Of course, even in France, the partisans of old and recognised

schools do not immediately welcome a new one. For the most part they

defend their acquired position with all the vigour they possess. And

the battle may go on for some years before a new formula triumphs,

soon to find, perhaps, yet another one preparing to challenge its

hard-earned victory. When Zola, whose eyes treasured memories of the

bright sunlight of Provence, who could recall the limpid atmosphere

of the hillsides that girdled Aix, entered the lists to do battle for

the new realists of that time he encountered a terrific opposition.

It had been arranged with Villemessant that he should write from

sixteen to eighteen articles, passing the entire Salon in review;

but he penned and published seven only--the first two, which dealt

with the exhibition jury and its system of admitting and excluding

pictures, being written prior to May 1, the opening day. These

articles, which accused the jury of manifest injustice in excluding

Édouard Manet, and almost every artist who shared his tendencies,

created quite an uproar in the Parisian art-world, which increased when

a third article denounced the absolute mediocrity of some eighteen

hundred and ninety of the two thousand pictures which had been

"hung." A fourth article, in vindication of Manet and his methods,

and a fifth praising Claude Monet's "Camille," and attacking Vollon,

Ribot, Bonvin, and Roybet as spurious realists, brought matters to a

climax. Villemessant and Zola himself were assailed with letters of

complaint, some hundreds of readers (inspired for the most part by

the artistic enemies of the "Open-Air" school) demanding the critic's

immediate dismissal or withdrawal. Zola's articles, it may be said,

were signed with the _nom de plume_ of "Claude,"--in memory, no doubt,

of "Claude's Confession," and in anticipation of the "Claude Lantier"

of "L'Œuvre,"--nevertheless, his identity having been divulged, he

was freely abused by the critics of rival newspapers, and was even

threatened with a duel.

At that time, it should be mentioned, Édouard Manet, whose high talent

needs no praise nowadays, was generally regarded as a mystifier, an

impudent scamp who delighted to play jokes with the public, and it

followed that this man Zola, who defended him, must be either another

mystifier or else a mere ignorant jackass. Villemessant, however,

less alarmed than amused by the storm which had been raised, was

unwilling to dismiss him. In lieu thereof he decided to run a second

series of articles on the Salon, one of the orthodox type, by Théodore

Pelloquet, which it was thought would counterbalance the revolutionary

utterances emanating from Zola. But this decision, although almost

worthy of Solomon, did not satisfy the readers of "L'Événement." They

would not have Zola as art critic at any price, and so he brought his

campaign to an end after two more strongly written articles. In the

first, truthfully enough, and in a regretful spirit, he pointed out

the decline of Courbet, Millet, and particularly Théodore Rousseau,

whose pictures that year were of an inferior quality, while, in the

second, after attacking Fromentin for painting Oriental scenes with

plenty of colour, but with an absolute lack of light, he turned the

now-forgotten Nazon's sunsets into ridicule, and dismissed Gérome

and Dubuffe with a few stinging words. On the other hand, he praised

Daubigny, Pissarro (then a newcomer among the realists), and Corot,

observing of the last, however, that he would like his work far

better if he would only slaughter the nymphs with which he peopled

his woods, and set real peasants in their places. And he wound up as

follows, in words which, applied to much of his after-life, were almost

prophetic:----

"In these articles I have defended M. Manet as, throughout

my life, I shall always defend every frank personality

that may be assailed. I shall always be on the side of

the vanquished. There is always a contest between men of

unconquerable temperaments and the herd. I am on the side

of the temperaments, and I attack the herd. Thus my case

is judged, and I am condemned. I have been guilty of such

enormity as to fail to admire M. Dubuffe, after admiring

Courbet--the enormity of complying with inexorable logic.

Such has been my guilt and simplicity that I have been unable

to swallow without disgust the _fadeurs_ of the period, and

have demanded power and originality in artistic work. I have

blasphemed in declaring that the history of art proves that

only temperaments dominate the ages, and that the paintings

we treasure are those which have been lived and felt. I

have committed such horrible sacrilege as to speak with

scant respect of the petty reputations of the day and to

predict their approaching demise, their passage into eternal

nothingness. I have behaved as a heretic in demolishing the

paltry religions of coteries and firmly setting forth the

great religion of art, that which says to every painter:

'Open your eyes, behold nature. Open your heart, behold

life.' I have also displayed crass ignorance because I have

not shared the opinions of the patented critics, and have

neglected to speak of the foreshortening of a torso, the

modelling of a belly, draughtsmanship and colour, schools and

precepts. I have behaved, too, like a ruffian in marching

straight towards my goal without thinking of the poor devils

whom I might crush on the way. I sought Truth and I acted so

badly as to hurt people while trying to reach it. In a word,

I have shown cruelty, foolishness, and ignorance, I have been

guilty of sacrilege and heresy, because, weary of falsehood

and mediocrity, I looked for men in a crowd of eunuchs. And

that is why I am condemned."

