I received of the general about eight hundred pounds, to be disbursed in
advance-money to the waggon owners, etc.; but that sum being
insufficient, I advanc'd upward of two hundred pounds more, and in two
weeks the one hundred and fifty waggons, with two hundred and fifty-nine
carrying horses, were on their march for the camp. The advertisement
promised payment according to the valuation, in case any waggon or horse
should be lost. The owners, however, alleging they did not know General
Braddock, or what dependence might be had on his promise, insisted on my
bond for the performance, which I accordingly gave them.
While I was at the camp, supping one evening with the officers of
Colonel Dunbar's regiment, he represented to me his concern for the
subalterns, who, he said, were generally not in affluence, and could ill
afford, in this dear country, to lay in the stores that might be
necessary in so long a march, thro' a wilderness, where nothing was to
be purchas'd. I commiserated their case, and resolved to endeavor
procuring them some relief. I said nothing, however, to him of my
intention, but wrote the next morning to the committee of the Assembly,
who had the disposition of some public money, warmly recommending the
case of these officers to their consideration, and proposing that a
present should be sent them of necessaries and refreshments. My son, who
had some experience of a camp life, and of its wants, drew up a list for
me, which I enclos'd in my letter. The committee approv'd, and used such
diligence that, conducted by my son, the stores arrived at the camp as
soon as the waggons. They consisted of twenty parcels, each containing
6 lbs. loaf sugar. 1 Gloucester cheese.
6 lbs. good Muscovado do. 1 kegg containing 20 lbs. good butter.
1 lb. good green tea. 2 doz. old Madeira wine.
1 lb. good bohea do. 2 gallons Jamaica spirits.
6 lbs. good ground coffee. 1 bottle flour of mustard.
6 lbs. chocolate. 2 well-cur'd hams.
1-2 cwt. best white biscuit. 1-2 dozen dry'd tongues.
1-2 lb. pepper. 6 lbs. rice.
1 quart best white wine 6 lbs. raisins.
vinegar.
These twenty parcels, well pack'd, were placed on as many horses, each
parcel, with the horse, being intended as a present for one officer.
They were very thankfully receiv'd, and the kindness acknowledg'd by
letters to me from the colonels of both regiments, in the most grateful
terms. The general, too, was highly satisfied with my conduct in
procuring him the waggons, etc., and readily paid my account of
disbursements, thanking me repeatedly, and requesting my farther
assistance in sending provisions after him. I undertook this also, and
was busily employ'd in it till we heard of his defeat, advancing for the
service of my own money, upwards of one thousand pounds sterling, of
which I sent him an account. It came to his hands, luckily for me, a few
days before the battle, and he return'd me immediately an order on the
paymaster for the round sum of one thousand pounds, leaving the
remainder to the next account. I consider this payment as good luck,
having never been able to obtain that remainder, of which more
hereafter.
This general was, I think, a brave man, and might probably have made a
figure as a good officer in some European war. But he had too much
self-confidence, too high an opinion of the validity of regular troops,
and too mean a one of both Americans and Indians. George Croghan, our
Indian interpreter, join'd him on his march with one hundred of those
people, who might have been of great use to his army as guides, scouts,
etc., if he had treated them kindly; but he slighted and neglected them,
and they gradually left him.
In conversation with him one day, he was giving me some account of his
intended progress. "After taking Fort Duquesne," says he, "I am to
proceed to Niagara; and, having taken that, to Frontenac, if the season
will allow time; and I suppose it will, for Duquesne can hardly detain
me above three or four days; and then I see nothing that can obstruct my
march to Niagara." Having before revolv'd in my mind the long line his
army must make in their march by a very narrow road, to be cut for them
thro' the woods and bushes, and also what I had read of a former defeat
of fifteen hundred French, who invaded the Iroquois country, I had
conceiv'd some doubts and some fears for the event of the campaign. But
I ventur'd only to say, "To be sure, sir, if you arrive well before
Duquesne, with these fine troops, so well provided with artillery, that
place not yet compleatly fortified, and as we hear with no very strong
garrison, can probably make but a short resistance. The only danger I
apprehend of obstruction to your march is from ambuscades of Indians,
who, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and executing them;
and the slender line, near four miles long, which your army must make,
may expose it to be attack'd by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut
like a thread into several pieces, which, from their distance, can not
come up in time to support each other."
He smil'd at my ignorance, and reply'd, "These savages may, indeed, be a
formidable enemy to your raw American militia, but upon the king's
regular and disciplin'd troops, sir, it is impossible they should make
any impression." I was conscious of an impropriety in my disputing with
a military man in matters of his profession, and said no more. The
enemy, however, did not take the advantage of his army which I
apprehended its long line of march expos'd it to, but let it advance
without interruption till within nine miles of the place; and then, when
more in a body (for it had just passed a river, where the front had
halted till all were come over), and in a more open part of the woods
than any it had pass'd, attack'd its advanced guard by a heavy fire from
behind trees and bushes, which was the first intelligence the general
had of an enemy's being near him. This guard being disordered, the
general hurried the troops up to their assistance, which was done in
great confusion, thro' waggons, baggage, and cattle; and presently the
fire came upon their flank: the officers, being on horseback, were more
easily distinguish'd, pick'd out as marks, and fell very fast; and the
soldiers were crowded together in a huddle, having or hearing no orders,
and standing to be shot at till two-thirds of them were killed; and
then, being seiz'd with a panick, the whole fled with precipitation.
