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WORKS ISSUED BY
The Hakluyt Society
A JOURNAL
OF
THE FIRST VOYAGE
OF
VASCO DA GAMA,
1497-1499.
FIRST SERIES. NO. XCIX-MDCCCXCVIII
[Illustration: signature: Vasco da Gama
(_From a Photograph by Sr. Camancho._)
This Portrait, now in the Hall of Honours of the Lisbon Geographical
Society, was presented by the Conde de Vidigueira to King D. Carlos.]
A JOURNAL
OF
THE FIRST VOYAGE
OF
VASCO DA GAMA,
1497-1499.
Translated and Edited, with Notes, an Introduction and Appendices,
BY E. G. RAVENSTEIN, F.R.G.S., CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL
SOCIETY OF LISBON.
BURT FRANKLIN, PUBLISHER NEW YORK, NEW YORK
Published by BURT FRANKLIN 514 West 113th Street New York 25, N. Y.
ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED BY THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
REPRINTED BY PERMISSION
PRINTED IN THE U.S.A.
COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., _Pres. R.G.S._, PRESIDENT.
THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY, VICE-PRESIDENT.
REAR-ADMIRAL SIR WILLIAM WHARTON, K.C.B., VICE-PRESIDENT.
C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY, ESQ., M.A.
COLONEL G. EARL CHURCH.
SIR MARTIN CONWAY.
ALBERT GRAY, ESQ.
ALFRED HARMSWORTH, ESQ.
THE RIGHT HON. LORD HAWKESBURY.
EDWARD HEAWOOD, ESQ., M.A.
ADMIRAL SIR ANTHONY H. HOSKINS, G.C.B.
J. SCOTT KELTIE, ESQ.
VICE-ADMIRAL ALBERT H. MARKHAM.
E. DELMAR MORGAN, ESQ.
CAPTAIN NATHAN, R.E.
E. J. PAYNE, ESQ.
CUTHBERT E. PEEK, ESQ.
E. G. RAVENSTEIN, ESQ.
HOWARD SAUNDERS, ESQ.
CHARLES WELCH, ESQ., F.S.A.
WILLIAM FOSTER, ESQ., B.A., _Honorary Secretary_.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Introduction i
On the importance of Vasco da Gama’s voyage, p. xi; his
Life, p. xiii; a parallel between Vasco da Gama and Columbus,
p. xv; authorities on Vasco da Gama’s voyage, p. xix;
the MS. of the _Roteiro_, p. xxii; its author, p. xxv; Portuguese
editions, p. xxxii; French translations, p. xxxiv; the
present edition, p. xxxv.
A JOURNAL OF THE VOYAGE OF VASCO DA GAMA IN 1497-99 1
The Voyage Out 1
Lisbon to the Cape Verde Islands, p. 1; across the
Southern Atlantic, p. 3; the Bay of St. Helena, p. 5;
rounding the Cape, p. 8; the Bay of S. Braz, 9; S. Braz
to Natal, p. 14; Terra da Boa Gente and Rio do
Cobre, p. 16; the Rio dos Bons Signaes, p. 19;
to Moçambique, p. 21; false start, and return to
Moçambique, p. 28; Moçambique to Mombaça, p. 31;
Mombaça, p. 34; Mombaça to Malindi, p. 39; Malindi,
p. 40; across the Arabian Sea, p. 46
Calecut 48
Arrival, p. 48; a description of Calecut, p. 49; at anchor
at Pandarani, p. 50; Gama goes to Calecut, p. 51;
a Christian church, p. 52; progress through the town,
p. 55. The King’s palace, p. 55; a royal audience,
p. 56; a night’s lodging, p. 59; presents for the
Zamorin, p. 60; a second audience, p. 61. Return to
Pandarani, p. 63; detention there, p. 64; the Portuguese
merchandise at Pandarani, p. 67; Diogo Dias
carries a message to the King, p. 70; the King sends
for Diogo Dias, p. 74; off Calecut, p. 75; Calecut and
its commerce, p. 77
The Voyage home 79
Santa Maria Islets and Anjediva, p. 80; the voyage across
the Arabian Sea, p. 87; Magadoxo, p. 88; Malindi,
p. 89; Malindi to S. Braz, p. 91; S. Braz to the Rio
Grande, p. 92; conclusion, p. 93
The Kingdoms to the South of Calecut 95
About Elephants 102
Prices at Alexandria 103
A vocabulary of Malayalam 105
APPENDICES.
A.—TWO LETTERS OF KING MANUEL, 1499 111
Letter to the King and Queen of Castile, July 1499 113
Letter to the Cardinal Protector, August 28, 1499 114
B.—GIROLAMO SERNIGI’S LETTERS, 1499 119
Introduction, p. 119; First letter to a gentleman at
Florence, p. 123; Second letter, p. 137; a letter to his
brother, p. 141
C.—THREE PORTUGUESE ACCOUNTS OF VASCO DA GAMA’S
FIRST VOYAGE. 145
Jornal das Viagens dos Portuguezes ás Indias, 1608 145
Luiz de Figueiredo Falcão, 1612 147
Pedro Barretto de Rezende, 1646 149
D.—VASCO DA GAMA’S SHIPS AND THEIR EQUIPMENT 157
E.—MUSTER-ROLL OF VASCO DA GAMA’S FLEET 173
F.—THE VOYAGE 185
Lisbon to the Cape Verde Islands, p. 186; the Voyage
across the Southern Atlantic, p. 186; doubling the Cape,
p. 192; along the East Coast of Africa, p. 193; across
the Arabian Sea, p. 198; the voyage home, p. 199.