Such writing as this was bound to ruffle many dovecotes. There had

previously been various efforts on behalf of the new school of

painting, the complaints of injustice having led one year to the

granting of a Salon des Réfusés, but never had any writer hit out so

vigorously, with such disregard for the pretentious vanity of the

artistic demigods of the hour. If, however, Zola was banished from

"L'Événement" as an art critic, he was not silenced, for he republished

his articles in pamphlet form,[10] with a dedicatory preface addressed

to Paul Cézanne, in which he said: "I have faith in the views I

profess; I know that in a few years everybody will hold me to be right.

So I have no fear that they may be cast in my face hereafter." In this

again he was fairly accurate: at least several of the views then held

to be not merely revolutionary but ridiculous have become commonplaces

of criticism.

Though this campaign did not improve Zola's material position, it

brought him into notoriety among the public, and gave him quite a

position among the young men of the French art-world. At this time he

still had his home in the Rue de Vaugirard, overlooking the Luxembourg

gardens, but in the summer of 1866 he was able to spend several weeks

at Bennecourt, a little village on the right bank of the Seine,

near Bonnières, and--as the crow flies--about half-way between Paris

and Rouen. Here he was joined at intervals by some of his Provençal

friends, Baille, Cézanne, Marius Roux, and Numa Coste;[11] and they

roamed and boated, rested on the pleasant river islets and formed the

grandest plans for the future, while Paris became all excitement about

the war which had broken out between Prussia and Austria. The crash of

Kœnigsgratz echoed but faintly in that pleasant valley of the Seine,

among those young men whose minds were intent on art and literature.

But politically the year was an important one for France, for, from

that time, the Franco-German War became inevitable. The Napoleonic

_prestige_ was departing. The recall of the expeditionary force from

Mexico had become imperative. In vain did the unhappy Empress Charlotte

hasten to Paris and beg and pray and weep; Napoleon III, who had placed

her husband Maximilian in his dangerous position, would give him no

further help, and she, poor woman, was soon to lose her reason and sink

into living death.

The year which had opened so brightly for Zola was to end badly for

him also. After shocking the readers of "L'Événement" as an art

critic, he imagined he might be more successful with them as a story

writer. So he proposed a serial to Villemessant, who after examining

a synopsis of the suggested narrative, accepted the offer. The story

which Zola then wrote was called "Le Vœu d'une Morte," but it met

with no more success than the art criticisms, and after issuing the

first part, Villemessant stopped the publication. The second part was

never written; yet the abortion--for it was nothing else--was issued

in volume form,[12] and of recent years has even been translated

into English,[13] and reviewed approvingly by English critics! Zola

himself always regarded it as the very worst of his productions. "What

a wretched thing, my friend!" he remarked in a letter to M. George

Charpentier twenty years after this story's first appearance. "Nowadays

young men of eighteen turn out work ten times superior in craftsmanship

to what we produced when we were five and twenty."

This second failure to catch the public fancy injured Zola

considerably in the opinion of Villemessant, but the latter continued

to take various articles from him, such as a series of literary

character-sketches, entitled "Marbres et Plâtres," in which figured

such men as Flaubert, Janin, Taine, Paradol, and About. These articles

were merely signed "Simplice,"--Zola's name having become odious to the

readers of "L'Événement,"--and portions were worked by the author into

later studies on French literary men.

About this time Villemessant found himself in serious difficulties

with the authorities, through having sailed too near to politics in

a journal only authorised for literature and news. "L'Événement" was

suppressed, but its editor turned "Le Figaro" into a daily organ, and

Zola's services were transferred to the latter journal. He contributed

to it a number of Parisian and other sketches, portions of which will

be found under the title "Souvenirs," in a second volume of "Contes à

Ninon," published in 1874.

In the latter part of 1866 his pecuniary position was a declining one.

