearless energy. Such a man, they felt, was Fabius Maximus, who was
sufficiently qualified for the office by his abilities and the respect
which his countrymen bore him, and was moreover at that time of life
when the strength of the body is fully capable of carrying out the ideas
of the mind, but when courage is somewhat tempered by discretion.
IV. As soon as the people had passed their decree, Fabius was appointed
dictator,[A] and appointed Marcus Minucius his master of the horse.
First, however, he begged of the Senate to allow him the use of a horse
during his campaigns. There was an ancient law forbidding this practice,
either because the main strength of the army was thought to lie in the
columns of infantry, and for that reason the dictator ought to remain
always with them, or else because, while in all other respects the
dictator's power is equal to that of a king, it was thought well that in
this one point he should have to ask leave of the people. Next, however,
Fabius, wishing at once to show the greatness and splendour of his
office, and so make the citizens more ready to obey him, appeared in
public with all his twenty-four lictors at once; and when the surviving
consul met him, he sent an officer to bid him dismiss his lictors, lay
aside his insignia of office, and come before him as a mere private
citizen. After this he began in the best possible way, that is, by a
religious ceremony, and assured the people that it was in consequence of
the impiety and carelessness of their late general, not by any fault of
the army, that they had been defeated. Thus he encouraged them not to
fear their enemies, but to respect the gods and render them propitious,
not that he implanted any superstitious observances among them, but he
confirmed their valour by piety, and took away from them all fear of the
enemy by the hopes which he held out to them of divine protection. At
this time many of the holy and mysterious books, which contain secrets
of great value to the State, were inspected. These are called the
Sibylline books. One of the sentences preserved in these was said to
have an evident bearing on contemporary events; what it was can only be
guessed at by what was done. The dictator appeared before the people and
publicly vowed to the gods a _ver sacrum_, that is, all the young which
the next spring should produce, from the goats, the sheep, and the kine
on every mountain, and plain, and river, and pasture within the bounds
of Italy. All these he swore that he would sacrifice, and moreover that
he would exhibit musical and dramatic shows, and expend upon them the
sum of three hundred and thirty-three _sestertia_, and three hundred and
thirty-three _denarii_, and one-third of a _denarius_. The sum total of
this in our Greek money is eighty-three thousand five hundred and
eighty-three drachmas and two obols. What the particular virtue of this
exact number may be it is hard to determine, unless it be on account of
the value of the number three, which is by nature perfect, and the first
of odd numbers, the first also of plurals, and containing within itself
all the elements of the qualities of number.
[Footnote A: Liv., xxii. 8, _sq._]
V. Fabius, by teaching the people to rest their hopes on religion, made
them view the future with a more cheerful heart. For his own part, he
trusted entirely to himself to win the victory, believing that Heaven
grants men success according to the valour and conduct which they
display. He marched against Hannibal, not with any design of fighting
him, but of wearing out his army by long delays, until he could, by his
superior numbers and resources, deal with him easily. With this object
in view he always took care to secure himself from Hannibal's cavalry,
by occupying the mountains overhanging the Carthaginian camp, where he
remained quiet as long as the enemy did, but when they moved he used to
accompany them, showing himself at intervals upon the heights at such a
distance as not to be forced to fight against his will, and yet, from
the very slowness of his movements, making the enemy fear that at every
moment he was about to attack. By these dilatory manoeuvres he incurred
general contempt, and was looked upon with disgust by his own soldiers,
while the enemy, with the exception of one man, thought him utterly
without warlike enterprise. That man was Hannibal himself. He alone
perceived Fabius's true generalship and thorough comprehension of the
war, and saw that either he must by some means be brought to fight a
battle, or else the Carthaginians were lost, if they could not make use
of their superiority in arms, but were to be worn away and reduced in
number and resources, in which they were already deficient. He put in
force every conceivable military stratagem and device, like a skilful
wrestler when he tries to lay hold of his antagonist, and kept attacking
Fabius, skirmishing round him, and drawing him from place to place, in
his endeavours to make him quit his policy of caution. But Fabius was
convinced that he was right, and steadily declined battle. His master of
the horse, Minucius, who longed for action, gave him much trouble. This
man made unseemly boasts, and harangued the army, filling it with wild
excitement and self-confidence. The soldiers in derision used to call
Fabius Hannibal's lacquey, because he followed him wherever he went, and
thought Minucius a really great general, and worthy of the name of
Roman. Minucius, encouraged in his arrogant vauntings, began to ridicule
the habit of encamping on the mountain-tops, saying that the dictator
always took care to provide them with good seats from which to behold
the spectacle of the burning and plundering of Italy, and used to ask
the friends of Fabius whether he took his army up so near the sky
because he had ceased to take any interest in what went on on the earth
below, or whether it was in order to conceal it from the enemy among the
clouds and mists. When Fabius was informed of these insults by his
friends, who begged him to wipe away this disgrace by risking a battle,
he answered, "If I did so, I should be more cowardly than I am now
thought to be, in abandoning the policy which I have determined on
because of men's slanders and sneers. It is no shame to fear for one's
country, but to regard the opinions and spiteful criticisms of the
people would be unworthy of the high office which I hold, and would show
me the slave of those whom I ought to govern and restrain when they
would fain do wrong."
VI. After this, Hannibal made a blunder. Wishing to move his army
further from that of Fabius, and to gain an open part of the country
where he could obtain forage, he ordered his guides one night after
supper to lead the way at once to Casinatum. They, misunderstanding him
because of his foreign pronunciation, led his forces to the borders of
Campania, near the city of Casilinum, through the midst of which flows
the river Lothronus, which the Romans call Vulturnus. This country is
full of mountains, except one valley that runs towards the sea-coast,
where the river at the end of its course overflows into extensive
marshes, with deep beds of sand. The beach itself is rough and
impracticable for shipping.
When Hannibal was marching down this valley, Fabius, by his superior
knowledge of the country, came up with him, placed four thousand men to
guard the narrow outlet, established the main body in a safe position in
the mountains, and with the light-armed troops fell upon and harassed
the rear of Hannibal's army, throwing it all into disorder, and killing
about eight hundred men. Upon this, Hannibal determined to retrace his
steps. Perceiving the mistake which he had made, and the danger he was
in, he crucified his guides, but still could not tell how to force his
way out through the Roman army which was in possession of the mountain
passes. While all were terrified and disheartened, believing themselves
to be beset on all sides by dangers from which there was no escape,
Hannibal decided on extricating himself by stratagem. Taking about two
thousand captured oxen, he ordered his soldiers to bind a torch or
faggot of dry wood to their horns, and at night at a given signal to set
them on fire, and drive the animals towards the narrow outlet near the
enemy's camp. While this was being done, he got the remainder of the
troops under arms and led them slowly forward. The cattle, while the
flame was moderate, and burned only the wood, walked steadily forward
towards the mountain side, astonishing the shepherds on the mountain,
who thought that it must be an army, marching in one great column,
carrying torches. But when their horns were burned to the quick, causing
them considerable pain, the beasts, now scorched by the fire from one
another as they shook their heads, set off in wild career over the
mountains, with their foreheads and tails blazing, setting fire to a
great part of the wood through which they passed. The Romans watching
the pass were terribly scared at the sight; for the flames looked like
torches carried by men running, and they fell into great confusion and
alarm, thinking that they were surrounded, and about to be attacked on
all sides by the enemy. They dared not remain at their post, but
abandoned the pass, and made for the main body. At that moment
Hannibal's light troops took possession of the heights commanding the
outlet, and the main army marched safely through, loaded with plunder.