G.—EARLY MAPS ILLUSTRATING VASCO DA GAMA’S FIRST VOYAGE 203
Henricus Martellus Germanus, p. 204; Juan de la Cosa,
p. 205; Dr. Hamy’s Chart, p. 206; The Cantino Chart,
p. 208; the chart of the “Mohit”, 209; Canerio, p. 210;
list of Place-Names, p. 214
H.—HONOURS AND REWARDS BESTOWED UPON VASCO DA GAMA,
1499-1524 226
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
_Portraits._
PAGE
Vasco da Gama, from a portrait in the Honour Hall of the
Lisbon Geographical Society _Frontispiece_
King Manuel 109
Vasco da Gama, from a contemporary medallion in the cloister
of Belem xii
Vasco da Gama, from the _Museu das Bellas Artes_ 116
Vasco da Gama, from the same, according to M. Morelet’s
version 171
Vasco da Gama as Viceroy, according to Barretto de Rezende 143
Vasco da Gama, from the _Palacio do Governo_, Goa 151
_Facsimiles._
Facsimile of the first paragraph of the MS. of the _Roteiro_ xxii
Facsimiles of Vasco da Gama’s signatures, _Frontispiece_ and 116
Facsimile of a Receipt given by Vasco da Gama 229
_Ships._
The supposed Armada of Vasco da Gama 160
The _S. Gabriel_ 155
The figure-head of the _S. Raphael_ 91
A Caravel 158
Native craft in the Harbour of Mombaça; from a photograph
by the late Capt. Foot, R.N. 35
_Other Illustrations._
Cão’s Padrão at Cape Cross 169
Vasco da Gama’s Pillar at Malindi, from a photograph by Sir
John Kirk 90
Coat-of-Arms of Vasco da Gama 223
A tower at Mombaça; from a photograph by Sir John Kirk 39
View of Calecut; from an original sketch by H. Johnson 183
A Siwa-blower; from a photograph by Sir John Kirk 43
Krishna nursed by Devaki; from Moor’s “Pantheon” 53
The Old Church at Vidigueira 238
LIST OF MAPS.
PAGE
I. A Chart illustrating the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama,
1497-99 1
II. The Cape to Natal _At end of volume_
III. Natal to Malinde ” ”
IV. The West Coast of India ” ”
V. South Africa, from an anonymous chart of
the world, first published by Dr. Hamy ” ”
VI. Africa, from the Cantino Chart ” ”
VII. Africa and India, from Canerio’s Chart ” ”
VIII. The Indian Ocean, according to the “Mohit” 209
ERRATA.
P. 3, note 3. The wrong date is not August 18, but August 22, which
ought to be October 22. See also p. 190, note 1.
P. 3, line 17. _Instead of_ “lower mainsail”, _read_ “mainsail”.
P. 4, note 2, to be read thus: “That is, towards Tristão da Cunha, Gama
being at that time 400 miles to the N.N.W. of these islands”.
P. 9, note 3. _Instead of_ “Antº”, _read_ “dentº” (dentro).
P. 15, note 1. _Instead of_ “Rio do Infante”, _read_ “Rio de Infante”.
P. 16, line 10. _Read_ “when setting a bonnet we discovered the mast
was sprung ... and ... secured it with lashings”.
P. 22, line 8. _Instead of_ “when putting the ship about”, etc., _read_
“in tacking towards the other ships, which were astern, Coelho”, etc.
P. 23, note 4. _Add_ “Aljofar, in Portuguese, means seed-pearls”.
P. 73, line 17. _Instead of_ “August 23”, _read_ “August 24”.
P. 79, line 14. _Instead_ of “Biaquotte”, _read_ “Biaquolle”.
P. 80, note 1. For the identification of the Ilhas de S. Maria, see p.
200.
P. 92, line 13. _Add_ “and left at once”.
P. 148, line 20, and P. 175, line 60. The pilot was Pero Escolar, not
Escovar. A Pero Escovar is mentioned by Barros (t. I, part 1, p. 143)
jointly with João de Santarem, as having made discoveries on the Gold
Coast in 1471. He was a “cavalier” of the King’s household. Another
Pero Escovar went as pilot to the Congo in 1490. This latter may
possibly have been our man.
P. 161, line 24. _Instead_ of “D’Alberti”, _read_ “D’Albertis”.
P. 167, line 17. _Instead of_ “Rodriguez”, _read_ “Rodrigo”.
P. 167, line 29. _Instead of_ “Diogo de Vilhegas”, _read_ “Diogo Ortiz
de Vilhegas”.
INTRODUCTION.
The discovery of an ocean route to India, in 1497-98, marks an epoch
in the history of geographical exploration no less than in that of
commerce. It confirmed the hypothesis of a circumambient ocean, first
put forward by Hecataeus, but rejected by Ptolemy and his numerous
followers; and, at the same time diverted into a new channel the
profitable spice trade with the East which for ages had passed through
Syria and Alexandria. In consequence of this diversion Venice lost her
monopoly, and Lisbon became for a time the great spice-market of Europe.
But Portugal was a small country whose resources were hardly even equal
to the task of waging the continuous wars with the Moors in which
she had so unwisely been engaged for generations past. And when, in
addition to her African forces, she was called upon to maintain great
fleets in the distant East, in order to enforce her monopoly of the
spice trade, at first in the face only of the Moors, and afterwards in
that of powerful European rivals, her resources speedily came to an
end, and she found herself exhausted and helpless. It may well be asked
whether Portugal would not be happier now, and richer, too, had she
never had the opportunity of dwelling upon these ancient glories; had
the wealth of the Indies never been poured into her lap, only to breed
corruption; and had her strength not been wasted in a struggle to which
she was materially unequal, and which ended in exhaustion and ruin.
[Illustration: Vasco da Gama.