As he wrote to his friend, Antony Valabrègue, he found himself in a

period of transition. He had penned a pretty and pathetic _nouvelle_,

"Les Quatre Journées de Jean Gourdon," for "L'Illustration,"[14] but

he was chiefly turning his thoughts to dramatic art, going, he said,

as often as possible to the theatre--with the idea, undoubtedly, that,

as he had failed to conquer Paris as an art critic and a novelist,

he might yet do so as a playwright. The young man was certainly

indomitable; after each repulse he came up, smiling, to try the effect

of another attack. Already in 1865, although his comedy, "La Laide,"

had been declined by the Odéon Theatre, he had started on a three-act

drama, called "La Madeleine," and this now being finished he sent it to

Montigny, the director of the Gymnase Theatre, who replied, however,

that the play was "impossible, mad, and would bring down the very

chandeliers if an attempt were made to perform it." Harmant of the

Vaudeville also declined "La Madeleine," but on the ground that the

piece was "too colourless," from which, as Alexis points out, one may

surmise that he had not troubled to read it.

After this experience Zola slipped his manuscript into a drawer and

turned to other matters. In December, 1866, he is found informing

Valabrègue that he has received a very flattering invitation to the

Scientific Congress of France,[15] and asking him, as he cannot attend

personally, to read on his behalf a paper he has written for it. This

was a "definition of the novel," prepared, said Zola, according to

the methods of Taine,[16] and it embodied at least the germs of the

theories which he afterwards applied to his own work. When writing to

Valabrègue on the subject he was in a somewhat despondent mood, for

his position on "Le Figaro" had now become very precarious. He wished

to undertake some serious work, he said, but it was imperative that

he should raise money, and he was "very unskilful in such matters."

Indeed, in spite of every effort, he did not earn more than an average

of three hundred francs a month. Nevertheless, he still received his

friends every Thursday, when Pissarro, Baille, Solari, and others went

"to complain with him about the hardness of the times."[17] And he at

least had a ray of comfort amid his difficulties, for he was now in

love, was loved in return, and hoped to marry at the first favourable

opportunity. The young person was tall, dark haired, very charming,

very intelligent, with a gift, too, of that prudent thrift which makes

so many Frenchwomen the most desirable of companions for the men who

have to fight for position and fame. Her name was Alexandrine Gabrielle

Mesley; before very long she became Madame Zola.

In 1867 Zola put forth a large quantity of work. Early in the year he

quitted "Le Figaro," and bade good-bye to the Quartier Latin, removing

to Batignolles, quite at the other end of Paris; his new address being

1, Rue Moncey, at the corner of the Avenue de Clichy. He was now near

his artistic friends of Montmartre, and complained to Valabrègue of

having only painters around him, without a single literary chum to

join him in his battle. His association with artists led, however,

to the production of a fresh study on Manet,[18] and to another

abortive effort to write a "Salon," this time in a newspaper called

"La Situation," which the blind, despoiled King of Hanover had started

in Paris for the purpose of inciting the French against the Prussians.

This journal was edited by Édouard Grénier, a _publiciste_ and minor

poet of the time, who was well disposed towards Zola, but the latter's

articles again called forth so many protests, that Grénier, fearing

the newspaper would be wrecked when it was barely launched, cast his

contributor overboard.

Zola fortunately had other work in hand, having arranged with the

director of a Marseillese newspaper, "Le Messager de Provence," to

supply him with a serial story, based (so Zola wrote to Valabrègue),

on certain criminal trials, respecting which he had received such

an infinity of documents that he hardly knew how to reduce so much

chaos to order and invest it with life. He hoped, however, that the

story, which he called "Les Mystères de Marseille," might give him a

reputation in the south of France, even if from a pecuniary standpoint

it provided little beyond bread and cheese, the remuneration being

fixed at no more than two _sous_ a line. That, perhaps, was full value

for such matter, at all events the London Sunday papers and halfpenny

evening journals often pay no more, if indeed as much, for the serials

they issue nowadays, the majority of which are no whit better than was

Zola's tale. It was not literature certainly, but it was clearly and

concisely written, and generally good as narrative, in spite of some

sentimental mawkishness and sensational absurdity. As often happens

with hack work of this description the tale opens better than it ends.

