both these days being counted. According to Castanheda (I, p. 12), the
store-ship was burnt.
[57] See note 4, p. 9.
[58] The distance by sea is over 90 leagues, that by land 64. “By sea”
is probably a slip of the pen.
[59] The “gora” is the great musical instrument of the Hottentots. It
is not a flute or reed-pipe.
[60] This island is still known as “Seal” Island, although its former
visitors no longer make their appearance. The islet lies about half a
mile from the land, is only 250 ft. in length and 15 ft. high.
[61] Usually called _Sotilicaires_ by Portuguese writers. They are
clearly Cape Penguins.—KOPKE (abridged).
[62] The word used by the author is “padrão”, that is, a stone pillar
bearing the arms of Portugal and an inscription, such as King John
first ordered to be set up by his explorers. None of the “pillars” set
up by Vasco da Gama has been recovered, for the “pillar” near Malindi
is clearly of later date (see p. 90).
[63] This paragraph is of the greatest importance with reference to
the voyage of B. Dias, for Pero d’Alenquer, one of his companions, is
the real authority for these statements. The usual statement that this
pillar was erected on the Ilha da Cruz must henceforth be rejected,
as had already been done in 1575, when M. de Mesquita Perestrello
made a survey of this coast (see his Report in Pimental’s _Roteiro da
Navegação da India Oriental_).
The distances given by the author are remarkably correct. From the
Cape of Good Hope to Mossel Bay (São Braz) is 60 leagues, as stated by
him. Thence to Santa Cruz is 56 leagues; from Santa Cruz to the Rio de
Infante is 21 leagues.
_Santa Cruz_ is the largest of a group of islands in the western part
of Algoa Bay. It is 4 cables in length, rises to a height of 195 ft.,
and is nearly all bare rock. _There are no springs._ The _Ilhéos chãos_
are readily identified with a cluster of low rocky islets about 7
leagues to the east. The Cape Padrone of the charts marks the site of
the last pillar erected by Dias, and 5 leagues beyond it rises “Ship
Rock,” in the locality where Perestrello claims to have discovered
the _Penedo das Fontes_ of Barros and other writers. Perestrello
had, no doubt, in his possession original documents (now lost) which
enabled him to identify the localities named by the early explorers.
His substantial agreement with the author of this _Roteiro_ is most
satisfactory.
[64] That is the Rio do Infante, now known as the Great Fish river.
[65] The Agulhas current hereabouts runs at the rate of 1 to 4 knots an
hour to the westward.
[66] On Canerio’s map there is a Ponta da Pescaria, to the north of
Port Natal.
[67] Equivalent to three-fourths of a pint.
[68] The MS. says January 10th, but Thursday was the 11th.
[69] Hence called “Terra dos Fumos”, or, more correctly, “Mfumos” the
“land of petty chiefs”. Dr. Hamy’s chart of 1502 has the name; Canerio
has a “terra thrimias”, an exceptionally unrecognisable corruption
of it; whilst on Ribero’s map (1529) we find the name, although in a
slightly corrupted form (humos). The appellation has nothing to do with
either “smoke” (fumo), or “moisture” (humor).
[70] Barros (_Dec. I_, l. 4, c. 4) tells us that Vasco da Gama entered
the Rio dos Reis, by others called Rio do Cobre, on Twelfth Night
(January 6). Goes, on the other hand, confirms the author of the
_Roteiro_, and there cannot be a doubt that Barros is mistaken. The
Rio dos Reis is, indeed, one of the rivers which enters the bay
subsequently called after Lourenço Marques, but discovered, either in
1501 by Sancho de Toar, one of the captains of Cabral’s fleet, or in
the following year by Antonio de Campo.