(_From a Contemporary Medallion in the Cloister of Belem._)]
Portugal, however, notwithstanding the sad ending of her vast Eastern
enterprises, is still justly proud of the achievements of her “great”
Vasco da Gama, and boldly places him by the side of Magelhães and
Christopher Columbus, as one of a noble triad which occupies the
foremost rank among the great navigators of an Age of Great Discoveries.
Vasco da Gama was born, about 1460,[1] at Sines, of which coast-town
his father, Estevão, was alcaidemór. He was the youngest of three
brothers. Genealogists trace back his pedigree to a valiant soldier,
Alvaro Annes da Gama, who resided at Olivença in 1280, and greatly
distinguished himself in the wars with the Moors. The Gamas could thus
boast of gentle blood, though they neither belonged to the aristocracy
of Portugal, nor were they possessed of much worldly wealth.
We know next to nothing of Vasco da Gama’s youth. When King João,
after the return of Bartholomeu Dias, decided to fit out an armada to
complete the discovery of an ocean highway to India, he selected Vasco
da Gama as its captain-major, and this choice of the King was confirmed
by his successor, D. Manuel.[2] Such an appointment would not have
been made had not Vasco da Gama already been known as a man of energy,
capacity and competent knowledge. We ought therefore not be surprised
if Garcia de Resende, in his _Chronicle of D. João II_ (c. 146), tells
us that he was a man whom the King trusted, as he had already served
in his fleets and in maritime affairs, and whom he had consequently
charged, in 1492, with the task of seizing the French vessels lying in
the ports of Algarve, in reprisal for the capture by a French pirate of
a Portuguese caravel returning from S. Jorge da Mina with gold.[3]
Castanheda (I, c. 2) speaks of Vasco as having done good service in
the time of King João II, and as being experienced in the affairs of
the sea. Mariz (_Dial._, iv, c. 14; v, c. 1) calls him a young man
(_mancebo_), high-spirited and indefatigable, who had such a thorough
knowledge of navigation (_arte maritima_) that he would have been able
to hold his own with the most experienced pilots of Europe. We know,
moreover, from Barros and Goes that he landed at S. Helena Bay with
his pilots in order to determine the latitude. These extracts show,
at all events, that Vasco da Gama was not a mere landsman; nor is it
likely that the command of an expedition, the one object of which was
discovery, and not trade or war, would have been entrusted to such an
one.
He was, moreover, well qualified for his post in other respects. His
indomitable firmness made him shrink from no obstacle which opposed
itself to the success of his expedition; and notwithstanding the
unheard-of length of the voyage and the hardships endured, he retained
the confidence of his men to the very last.
The question whether Da Gama can fairly be ranked with Columbus and
Magelhães, has frequently been discussed.
The first place among these three undoubtedly belongs to Magelhães, the
renegade Portuguese, who first guided a ship across the wide expanse
of the Pacific. The second place is almost universally accorded to
Columbus, whose unconscious discovery of a new world, fit to become the
second home of the European races, was immensely more far-reaching in
its consequences than the discovery of an ocean highway to India, now
largely discarded in favour of the shorter route across the isthmus of
Suez.
It is maintained, in support of the claims of Columbus, that he was
the originator of the scheme the success of which covered him with
everlasting glory, whilst Vasco da Gama simply obeyed the behests of
his King, when he took the lead of an expedition which was to crown the
efforts made by little Portugal for generations past.
There is much truth in this contention. The scheme of reaching the
East by a westward course across the Atlantic had no doubt been
entertained in Portugal in the reign of Affonso the African [1438-81].
Fernão Martinz, the Royal Chaplain, had discussed its prospects with
Paolo Toscanelli, when in Italy, and had been instructed to apply for
further particulars to the Florentine physician, in response to which
he had received the famous letter of June 25th, 1474, and the chart
which accompanied it. But practically nothing was done, except that an
adventurer or two[4] were authorised to seek for the islands supposed
to lie to the west of the Azores. Prince Henry the Navigator would
perhaps have acted upon such a suggestion, had he been still alive,
but the King’s resources were devoted to Africa, or wasted in two
disastrous wars with Spain.
Columbus, on the other hand, made the discarded scheme his own; he,
too, applied to Toscanelli for counsel,[5] and found confirmation of
that physician’s erroneous hypothesis as to the small breadth of the
Atlantic by studying the _Imago Mundi_ of Cardinal Pierre d’Ailly,
and other writings. Nor did he rest until he found in Queen Isabella
the Catholic a patron who enabled him to put his theories to the test
of practical experience. It was his good fortune that Providence had
placed the new world as a barrier between him and Marco Polo’s Cipangu
(Japan), which was his goal, or he might never have returned to claim
the reward of his success.
On the accession of D. João II, in 1481, the discovery of Africa was
resumed with renewed vigour, and the councillors of that King acted
wisely when they advised him to decline the offers of Columbus,[6] for
the resources of Portugal were quite unequal to pursuing at one and the
same time a search for a western route and continuing the efforts for
opening a practical route around the southern extremity of Africa. And
thus it happened that Columbus “discovered a new world for Castile and
Leon”, and not for Portugal.
When, however, we come to consider the physical difficulties which
had to be overcome by these great navigators in the accomplishment of
their purpose, the greater credit must undoubtedly be awarded to Vasco
da Gama. Columbus, trusting as implicitly to the chart and sailing
directions of Toscanelli as did Vasco da Gama to those of Dias, and,
perhaps, of Pero de Covilhão, shaped a course westward of Gomera; and,
having sailed in that direction for thirty-six days, and for a distance
of 2,600 miles, made his first landfall at Guanahani, being favoured
all the while by the prevailing easterly winds. The task which Vasco
da Gama undertook was far more difficult of accomplishment. Instead
of creeping along the coast, as had been done by his predecessors,
he conceived the bold idea of shaping a course which would take him
direct through the mid-Atlantic from the Cape Verde Islands to the Cape
of Good Hope. The direct distance to be covered was 3,770 miles, but
the physical obstacles presented by winds and currents could only be
overcome by taking a circuitous course, and thus it happened that he
spent ninety-three days at sea before he made his first landfall to the
north of the bay of St. Helena. This first passage across the southern
Atlantic is one of the great achievements recorded in the annals of
maritime exploration.