Long, indeed, before it was finished, the writer had grown heartily

tired of it, as many of its readers must have perceived. At the same

time it was not a work to be ashamed of, particularly in the case of

an author fighting for his daily bread, and Zola, when at the height

of his reputation, showed that he was not ashamed of it, for on his

adversaries casting this forgotten "pot boiler" in his face, he caused

it to be reprinted, with a vigorous preface, in which he recounted

under what circumstances the story had been written.[19]

The money paid for it had been very acceptable to him, for it had meant

an income of two hundred francs a month for nine months in succession;

and it had enabled him to give time to some real literary work, the

writing of his first notable novel, "Thérèse Raquin." This he had

begun in 1866; the idea of it then being suggested to him by Adolphe

Belot and Ernest Daudet's "Vénus de Gordes," in which a husband is

killed by the wife's lover, who, with his mistress, is sent to the

Assizes. Zola, for his part, pictured a similar crime in which the

paramours escaped detection, but suffered all the torment of remorse,

and ended by punishing each other. An article, a kind of _nouvelle_

which he contributed to "Le Figaro" on the subject, led him to develop

this theme in the form of a novel. In parts, "Thérèse Raquin," as the

author afterwards remarked, was neither more nor less than a study of

the animality existing in human nature. It was, therefore, bound to

be repulsive to many folk. But if one accept the subject, the book

will be found to possess considerable literary merit, a quality which

cannot be claimed for Émile Gaboriau's "Crime d'Orcival," with which

it has been compared by Mr. Andrew Lang. Gaboriau was a clever man in

his way, but he wrote in commonplace language for the folk of little

education who patronised the _feuilletons_ of "Le Petit Journal." No

French critic, except, perhaps, the ineffable M. de Brunetière, who has

declared the illiterate Ponson du Terrail to be infinitely superior to

the Goncourts, would think of associating Gaboriau's name with that of

Émile Zola.

Under the title of "Un Mariage d'Amour," "Thérèse Raquin" was published

during the summer and autumn of 1867, in Arsène Houssaye's review,

"L'Artiste," which paid Zola the sum of six hundred francs[20] for

the serial rights. There was some delay and difficulty in the matter.

Houssaye, who was _bien en cour_, as the French say, and desirous

of doing nothing that might interfere with his admission to the

Tuileries, informed Zola that the Empress Eugénie read the review,

and on that ground obtained his assent to the omission of certain

strongly worded passages from the serial issue. But the author

rebelled indignantly when he found that Houssaye, not content with

this expurgation, had written a fine moral tag at the end of the last

sheet of proofs. Zola would have none of it, and he was right; yet for

years the great quarrel between him and his critics arose less from

the outspokenness with which he treated certain subjects than from his

refusal to interlard his references to evil with pious ejaculations

and moral precepts. But for all intelligent folk the statement of

fact should carry its own moral, and books are usually written for

intelligent folk, not for idiots. In the case in point the spectacle

of Arsène Houssaye, a curled, dyed, perfumed ex-lady killer, tendering

moral reflections to the author of "Thérèse Raquin," was extremely

amusing. Here was a man who for years had pandered to vice, adorned,

beautified, and worshipped it, not only in a score of novels, but also

in numerous semi-historical sketches. For him it was all "roses and

rapture," whereas under Zola's pen it appeared absolutely vile. In the

end Houssaye had to give way, and the moral tag was deleted.

Zola took his story to M. Albert Lacroix, who in the autumn of 1867

published it as a volume. Naturally it was attacked; and notably by

Louis Ulbach, a writer with whom Zola frequently came in contact, for

Ulbach did a large amount of work for Lacroix, and was often to be met

at the afternoon gatherings at the Librairie Internationale. It was he

who had initiated the most popular book of that year: Lacroix's famous

"Paris Guide by the principal authors and artists of France"; but at

the same time he did not neglect journalism, and just then he was one

of the principal contributors to "Le Figaro," for which he wrote under

the pseudonym of "Ferragus." In an article printed by that journal he

frankly denounced "Thérèse Raquin" as "putrid literature," and Zola,

with Villemessant's sanction, issued a slashing reply. This certainly

attracted attention to the book, with the result that a second

edition was called for at the end of the year, which had not been a

remunerative one for the book-selling world, for it was that of the

great Exhibition when Paris, receiving visits from almost every ruler

and prince of Europe, gave nearly all its attention to sight-seeing and

festivity.[21]