Dr. Hamy’s Chart has “R. do reys”, Canerio’s “G. de lom raios”
(evidently a corrupt rendering of “Golfo dos or delos Reis”, which
thus seems to have been the earliest name bestowed upon what is now
known as Delagoa Bay). The “agoada de bon passa” of Dr. Hamy’s Chart,
and the “Rio d’aguada” of Canerio, between this bay and Cabo das
Correntes, is clearly the locality referred to by the author. Ribero
(1529) has a “Rio de la laguna,” a “_rio de los reyes_”, and further
east, an “aguada de buena paz”. M. de Mesquita Perestrello (1575)
places the “Aguada da boa Paz” 15 leagues to the east of “Rio do Ouro”
(the Limpopo), and 43 leagues to the west of Cabo das Correntes. This
position corresponds to that of the Zavora River of Admiralty Chart
No. 648, in 34° 25´ E. It was here that Vasco da Gama cast anchor. The
reference to the “swell of the sea” quite precludes the notion that he
entered the well-sheltered Delagoa Bay.
M. Kopke (in a note, _Roteiro_, p. 147) would place the “Aguada da Boa
Gente” between the Lagoa River and the Limpopo (Inhambane), in 32° 23´
E., and says that this locality is still generally known as “Aguada da
Boa Paz”, but I can find no confirmation of this. Moreover, if this be
the “Aguada”, where, on this barren coast, are we to look for the “Rio
do Cobre”? (Compare Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 66). See Map III.
[71] João dos Santos (_Ethiopia Oriental_, I. 2, c. 20) already
identified this river with the Kiliman River. Dr. Hamy’s Chart calls
it “Rio de bon Signals”, an evident corruption. Barros and Goes both
call it “Rio dos Bons Signals”, whilst Correa refers to it as Rio da
Misericordia, the river of Mercy (see Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p.
11). Comp. Map III.
[72] A very involved sentence! Gama arrived off the bar of the Kiliman
on January 24, cast anchor, and sent the smallest of his vessels, the
_Berrio_, within, to take soundings. On the day after, the 25th, he
crossed the bar with the two other vessels.
[73] _Almadia_, a “dug-out”, properly El Maziyah, ferry-boat (Burton’s
_Camoens_, iv, p. 577.)
[74] Burton (_Commentary_, p. 408), points out that the “touca” is not
a turban, but a kind of cap. Its shape, however, was not that of the
“toque” of our milliners.
[75] From January 24 to February 24, both days included, is thirty-two
days.
[76] Barros says they were beached for that purpose.
[77] This disease was evidently scurvy, so fatal to our early
navigators. Castanheda (I. c. 4) tells us that in this time of trouble
Paulo da Gama visited the sick night and day, condoled with them, and
freely distributed the medicines which he had brought for his own use.
[78] The Padrão de São Raphael is distinctly marked and named on Dr.
Hamy’s and Canerio’s Charts. No trace of it has ever been discovered.
[79] These are the “Insule primeras” (_i.e._, Ilhas primeiras) of Dr.
Hamy’s and Canerio’s Charts. They are five in number, and form a chain
less than 5 leagues in length. The three southern islands (Silva,
do Fogo, and Crown) form a separate group, and are bare, whilst the
two northern islands (Casuarina and Epidendron) have trees. Gama,
apparently, missed the two southernmost islands.
[80] These six days are reckoned from February 24 to March 1.
Correa (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 76-84) says that on the voyage
from the river of Mercy to Moçambique, Davane, a Moor, was taken out of
a zambuk. Barros and Goes know nothing of this incident. Later on (p.
128) we are told that this Davane agreed to accompany the Portuguese
as broker, and that he was finally discharged at Cananor with good
testimonials (p. 235). He was nicknamed “tayyib”, which in Arabic means
“good” (p. 132). See Appendix E.
[81] See plan on Map III. See also Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 80.
[82] Arabic, el Nafir, a sort of straight Moorish trumpet or tuba.
[83] They took their visitors for “Turks”, or at all events for
Mohammedans. All this changed after their true character had been
discovered.
[84] It appears from this that Vasco da Gama entered the port
immediately on his arrival, and took up a position close to the town.
[85] “Ruivo”, red, in the original. Castanheda, who made use of this
Journal, substitutes baço, tawny, which is equally inapplicable.
[86] That is, Arabic. The “Moors” of the author are, in fact, either
pure Arabs (white Moors) or Swahilis speaking Arabic.