Once beyond the Cape, Vasco had to struggle against the Agulhas
current, which had baffled Bartholomeu Dias, and against the current of
Mozambique; and it was only after he had secured a trustworthy pilot at
Melinde that the difficulties of the outward voyage can be said to have
been overcome.
In one other respect Vasco da Gama, or, perhaps, we ought to say his
pilots, proved themselves the superiors of Columbus, namely, in the
accuracy of the charts of their discoveries which they brought home
to Portugal. Accepting the Cantino Chart[7] as a fair embodiment of
the work done by this expedition, we find that the greatest error
in latitude amounts to 1° 40´. The errors of Columbus were far more
considerable. In three places of his Journal the latitude of the north
coast of Cuba is stated to be 42° by actual observation; and that this
is no clerical error, thrice repeated in three different places, seems
to be proved by the evidence of the charts. On that of Juan de la Cosa,
for instance, Cuba is made to extend to lat. 35° N. (instead of 23°
10´), and even on the rough sketch drawn by Bartolomeo Columbus after
the return from the Fourth Voyage, Jamaica and Puerto Rico (Spagnola)
are placed 6° too far to the north.[8]
Verily, the Portuguese of those days were superior as navigators to
their Spanish rivals and the Italians.
Posterity is fortunate in possessing a very full abstract of the
Journal which Columbus kept during his first voyage to the West
Indies.[9] No such trustworthy record is available in the case of Vasco
da Gama, whose original reports have disappeared. They were consulted,
no doubt, by João de Barros and Damião de Goes; but these writers, much
to our loss, dealt very briefly with all that refers to navigation.
The only available account written by a member of the expedition is
the _Roteiro_ or Journal, a translation of which fills the bulk of
this volume, and of which, later on, we shall speak at greater length.
The only other contemporary accounts, which we also reproduce, are at
second-hand, and are contained in the letters written by King Manuel
and Girolamo Sernigi immediately after the return of Vasco da Gama’s
vessels from India.
Apart from these, our chief authorities regarding this voyage are still
the _Decades_ of João de Barros and the _Chronicle_ of King Manuel, by
Damião de Goes. Both these authors held official positions which gave
them access to the records preserved in the India House. Castanheda
relied almost wholly upon the _Roteiro_, but a few additional
statements of interest may be found in his pages.
As to the _Lendas_ of Gaspar Correa, we are unable to look upon his
account of Vasco da Gama’s first voyage as anything but a jumble of
truth and fiction,[10] notwithstanding that he claims to have made use
of the diary of a priest, Figueiro, who is stated to have sailed in
Vasco’s fleet. Correa’s long residence in India—from 1514 to the time
of his death—must have proved an advantage when relating events which
came under his personal observation, but it also precluded him from
consulting the documents placed on record in the Archives of Lisbon.
This much is certain: that whoever accepts Correa as his guide must
reject the almost unanimous evidence of other writers of authority who
have dealt with this important voyage.[11]
A few additional facts may be gleaned from Faria y Sousa’s _Asia
Portuguesa_, from Duarte Pacheco Pereira and Antonio Galvão; but in the
main we are dependent upon the _Roteiro_, for recent searches[12] in
the _Torre do Tombo_ have yielded absolutely nothing, so far as we are
aware, which throws additional light upon Da Gama’s First Voyage, with
which alone we are concerned.
And now we shall proceed to give an account of the _Roteiro_.
_The Manuscript of the “Roteiro”._
In giving an account of the manuscript of this Journal, we entrust
ourselves to the guidance of Professors Kopke and Antonio da Costa
Paiva, the two gentlemen who first published it.
[Illustration: Signature of Fernam Lopes de Castanheda]
[Illustration: Water Mark]
That is:—
“Em Nome de Ds Amem// Na era de mill iiij LR vij
mamdou Ellrey Dom manuell o primo desde nome em portugall/
a descobrir/ quat
navios/ os quaes hiam em busca da especiaria/ dos quaees na
vios hia por capitam moor Vco da Gama e dos outros duũ
delles Paullo da Gama seu jrmaoo e doutro njcollao Coelho”.
The manuscript originally belonged to the famous Convent of Santa Cruz
at Coimbra, whence it was transferred, together with other precious
MSS., to the public library of Oporto.
It is not an autograph, for on fol. 64 (p. 77 of this translation),
where the author has left a blank, the copyist, to guard against his
being supposed to have been careless in his task, has added these
words: “The author has omitted to tell us how these weapons were
made”. This copy, however, was taken in the beginning of the sixteenth
century, as may be seen from the style of the writing as exhibited in
the facsimile of the first paragraph of the work, shown on preceding
page.
The MS. is in folio, and is rudely bound up in a sheet of parchment,
torn out of some book of ecclesiastical offices. The ink is a little
faded, but the writing is still perfectly legible. The paper is of
ordinary strength, and of rather a dark tint; the manufacturer’s water
mark is shown in the above facsimile. Blank leaves of more modern make,
and having a different water-mark, have been inserted at the front and
back, and the first of these leaves contains the following inscription
in a modern hand, which is still legible, although pains have been
taken to erase it:—
“Pertinet ad usum fratris Theotonii de Sancto
G ... Canonici Regularis in Cenobio
Scte Crucis”.
Immediately below this we read:—
“Dô Theotonio”,
and near the bottom of the page, in a modern hand, probably that of
one of the librarians of the convent:—
“Descobrimento da India por D. Vasco
da Gamma”.