The waggoners took each a horse out of his team and scamper'd; their
example was immediately followed by others; so that all the waggons,
provisions, artillery, and stores were left to the enemy. The general,
being wounded, was brought off with difficulty; his secretary, Mr.
Shirley, was killed by his side; and out of eighty-six officers,
sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven hundred and fourteen men
killed out of eleven hundred. These eleven hundred had been picked men
from the whole army; the rest had been left behind with Colonel Dunbar,
who was to follow with the heavier part of the stores, provisions, and
baggage. The flyers, not being pursu'd, arriv'd at Dunbar's camp, and
the panick they brought with them instantly seiz'd him and all his
people; and, tho' he had now above one thousand men, and the enemy who
had beaten Braddock did not at most exceed four hundred Indians and
French together, instead of proceeding, and endeavoring to recover some
of the lost honour, he ordered all the stores, ammunition, etc., to be
destroy'd, that he might have more horses to assist his flight towards
the settlements, and less lumber to remove. He was there met with
requests from the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania,
that he would post his troops on the frontiers, so as to afford some
protection to the inhabitants; but he continu'd his hasty march thro'
all the country, not thinking himself safe till he arriv'd at
Philadelphia, where the inhabitants could protect him. This whole
transaction gave us Americans the first suspicion that our exalted ideas
of the prowess of British regulars had not been well founded.
In their first march, too, from their landing till they got beyond the
settlements, they had plundered and stripped the inhabitants, totally
ruining some poor families, besides insulting, abusing, and confining
the people if they remonstrated. This was enough to put us out of
conceit of such defenders, if we had really wanted any. How different
was the conduct of our French friends in 1781, who, during a march thro'
the most inhabited part of our country from Rhode Island to Virginia,
near seven hundred miles, occasioned not the smallest complaint for the
loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple.
Captain Orme, who was one of the general's aids-de-camp, and, being
grievously wounded, was brought off with him, and continu'd with him to
his death, which happen'd in a few days, told me that he was totally
silent all the first day, and at night only said, "Who would have
thought it?" That he was silent again the following day, saying only at
last, "We shall better know how to deal with them another time;" and
dy'd in a few minutes after.
The secretary's papers, with all the general's orders, instructions, and
correspondence, falling into the enemy's hands, they selected and
translated into French a number of the articles, which they printed, to
prove the hostile intentions of the British court before the declaration
of war. Among these I saw some letters of the general to the ministry,
speaking highly of the great service I had rendered the army, and
recommending me to their notice. David Hume, too, who was some years
after secretary to Lord Hertford, when minister in France, and afterward
to General Conway, when secretary of state, told me he had seen among
the papers in that office, letters from Braddock highly recommending me.
But, the expedition having been unfortunate, my service, it seems, was
not thought of much value, for those recommendations were never of any
use to me.
As to rewards from himself, I ask'd only one, which was, that he would
give orders to his officers not to enlist any more of our bought
servants, and that he would discharge such as had been already enlisted.
This he readily granted, and several were accordingly return'd to their
masters, on my application. Dunbar, when the command devolv'd on him,
was not so generous. He being at Philadelphia, on his retreat, or rather
flight, I apply'd to him for the discharge of the servants of three poor
farmers of Lancaster county that he had enlisted, reminding him of the
late general's orders on that head. He promised me that, if the masters
would come to him at Trenton, where he should be in a few days on his
march to New York, he would there deliver their men to them. They
accordingly were at the expense and trouble of going to Trenton, and
there he refus'd to perform his promise, to their great loss and
disappointment.
As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was generally known, all
the owners came upon me for the valuation which I had given bond to pay.
Their demands gave me a great deal of trouble, my acquainting them that
the money was ready in the paymaster's hands, but that orders for paying
it must first be obtained from General Shirley, and my assuring them
that I had apply'd to that general by letter; but, he being at a
distance, an answer could not soon be receiv'd, and they must have
patience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy, and some began to sue
me. General Shirley at length relieved me from this terrible situation
by appointing commissioners to examine the claims, and ordering payment.
They amounted to near twenty thousand pound, which to pay would have
ruined me.