[87] “Aljofar”, cf. Arabic jauhar, johar, a jewel or precious stone
(Burton). Aljofar, in Portuguese, means seed-pearls.
[88] Barros says that Fernão Martins was their interpreter.
[89] The notions about the Christianity of India prevailing at that
time in Portugal (and among the earlier navigators) will be referred
to elsewhere. We may add that Vasco da Gama was instructed to find out
a mighty sovereign, known as Prester John, said to be a Christian, but
the situation of whose states was very uncertain.—KOPKE.
[90] On Prester John, see Zarncke (_Abhd. K. Sächs. G. der Wiss._,
1876 and 1879), and G. Uzielli (_Boll. della Soc. Africana d’Italia_,
1892, viii). Vasco da Gama had no doubt received special instructions
to inquire for that Christian potentate. At one time he was looked for
inland from Benin, but the information received from Pero de Covilhão,
whom King John had despatched overland to India, in 1487, no less than
that furnished by Lucas Marcos, an Abyssinian priest, who came to
Lisbon soon after Covilhão’s departure, confirmed the Portuguese in the
belief that the “Prester John” they were in quest of was the Emperor
of Ethiopia, whose capital at that time was in Shoa. (See Covilhão’s
narrative, as given by _Alvarez_, Hakluyt Soc., 1881.)
[91] Barros calls them Abyssinians from the country of Prester John,
and says that when they saw the image of the saint which formed the
figure-head of the St. Gabriel, they knelt down and worshipped. The
Abyssinian Christians, whatever their shortcomings, do not worship
images, as is the practice of the Roman Church. These captives,
therefore, must have been Indians, as stated by our author.
[92] Barros calls this sheikh Zacoeja (Shah Khwajah?).
[93] Marlota, a short dress of silk or wool worn in Persia and India.
(Moura, _Vestig. da lingua Arab._, sub “marlota.”)
[94] A Mozambique matikal (miskal) weighs 4.41346 grammes (Antonio
Nunes, _O livro dos Pesos_, 1554, p. 50, published at Lisbon, 1868),
and its value in standard gold would consequently be about 12_s._;
elsewhere (p. 64) he makes this coin the equivalent of 467 reis, or
about 11_s._ 4_d._ (_see_ Index, under _Cruzado_).
[95] The island of S. Jorge.
[96] Tavolochinha, in the original, is an obsolete word, which from
its etymology seems to refer to a defensive armour presenting a broad
surface (tavola). Castanheda, in relating this incident, substitutes
_escudo_—shield—whilst Goes and Osorio speak of _adargas_ or _parmae_,
that is, bucklers.—KOPKE.
[97] Tamiça, lit. “spatry-cord”, popularly known as coir-rope. These
“sewn boats” were already in use when the _Periplus of the Erythrean
Sea_ was written, and the town of Rhapta (from [Greek: rhaptein], _to
sew_) derived its name from them. (See McCrindle, _The Commerce and
Navigation of the Erythrean Sea_, p. 71).
[98]
“Mats were the wings wherewith they lightly flew,
From certain palm-fronds wove by cunning hand.”
_Camoens_, Canto I, st. 46.—Burton’s Translation.