Prof. Kopke suggests[13] that the copyist of this valuable MS. was
the famous historian Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, who was Apparitor
and Keeper of the Archives in the University of Coimbra, and was
engaged there during twenty years, much to the injury of his health
and private fortune, in collecting the materials for his _Historia do
Descobrimento e Conquista da India_. In support of this assumption
he publishes a signature (see the facsimile on page xxii) taken from
a copy of the first book of Castanheda’s history, published in 1551.
But A. Herculano,[14] whilst admitting this signature to be genuine,
points out that the cursive characters of the MS. are of a type
exceedingly common during the first half of the sixteenth century, and
that it would consequently not be safe to attribute it to any writer
in particular. Until, therefore, further evidence is forthcoming, we
cannot accept the Professor’s theory that we are indebted for this copy
to Castanheda; though, as we have already said, there can be no doubt
that in writing his account of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama he
depended almost exclusively for his facts upon the anonymous author of
this _Roteiro_.
_The Author of the “Roteiro”._
It is quite possible, as suggested by Prof. Kopke, that the title by
which the _Roteiro_ was known at the convent of Santa Cruz misled
certain bibliographers into a belief that Vasco da Gama himself had
written this account of his voyage.
Thus Nicoláo Antonio, in his _Bibliotheca Hispana Veta_ (1672), lib.
10, c. 15, § 543, says:—
“Vascus da Gama ... dedit reversus Emanueli suo Regi populari
Portugaliæ idiomate navigationis suae ad Indiam anno MCDXCVII
relationem, quae lucem vidit.”
The words “quae lucem vidit” need not, however, be understood as
conveying the meaning that this narrative was actually printed and
published, for the same author, in his _Bibliotheca Hispana Nova_,
makes use of the same equivocal expression when describing another
voyage to India, expressly stated by him to be still in MS.
Moreri, in his _Dictionnaire_ (1732), quoting as his authority a
_Bibliotheca Portuguesa_ in MS., which he had from “a man of judgment
and of vast erudition”, states that Vasco da Gama is said to have
published an account of his first voyage to India, but that no copy of
it had up till then been discovered.
Similarly, Barbosa Machado, the author of the standard _Bibliotheca
Lusitana_ (t. iii, p. 775), 1752, accepting Nicoláo Antonio as his
authority, says that Vasco da Gama “wrote an account of the voyage
which he made to India in 1497”.[15]
We are quite safe in assuming that no such a narrative has ever been
published, although it is equally certain that Vasco da Gama furnished
official reports of his proceedings, which were still available when
João de Barros wrote his _Decades_, but are so no longer.
No one has yet succeeded in discovering the author of the _Roteiro_.
Prof. Kopke attempts to arrive at the name by a process of elimination,
and in doing so starts with several assumptions which we cannot accept.
First of all he assumes that Castanheda must have known the writer of
the MS. of which he made such excellent use in writing his history.
But Castanheda only became acquainted with this MS. after 1530, when
he took up his residence at Coimbra on his return from India, that
is, more than thirty years after it had been written. Of course, the
author might then have been still alive, notwithstanding the lapse of
years; but had this been the case, and had Castanheda been personally
acquainted with him, he would surely have obtained from him an account
of the termination of the voyage, instead of abruptly breaking off in
the same way as the _Roteiro_ does, with the arrival of the fleet at
the shoals of the Rio Grande (see p. 93), adding that he had been
unable to ascertain the particulars of the further voyage of the
captain-major, and only knew that Coelho arrived at Cascaes on July
10th, 1499.[16] It is probable, moreover, that if Castanheda had known
the name of the author to whom he was so greatly indebted, he would
have mentioned it in his book. Prof. Kopke assumes further that the
writer was a common sailor or soldier, and most probably the former:
first, because he frequently makes use of the expression “nós outros”
(we others) as if to draw a distinction between the officers of the
ships and the class to which he himself belonged; and, secondly,
because “the style of his narrative would seem to point to his humble
condition”. We can admit neither of these conclusions. The author by
no means uses the expression “we others” in the restricted sense in
which Prof. Kopke understands it. In proof of this we may refer to
such sentences as are to be found at pp. 57 and 61:—“When the King
beckoned to the captain he looked at us others”; “as to us others, we
diverted ourselves”—the “others”, in both these cases, including the
thirteen men who attended Vasco da Gama to Calecut, and among whom were
the three pursers, the captain-major’s secretary, and others who may
not have been “persons of distinction” but who nevertheless cannot be
classed with “common soldiers or sailors”. As to the literary style of
the Journal, we may at once admit that its author cannot take rank with
Barros, Castanheda or Correa, but this by no means proves him to have
been an uncultured man, or of “humble condition.” His spelling may not
have been quite in accordance with the somewhat loose rules followed
in the fifteenth century, but his narrative is straightforward and to
the point, and shows that he was a man of judgment perfectly able to
give an intelligent account of the many novel facts which came under
his observation. If he looked upon the Hindus as fellow-Christians, he
shared that opinion with the other members of the expedition, including
its chief. It only needs a perusal of such a collection of letters,
reports, and narratives as is to be found in _Alguns documentos do
Archivo nacional_ (Lisbon, 1892) to convince us that there were men
holding high positions in those days whose literary abilities fell
short of those which can be claimed on behalf of our author. Moreover,
it is not likely that access to the information required to enable
him to write a _Roteiro da Viagem_ would have been given to a “common
sailor or soldier”, even if such a person had been bold enough to ask
for it.
We shall now follow Prof. Kopke in his “process of elimination”:—
1. The author, in the course of his narrative, mentions a number of
persons by name, and these we must eliminate forthwith. They are:
Vasco and Paulo da Gama, Nicolau Coelho (p. 22), Pero d’Alenquer (p.