Zola had sent a copy of his book to Ste.-Beuve, for whom, as for Taine,

he always professed considerable deference, though he reproached him

somewhat sharply for having failed to understand Balzac, Flaubert, and

others. Ste.-Beuve, having read "Thérèse Raquin," pronounced it to be

a "remarkable and conscientious" work, but objected to certain of its

features. Some years afterwards Zola had occasion to refer to this

subject, and the remarks he then penned[22] may be quoted with the more

advantage as they embody his own criticism of his book:----

"I had sent 'Thérèse Raquin' to Ste.-Beuve, and he replied

to me with a critical letter, in which I find that desire

for average truth, of which I have just spoken. Nothing

could be fairer than that criticism. For instance, he

remarked of my description of the Passage du Pont Neuf [the

chief scene of the novel]: 'It is not accurate, it is a

fantastic description, like Balzac's of the Rue Soli. The

passage is bald, commonplace, ugly, and, in particular,

narrow, but it has not the dense blackness, the shades _à

la Rembrandt_ which you impute to it. This also is a way

of being unfaithful [to the truth].' He was right; only it

must be admitted that places merely have such mournfulness

or gaiety of aspect as we may attribute to them. One passes

with a shudder before the house where a murder has just

been committed, and which seemed quite commonplace only the

previous day. None the less, Ste.-Beuve's criticism holds

good. It is certain that things are carried to the point of

nightmare in 'Thérèse Raquin,' and that the strict truth

falls short of so many horrors. In making this admission I

wish to show that I perfectly understand and even accept

Ste.-Beuve's standpoint of average truth. He is also

right when he expresses his astonishment that Thérèse and

Laurent [the wife and lover] do not content their passion

immediately after the murder of Camille [the husband]; the

case is open to argument, but in the ordinary course of

things they would live in each other's arms before being

maddened by remorse. It will be seen then that, in spite of

my own books, I share this respect for logic and truth, and

do not try to defend myself against criticism which seems

quite just. Yes, certainly, it is a bad thing to forsake the

substantial ground of reality to plunge into exaggerations of

draughtsmanship and colouring."

About the time of the publication of "Thérèse Raquin" Zola at last

obtained the coveted honours of the footlights. In conjunction with

his friend Marius Roux he wrote a drama based on his "Mystères de

Marseille," and the director of the Marseillese Gymnase consented

to stage it. It is possible that this arrangement was effected

during a visit which the director made to Paris, for, according to

some accounts, a trial performance of the play took place in the

capital.[23] Zola and Roux, being anxious to witness its production at

Marseilles, afterwards repaired thither, and superintended the last

rehearsals; but their hopes were scarcely fulfilled, for although, as

Alexis points out rather naïvely, the first performance[24] "proceeded

fairly well, enlivened by only a little hissing," no more than two

others were ever given. And while it is true that a "run" could hardly

be expected in a provincial city, particularly in those days, three

solitary performances, followed by no revival, could not be interpreted

as signifying success.

Perhaps it was the failure of this effort that caused Zola to abandon

for some years all hope of making his way as a dramatic author. Judging

by the comparative success of "Thérèse Raquin," novel writing seemed

the safer course for him. Accordingly, he transformed his rejected

play, "La Madeleine," into a novel, which he entitled "La Honte," and

offered as a serial to a certain M. Bauer, who had established a new

"Evénement." Bauer accepted it, but its minute descriptions of the

working of sensual passion in a woman shocked his readers, and the

publication ceased abruptly. On the whole, this story, written in a

large degree on the same lines as "Thérèse Raquin," was not a good

piece of work. When Lacroix published it, however, in volume form,

under the title of "Madeleine Férat," it soon went into a second

edition.[25]

This was the chief literary work accomplished by Zola in 1868, when he

also published a variety of articles in different Paris newspapers. And

as his books were now selling fairly well, he began to think of giving

some fulfilment to an old and once vague project, to which the example

of Balzac's works had at last imparted shape. Writing in May, 1867, to

his friend Valabrègue, he had then said: "By the way, have you read all

Balzac? What a man he was! I am reperusing him at this moment. To my

mind, Victor Hugo and the others dwindle away beside him, I am thinking

of a book on Balzac, a great study, a kind of real romance."

That book was never written, but the perusal of "La Comédie

Humaine" and its haunting influence at least largely inspired "Les

Rougon-Macquart."

[1] This was in the early sixties. Marx, who "interviewed" the boyish

Prince Imperial, Baron James de Rothschild, M. de Lesseps, and many

others, collected his articles in a volume entitled, "Indiscrétions

Parisiennes."

[2] Alexis, _l. c._, p. 67.

[3] The first volume had appeared in 1863.

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