[99] The “Genoese needle” is, of course, the mariner’s
compass.—According to the “Mohit” of Admiral Sidi Ali ben Hosein
(1554), published by Dr. Bittner and Dr. Tomascheck (Vienna, 1897), the
pilots of the Indian Ocean determined relative latitudes by observing
the altitudes of certain stars. The result was expressed, not in
degrees as was done by the scientific astronomers of the day, but in
_isbas_ or “fingers”, each equivalent to 1° 42´ 50”. The instrument
which they used consisted of three staffs. Two of these were moveable
on a hinge, and were directed respectively upon the horizon, and the
star the altitude of which it was desired to determine. A third staff
(or an octant) was fixed at the end of the horizon-staff, and upon it
the angle observed could be read off. Vasco da Gama brought one of
these instruments with him to Portugal, but the astronomer of Cabral’s
expedition, who had been instructed to test its qualities, reported
unfavourably (_Alguns documentos_, 1892, p. 122). Yet the results
obtained by means of this instrument by the pilots of the Indian Ocean
were very satisfactory, and the charts prepared by these very practical
men were far more correct than the abortions produced by “scientific”
Arab geographers. Parallels (at intervals of one-eighth of an _isba_)
and meridians were marked upon these charts, and they were superior
in this respect to the Portulani of the Mediterranean pilots. The
meridians were probably drawn at intervals of _zams_, which were equal
to one-eighth _isba_, or three hours’ sail, or nearly thirteen of our
sea-miles. It is quite possible, as suggested by Dr. Bittner, that
these pilots also invented the cross-staff, for _balhestilho_, the
name by which this instrument became known in Portugal, is more likely
to be derived from the Arabic _al-balista_ (altitude), than from the
Latin _ballista_. Compare also Barros (_Dec. I_, liv. 4, c. 6), where
an allusion is made to the instrument employed by the pilot who joined
Vasco da Gama at Malindi. Barros says that the instrument consisted of
three _taboas_ or plates.
[100] This fruit is the coco-nut.
[101] The sharifs (“nobles”) are the descendants of the Prophet, and
although not “priests”, they enjoy a certain religious rank. Strictly
speaking, this title can be claimed only by the head of the family
which descends from the Prophet in a direct line. All others can only
claim the title of _Saiyid_, Lord. The “white” Moors are, of course,
true Arabs.
[102] There are Government tanks now on the island, which are filled by
the prisoners of Fort St. Sebastian.
[103] _Agonia_, Arabic _El Jumbiyah_, a crooked poniard, worn in the
waist-belt.
[104] Barros calls these captives “Moors”, and the author himself does
the same at a later stage of his Journal (see note, p. 37).
[105] That is S. Jorge, and the small islet of S. Thiago, 1¾ miles
to the south.
[106] The text has 30th, but Saturday was the 31st.
[107] These were the Kerimba islands, the southernmost of which is
Kiziwa, 12° 35´ S. The mainland being generally low, will rarely be
seen when coasting outside the reefs (_Africa Pilot_, Part III, p. 254).
[108] These were the islands off Cabo Delgado, called Ilhas das Cabecas
(Cabras?) on Dr. Hamy’s and Canerio’s maps. None of these, however, is
more than nine miles from the mainland.
[109] This island was Quiloa (Kilwa), whose king, at that time, was
the most powerful along the coast, Sofala, the Zambezi, Angoshe and
Mozambique being subject to him (_Duarto Barbosa_, p. 10).—KOPKE.
When Vasco da Gama attempted to put back he had probably reached Ras
Tikwiri, 8° 50´ S.
[110] Mafia.—KOPKE.
[111] On the homeward voyage, in January 1499, the _S. Raphael_ was
burnt at these shoals, which are described as lying off the town of
Tamugata (Mtangata), and this enables us to fix upon the locality with
much certainty. There still is a roadstead or bay called Mtangata,
which “the long roll of the Indian Ocean renders a place of trembling
to the coast trader” (Burton, _Journal Royal Geographical Society_,
1858, p. 200). A “town” of this name exists no longer, but Burton
describes the ruins of what was once an extensive city near the village
of Tongoni.
There are no “mountains” close to the coast corresponding to the
“Serras de S. Raphael”, but the mountains of Usambara, rising 20 to 25
miles inland to an altitude of 3,500 ft., are visible in clear weather
for a distance of 62 miles.
Sir John Kirk writes to me: “The baixas de S. Raphael are undoubtedly
the coral reefs of Mtangata; and the Usambara mountains, with their
valleys, steep precipices, and lofty summits would, especially at that
season of the year, be plainly seen from the ships. There can be no
doubt as to this point, as these are the only mountains that approach
the coast and form so marked an object from the sea when the air is
clear. They are then visible from the town of Zanzibar.”
[112] This was Pemba, which, owing to its deep bays, appeared to
consist of a number of islands. Its distance from the mainland is only
30 miles (9 leagues), its length 37 miles. The trees of that island
still supply masts for native vessels (Note by Sir J. Kirk).