5), João de Coimbra (p. 30), Martin Affonso (pp. 12, 17), Sancho Mexia
(p. 6), and Fernão Veloso (p. 7).
2. We know further that the author served on board the _S.
Raphael_.[17] This disposes of Gonçalo Alvares and Diogo Dias[18] of
the _S. Gabriel_; and of Gonçalo Nunes, Pero Escolar, and Alvaro de
Braga, of the _Berrio_.
3. The author mentions certain things as having been done by persons
whose names he does not give. The name of one of these is supplied by
Castanheda and Barros. We thus learn from Barros that Fernão Martins
“was the sailor mentioned by the author (p. 23) as being able to speak
the language of the Moors; and from Castanheda (I, p. 51) that he was
one of the two men sent with a message to the King of Calecut (p. 50).
The convict who was sent to Calecut on May 21st (p. 48) was João Nunez,
according to Correa. The author states (p. 64, line 18, and p. 65, last
line) that the captain-major sent three men along the beach in search
of the ships’ boats. According to Castanheda (I, pp. 71 and 72), one of
these men was Gonçalo Pires.
We may therefore strike out all these names from the list of possible
authors.
4. Three members of the expedition are reported to have died during
the voyage, namely, Pedro de Covilhão, the priest; Pedro de Faria de
Figueredo, and his brother Francisco, all of them mentioned by Faria y
Sousa alone.
5. Lastly, there are four convicts whose names are given by Correa,
none of whom is likely to have been the author of the MS. The presence
of some of these convicts is, moreover, very doubtful.
We have thus accounted for all the members of the expedition whose
names are known, with the exception of eight.
Four of these—João de Sá, Alvaro Velho, João Palha and João de
Setubal—are stated to have been among the thirteen who attended Vasco
da Gama to Calecut (p. 51), and of these, João de Sá was clerk in the
_S. Raphael_, the author’s ship. He certainly might have been the
author. Prof. Kopke thinks not, first, because of the author’s supposed
humble position; secondly, because João de Sá, if we may credit an
anecdote recorded by Castanheda (I, p. 57),[19] had his doubts about
the people of India being Christians, whilst the author unhesitatingly
affirms them to be so. The only other person mentioned by Castanheda
as having been connected with the expedition is Alvaro Velho, a
soldier, who, according to Prof. Kopke, may “fairly be looked upon as
the author of this Journal.” He admits, however, that this conclusion
is acceptable only on the assumption that Castanheda knew the author: a
purely gratuitous assumption, in our opinion.
Castanheda only mentions six out of the thirteen who were present
at Vasco da Gama’s audience of the Zamorin. Correa mentions two
others—João de Setubal and João Palha. Five remain thus to be accounted
for; and, although these may have included servants and trumpeters, not
likely to have troubled about keeping a journal, our author may have
been among them. It will thus be seen that this process of elimination
has led to no result, and that we cannot even tell whether the author’s
name occurs in any single account of this expedition. Comparing his
“Journal” with the contents of Sernigi’s first letter, it almost seems
as if he had been the person from whom the Florentine derived the bulk
of his information. In that case his name may perhaps turn up some day
in the Italian archives. If our choice were limited to Alvaro Velho and
João de Sá, we should feel inclined to decide in favour of the latter.
Correa mentions three other persons as having been with Vasco da Gama:
namely, João Figueiro, whose diary he claims to have used, and who
cannot therefore have been the author of a “Journal” the contents of
which are so widely different; André Gonçalves and João d’Amoxeira.
Camões adds a fourth name, that of Leonardo Ribeyra. This exhausts the
muster-roll, as far as the names are known to us.
_The Portuguese Editions of the “Roteiro”._[20]
The _Roteiro_ was printed for the first time in 1838. The editors,
Diogo Kopke and Dr. Antonio da Costa Paiva, both teachers at the
_Academia Polytechnica_ of Oporto, furnished it with an introduction,
in which they give an account of the manuscript and discuss its
authorship, add sixty-nine notes, explanatory of the text, and append
King Manuel’s letters patent of January 10th, 1502 (see p. 230). The
illustrations include a map, the facsimile of a page of the MS., a
portrait, and an illustrated title-page of poor design. The book was
published by subscription. Three hundred and ninety-two copies were
subscribed for, including two hundred and thirty-seven by residents in
Oporto, among whom British wine-merchants figure prominently. Only five
copies went abroad, and three of these were subscribed for by Captain
Washington, R.N., the Royal Geographical Society, and the Geographical
Society of Paris.
A second edition appeared at Lisbon in 1861. Its editors, A.
Herculano, the famous historian, and Baron do Castello de Paiva,
claim to have “got rid of those imperfections in the text, as also in
the notes of the first edition,[21] which must be attributed to the
inexperience of the editors, and to their eagerness to bring before
the public so precious an historical document”. Their emendations,
however, are not of a kind to justify this somewhat brutal reference to
the work done by their predecessors. They consist, in the main, of a
modernisation of the spelling, the introduction of a few “philological”
notes of no particular interest, and a short preface in which Correa’s
_Lendas da India_ are spoken of in terms of eulogy. These _Lendas_
the editors consider to be “far superior in substance (_quanto á
substancia_) to the _Decades_ of João de Barros, and to the exuberant
but evidently honest narrative of Castanheda.” After praising Correa
“for depicting in firm contours and vivid colours” the human passions
brought into play by close companionship within the narrow limits of a
ship, they admit that as to “facts” “he is often vague, forgetful, or
ambiguous”. They conclude by saying that the author of the _Roteiro_
and the chronicle-writers mutually complement each other, and jointly
acquaint us with all the details of one of the great events in the
history of modern nations.[22]
_The French Translations of the “Roteiro”._
Two have been published. The first of these, by M. Ferdinand Denis,
will be found in the third volume of Charton’s _Voyageurs Anciens et
Modernes_, Paris, 1855. It is based upon the first Portuguese edition,
and ends with the arrival of the two vessels at the Rio Grande. The
notes by Professor Kopke are embodied in those of the translator, who
has added an introduction, giving a short but excellent biography of
Vasco da Gama, and a bibliography. The map of the original is retained,
and there are twenty illustrations, including two portraits of Vasco
da Gama, the one stated to be from Count Farrobo’s painting, as
published in the _Panorama_, the other from a Paris MS. of Barretto de
Rezende.[23]
For the second French translation[24] we are indebted to M. Arthur
Morelet. It is from the second Portuguese edition, and not a word of
either text or notes has been omitted. The translator has confined
himself to supplying a short introduction. The map is retained, but a
free rendering of Count Farrobo’s painting[25] has been substituted for
the poor portrait of Vasco da Gama in the original, and the portrait of
King Manuel has been omitted as being “flat, without relief and vigour,
and wanting even in that unaffected simplicity which marks the works
of that period.”[26]
_The English Translation._
In 1869 the Hakluyt Society published Lord Stanley of Alderley’s
translation of the _Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama_, from the
_Lendas_ of Gaspar Correa, with numerous foot-notes indicating those
instances in which Correa differs from Barros, Goes, Castanheda and
other historians, as well as from the poetical version of this voyage
presented in the _Lusiadas_ of Camões.
It was intended at the same time to bring out an English version of
the _Roteiro_, but no definite arrangements were made, and thus the
matter was left in abeyance until the present Editor revived the idea,
and suggested that the volume proposed might prove acceptable as an
interesting though humble contribution to the literature of the Fourth
Centenary of Vasco da Gama’s arrival in India, which Portugal is about
to celebrate.
The translation of the _Roteiro_ itself is literal and complete. The
notes of the Portuguese editors have, however, been abridged, and only
the substance of what they say in their introductions has been retained.
On the other hand, the Editor has added translations of the letters
of King Manuel and Sernigi, and of three Portuguese accounts of the
voyage. He has, moreover, added Appendices, among which the one
dealing with early maps will, he hopes, prove of some interest.
In conclusion, the Editor fulfils an agreeable duty in acknowledging
the kindly help and advice extended to him by a number of gentlemen.
To Capt. E. J. de Carvalho e Vasconcellos and Senhor José Bastos, of
Lisbon, he is indebted for the fine portraits which ornament this
edition; to Prof. Gallois for a tracing of the unpublished portion of
Canerio’s chart; to Dr. M. C. Caputo for a photograph of the African
portion of the Cantino chart; to Prof. Biagi for a copy of Sernigi’s
letter in the _Biblioteca Riccardiana_; to Sir J. Kirk for several
illustrations and important notes; to the late Rt. Rev. Dr. J. M.
Speechley, and the Rev. J. J. Jaus, of the Basel Missionary Society,
for notes on Calecut; and for help in minor matters to Dr. Garnett, of
the British Museum; Baron Hulot, Secretary of the Paris Geographical
Society; M. Marcel, of the _Bibliothèque Nationale_; Prof. Dalla
Vedova, of Rome; Prof. Berchet, of Venice; and Capt. B. B. da Silva, of
Lisbon.
His special thanks are due to three members of the Hakluyt Society,
namely, Sir Clements Markham, the President; Admiral Albert H. Markham,
who acted as the Editor’s nautical adviser; and Mr. William Foster, the
Secretary, whose careful reading of the proofs kept this volume free
from many a blunder.
LONDON, _March, 1898_.
[Illustration:
A CHART
illustrating the First Voyage of
VASCO DA GAMA
1497-99
HAKLUYT. S. I. v. XCIX]
[Illustration: (Headpiece)]
A JOURNAL
OF THE FIRST
VOYAGE OF VASCO DA GAMA
IN 1497-99.
[_Words and Dates not in the MS. have been placed within square
brackets._]
In the name of God. Amen!
In the year 1497 King Dom Manuel, the first of that name in Portugal,
despatched four vessels to make discoveries and go in search of spices.
Vasco da Gama was the captain-major of these vessels; Paulo da Gama,
his brother, commanded one of them, and Nicolau Coelho another.[27]
[_Lisbon to the Cape Verde Islands._]
We left Restello[28] on Saturday, July 8, 1497. May God our Lord permit
us to accomplish this voyage in his service. Amen!
On the following Saturday [July 15] we sighted the Canaries, and in
the night passed to the lee of Lançarote. During the following night,
at break of day [July 16] we made the Terra Alta, where we fished for
a couple of hours, and in the evening, at dusk, we were off the Rio do
Ouro.[29]
The fog[30] during the night grew so dense that Paulo da Gama lost
sight of the captain-major, and when day broke [July 17] we saw neither
him nor the other vessels. We therefore made sail for the Cape Verde
islands, as we had been instructed to do in case of becoming separated.
On the following Saturday, [July 22], at break of day, we sighted the
Ilha do Sal,[31] and an hour afterwards discovered three vessels,
which turned out to be the store-ship, and the vessels commanded by
Nicolau Coelho and Bartholameu Diz [Dias], the last of whom sailed in
our company as far as the Mine.[32] They, too, had lost sight of the
captain-major. Having joined company we pursued our route, but the wind
fell, and we were becalmed until Wednesday [July 26]. At ten o’clock on
that day we sighted the captain-major, about five leagues ahead of us,
and having got speech with him in the evening we gave expression to our
joy by many times firing off our bombards[33] and sounding the trumpets.
The day after this, a Thursday [July 27], we arrived at the island
of Samtiago [São Thiago],[34] and joyfully anchored in the bay of
Santa Maria, where we took on board meat, water and wood, and did the
much-needed repairs to our yards.