[113] Zavra or zabra, a dhow, which is a small open vessel, sharp at
the stern, with a square sail of matting.
[114] The Swahili “dress” their vessels at the feast that follows the
Ramadan month (Sir J. Kirk), but Ramadan, of the year of the Hejra 903,
_began_ on April 23, 1498, and the Bairam therefore lasted from May
22-24. These dates are according to the Old Style.
[115] _Alcaide_, from the Arabic _Alkadi_, the Judge.
[116] Burton (_Camoens_, iv, p. 241) suggests that this picture of the
Holy Ghost may have been a figure of Kapot-eshwar, the Hindu pigeon-god
and goddess, an incarnation of Shiva and his wife, the third person of
the Hindu Triad.
[117] Trigo tremez, corn that ripens in three months. This, according
to a note furnished by Sir John Kirk, would be sorghum (the “matama” of
the Swahili), which is sent in shiploads to Arabia and the Persian Gulf.
[118] These two “Moors” were undoubtedly two of the four men whom Paulo
da Gama had captured at Moçambique, but whom the author previously
described as “Negroes”. Of the two pilots who escaped, one had been
given them by the Sultan of Moçambique, the other must have been the
old Moor who came on board voluntarily, unless one of the men taken by
Paulo was a pilot. (See note 1, p. 31).
[119] Barros (_Dec. I_, liv. 8, c. 7) says erroneously that this fort
was built _after_ Vasco da Gama’s visit. When the vessel of Sancho de
Toar, of the armada of Pedro Alvarez Cabral, was lost near Mombaça, the
Moors succeeded in fishing up seven or eight of her guns. These they
placed in this fort, in the vain hope of being thus enabled to resist
the attack of D. Francisco d’Almeida in 1505.—KOPKE.
[120] Castanheda (I, c. 10, p. 35) says they waited two days in
the hope of being able to secure a pilot to take them to Calecut. On
crossing the bar they were unable to heave up one of the anchors. The
Moors subsequently fished it up and placed it near the royal palace,
where D. Francisco d’Almeida found it when he took the town in 1505.
[121] The author spells Milinde, Milynde, Milingue.
[122] Sir J. Kirk suggests to me that these places are Mtwapa, Takaungu
and Kilifi, distorted into Benapa, Toca-nuguo and Quioniete. “Kioni” is
the native name of the village usually called Kilifi.
[123] The ruins of the ancient town of Malindi lie to the south of the
modern village of that name, and are of great extent. They include
the remains of a town wall. Persian and Arabic inscriptions have
been discovered, but, with the exception of Vasco da Gama’s pillar,
no traces of occupation by the Portuguese. Malindi Road, or Port
Melinda of the Admiralty chart, lies about three miles to the south
of the town, but Vasco da Gama anchored off the town, and not in this
sheltered road. The anchorage is less than half a mile from the town in
four fathoms and a half. Comp. Lord Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 109.
[124] Barros speaks of these Christians as Banyans, while Goes and
Castanheda say that these vessels belonged to merchants from Cranganor,
in Malabar.
[125] Correa (p. 113) says that the Moor sent with this message was the
Davane already referred to, and (p. 115) distinguishes him from the
Moor who was captured on April 14th.
[126] _Balandrau_, a surtout worn by the Brothers of Mercy in Portugal.
[127] _Lambel_, a striped cotton stuff which had a large sale at the
beginning of the African trade.—HERCULANO.
[128] I am indebted for a photograph of one of these trumpets to Sir
John Kirk, who states that the Royal Trumpet, or Siwa, was peculiar
to the cities ruled by the descendants of the Persians of Shiraz, who
settled on this coast in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. They were
of ivory, or copper and wood, and consisted of three pieces. The ivory
or copper was sometimes most elaborately carved, and bore Arabic texts.
[129] We learn from this passage that the “king” referred to by the
author was in reality the king’s son, who acted as regent. He may
be supposed to be the Sheikh Wagerage (Wajeraj), who in 1515 wrote
a letter to D. Manuel, in which he begged for permission to send
annually _one_ vessel to Goa and to Mozambique. He very humbly (or
sarcastically?) addresses the king as the “fountain of the commerce
of all cities and kingdoms, the most equitable of sovereigns, and the
enricher of all people”; when, indeed, the Portuguese had crippled
the trade of Malindi, which had received them with open arms. Another
letter addressed to King Manuel was written by “Ali, King of Melinde”,
in 1520. Was this “king” the son of Wajeraj, or of the “prince who
visited Vasco da Gama on board his vessel”? F. João de’Sousa, who
publishes these letters (_Documentos Arabicos_, Lisbon, 1790, pp. 67,
123), with a few comments, only obscures the point, unless indeed
Wajeraj the Sheikh and Ali the Prince be one and the same person.
Cabral met a Sheikh Omar, a brother of the King of Malindi, who was
present at Malindi when Vasco da Gama touched at that place; as also a
Sheikh Foteima, an uncle of the king (Barros, _Dec. I_, liv. 5, c. 3).
On the ungenerous treatment dealt to the King of Malindi, see D. F.
d’Almeida’s letter of 1507 (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 125).
[130] Of course they looked upon these Romish images and pictures as
outlandish representations of their own gods or idols.
[131] Burton (_Camoens_, IV, p. 420) suggests that they cried
_Krishna_, the name of the eighth Incarnation of Vishnu, the second
person of the Hindu Trinity, and the most popular of Indian gods. Sir
J. Kirk knows of no word resembling “Krist” likely to have been called
out by these Indians.
[132] This pilot was a native of Gujarat, whom Goes (c. 38), Barros
(_Dec. I_, liv. 4, c. 6), and Faria y Sousa call Malema Cana, or
Canaqua. Malema is a corruption of Mallim, master or teacher, whilst
Canaqua (Kanaka), is the name of his caste. It is also used for sailing
master.
[133] The island in question is Kilwa. The information furnished by
this Malindi pilot is scarcely more correct than that previously
obtained from the Moors (see note 3, p. 32).
[134] Alcochete, a town on the left bank of the estuary of the Tagus,
above Lisbon.
[135] From April 15 to 23 is nine days.
[136] The “Bay” is the Arabian Sea, which the “Strait” of Bab el
Mandeb joins to the Red Sea. Cambay (Khambhat), in Gujarat, when the
Portuguese first came to India, was one of the most flourishing marts
of commerce. The silting up of the Gulf accounts, in a large measure,
for its commercial decline since then.
[137] The MS. says 17th, but Friday was the 18th.
[138] From April 24 to May 18, both days inclusive, is twenty-five
days; the African coast was within sight for several days.
[139] Mount Eli (Dely) was probably the land first sighted, a
conspicuous hill forming a promontory about 16 miles to the north of
Cananor, and named thus from the Cardamoms which are largely exported
from this part of Malabar, and are called Ela in Sanscrit (Yule’s
_Marco Polo_, ii, p. 321).
[140] The rains in Malabar begin about April or May, and continue until
September or October. They are synchronous with the S.W. monsoon, and
are heaviest in June, July, and August. The annual rainfall exceeds 150
inches!
[141] Cotta Point, or Cape Kadalur, the “Monte Formosa”, of the
Portuguese, 15 miles N.N.W. of Calecut.
[142] Castanheda and Barros call this place Capocate. It was seven
miles N.N.W. of Calecut, at the mouth of the Elatur River.
[143] The MS. says “abaixo”, below, with reference no doubt to the
latitude, which is less than that of Calecut.
[144] Pandaramy (Pandarani) is Batuta’s Fandarain. Barros calls it
Pandarane. It is identical with Pantharini Kollam, the northern Kollam
or Quillan, and boasts one of the nine original mosques built on the
Malabar coast by Malik Ibn Dinar. It is 14 miles N.N.W. of Calecut. The
author of the MS. elsewhere spells Pandaramy and Pandarin.
[145] According to Correa (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 159), his name
was João Nunez. See Appendix E.
[146] One of the “Moors” is frequently referred to as “Monçaide”. See
Appendix E.