[_Across the Southern Atlantic._]
On Thursday, August 3, we left in an easterly direction. On August
18,[35] when about 200 leagues from Samtiaguo, going south, the
captain-major’s main yard broke, and we lay to under foresail and
mainsail for two days and a night. On the 22nd of the same month,
when going S. by W., we saw many birds resembling herons.[36] On the
approach of night they flew vigorously to the S.S.E., as if making for
the land.[37] On the same day, being then quite 800 leagues out at sea
[_i.e._, reckoning from S. Thiago], we saw a whale.
On Friday, October 27, the eve of St. Simon and Jude, we saw many
whales, as also quoquas[38] and seals.[39]
On Wednesday, November 1, the day of All Saints, we perceived many
indications of the neighbourhood of land, including gulf-weed,[40]
which grows along the coast.
On Saturday, the 4th of the same month, a couple of hours before
break of day, we had soundings in 110 fathoms,[41] and at nine o’clock
we sighted the land.[42] We then drew near to each other, and having
put on our gala clothes, we saluted the captain-major by firing our
bombards, and dressed the ships with flags and standards. In the course
of the day we tacked so as to come close to the land, but as we failed
to identify it, we again stood out to sea.
[_The Bay of St. Helena._]
On Tuesday [November 7] we returned to the land, which we found to be
low, with a broad bay opening into it. The captain-major sent Pero
d’Alenquer[43] in a boat to take soundings and to search for good
anchoring ground. The bay was found to be very clean, and to afford
shelter against all winds except those from the N.W. It extended east
and west, and we named it Santa Helena.
On Wednesday [November 8] we cast anchor in this bay, and we remained
there eight days, cleaning the ships, mending the sails, and taking in
wood.
The river Samtiagua [S. Thiago][44] enters the bay four leagues to the
S.E. of the anchorage. It comes from the interior (sertão), is about
a stone’s throw across at the mouth, and from two to three fathoms in
depth at all states of the tide.[45]
The inhabitants of this country are tawny-coloured.[46] Their food is
confined to the flesh of seals, whales and gazelles, and the roots of
herbs. They are dressed in skins, and wear sheaths over their virile
members.[47] They are armed with poles of olive wood to which a horn,
browned in the fire, is attached.[48] Their numerous dogs resemble
those of Portugal, and bark like them. The birds of the country,
likewise, are the same as in Portugal, and include cormorants, gulls,
turtle doves, crested larks, and many others. The climate is healthy
and temperate, and produces good herbage.
On the day after we had cast anchor, that is to say on Thursday
[November 9], we landed with the captain-major, and made captive one of
the natives, who was small of stature like Sancho Mexia. This man had
been gathering honey in the sandy waste, for in this country the bees
deposit their honey at the foot of the mounds around the bushes. He
was taken on board the captain-major’s ship, and being placed at table
he ate of all we ate. On the following day the captain-major had him
well dressed and sent ashore.[49]
On the following day [November 10] fourteen or fifteen natives came to
where our ships lay. The captain-major landed and showed them a variety
of merchandise, with the view of finding out whether such things were
to be found in their country. This merchandise included cinnamon,
cloves, seed-pearls, gold, and many other things, but it was evident
that they had no knowledge whatever of such articles, and they were
consequently given round bells and tin rings. This happened on Friday,
and the like took place on Saturday.
On Sunday [November 12] about forty or fifty natives made their
appearance, and having dined, we landed, and in exchange for the
çeitils[50] with which we came provided, we obtained shells, which they
wore as ornaments in their ears, and which looked as if they had been
plated, and fox-tails attached to a handle, with which they fanned
their faces. I also acquired for one çeitil one of the sheaths which
they wore over their members, and this seemed to show that they valued
copper very highly; indeed, they wore small beads of that metal in
their ears.
On that day Fernão Velloso, who was with the captain-major, expressed
a great desire to be permitted to accompany the natives to their
houses, so that he might find out how they lived and what they ate.
The captain-major yielded to his importunities, and allowed him to
accompany them, and when we returned to the captain-major’s vessel to
sup, he went away with the negroes. Soon after they had left us they
caught a seal, and when they came to the foot of a hill in a barren
place they roasted it, and gave some of it to Fernão Velloso, as also
some of the roots which they eat. After this meal they expressed a
desire that he should not accompany them any further, but return to the
vessels. When Fernão Velloso came abreast of the vessels he began to
shout, the negroes keeping in the bush.
We were still at supper; but when his shouts were heard the
captain-major rose at once, and so did we others, and we entered a
sailing boat. The negroes then began running along the beach, and they
came as quickly up with Fernão Velloso[51] as we did, and when we
endeavoured to get him into the boat they threw their assegais, and
wounded the captain-major and three or four others. All this happened
because we looked upon these people as men of little spirit, quite
incapable of violence, and had therefore landed without first arming
ourselves. We then returned to the ships.
[_Rounding the Cape_].
At daybreak of Thursday the 16th of November, having careened our ships
and taken in wood, we set sail. At that time we did not know how far
we might be abaft the Cape of Good Hope. Pero d’Alenquer thought the
distance about thirty leagues,[52] but he was not certain, for on his
return voyage [when with B. Dias] he had left the Cape in the morning
and had gone past this bay with the wind astern, whilst on the outward
voyage he had kept at sea, and was therefore unable to identify the
locality where we now were. We therefore stood out towards the S.S.W.
and late on Saturday [November 18] we beheld the Cape. On that same
day we again stood out to sea, returning to the land in the course
of the night. On Sunday morning, November 19, we once more made for
the Cape, but were again unable to round it, for the wind blew from
the S.S.W., whilst the Cape juts out towards the S.W. We then again
stood out to sea, returning to the land on Monday night. At last, on
Wednesday [November 22], at noon, having the wind astern, we succeeded
in doubling the Cape, and then ran along the coast.[53]