Before we had the news of this defeat, the two Doctors Bond came to me
with a subscription paper for raising money to defray the expense of a
grand firework, which it was intended to exhibit at a rejoicing on
receipt of the news of our taking Fort Duquesne. I looked grave, and
said it would, I thought, be time enough to prepare for the rejoicing
when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice. They seem'd surpris'd
that I did not immediately comply with their proposal. "Why the d--l!"
says one of them, "you surely don't suppose that the fort will not be
taken?" "I don't know that it will not be taken, but I know that the
events of war are subject to great uncertainty." I gave them the reasons
of my doubting; the subscription was dropt, and the projectors thereby
missed the mortification they would have undergone if the firework had
been prepared. Dr. Bond, on some other occasion afterward, said that he
did not like Franklin's forebodings.
Governor Morris, who had continually worried the Assembly with message
after message before the defeat of Braddock, to beat them into the
making of acts to raise money for the defense of the province, without
taxing, among others, the proprietary estates, and had rejected all
their bills for not having such an exempting clause, now redoubled his
attacks with more hope of success, the danger and necessity being
greater. The Assembly, however, continu'd firm, believing they had
justice on their side, and that it would be giving up an essential right
if they suffered the governor to amend their money-bills. In one of the
last, indeed, which was for granting fifty thousand pounds, his propos'd
amendment was only of a single word. The bill expressed "that all
estates, real and personal, were to be taxed, those of the proprietaries
not excepted." His amendment was, for not read only: a small, but very
material alteration. However, when the news of this disaster reached
England, our friends there, whom we had taken care to furnish with all
the Assembly's answers to the governor's messages, rais'd a clamor
against the proprietaries for their meanness and injustice in giving
their governor such instructions; some going so far as to say that, by
obstructing the defense of their province, they forfeited their right to
it. They were intimidated by this, and sent orders to their
receiver-general to add five thousand pounds of their money to whatever
sum might be given by the Assembly for such purpose.
This, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu of their share
of a general tax, and a new bill was form'd, with an exempting clause,
which passed accordingly. By this act I was appointed one of the
commissioners for disposing of the money, sixty thousand pounds. I had
been active in modelling the bill and procuring its passage, and had, at
the same time, drawn a bill for establishing and disciplining of a
voluntary militia, which I carried thro' the House without much
difficulty, as care was taken in it to leave the Quakers at their
liberty. To promote the association necessary to form the militia, I
wrote a dialogue, [14] stating and answering all the objections I could
think of to such a militia, which was printed, and had, as I thought,
great effect.
[14] This dialogue and the militia act are in the "Gentleman's Magazine"
for February and March, 1756.--[Marg. note.]
While the several companies in the city and country were forming and
learning their exercise, the governor prevail'd with me to take charge
of our North-western frontier, which was infested by the enemy, and
provide for the defense of the inhabitants by raising troops and
building a line of forts. I undertook this military business, tho' I did
not conceive myself well qualified for it. He gave me a commission with
full powers, and a parcel of blank commissions for officers, to be given
to whom I thought fit. I had but little difficulty in raising men,
having soon five hundred and sixty under my command. My son, who had in
the preceding war been an officer in the army rais'd against Canada, was
my aid-de-camp, and of great use to me. The Indians had burned
Gnadenhut, a village settled by the Moravians, and massacred the
inhabitants; but the place was thought a good situation for one of the
forts.
In order to march thither, I assembled the companies at Bethlehem, the
chief establishment of those people. I was surprised to find it in so
good a posture of defense; the destruction of Gnadenhut had made them
apprehend danger. The principal buildings were defended by a stockade;
they had purchased a quantity of arms and ammunition from New York, and
had even plac'd quantities of small paving stones between the windows of
their high stone houses, for their women to throw down upon the heads of
any Indians that should attempt to force into them. The armed brethren,
too, kept watch, and reliev'd as methodically as in any garrison town.
In conversation with the bishop, Spangenberg, I mention'd this my
surprise; for, knowing they had obtained an act of Parliament exempting
them from military duties in the colonies, I had suppos'd they were
conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. He answer'd me that it was
not one of their established principles, but that, at the time of their
obtaining that act, it was thought to be a principle with many of their
people. On this occasion, however, they, to their surprise, found it
adopted by but a few. It seems they were either deceiv'd in themselves,
or deceiv'd the Parliament; but common sense, aided by present danger,
will sometimes be too strong for whimsical opinions.
It was the beginning of January when we set out upon this business of
building forts. I sent one detachment toward the Minisink, with
instructions to erect one for the security of that upper part of the
country, and another to the lower part, with similar instructions; and I
concluded to go myself with the rest of my force to Gnadenhut, where a
fort was tho't more immediately necessary. The Moravians procur'd me
five waggons for our tools, stores, baggage, etc.
Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been driven from
their plantations by the Indians, came to me requesting a supply of
firearms, that they might go back and fetch off their cattle. I gave
them each a gun with suitable ammunition. We had not march'd many miles
before it began to rain, and it continued raining all day; there were no
habitations on the road to shelter us, till we arriv'd near night at the
house of a German, where, and in his barn, we were all huddled together,
as wet as water could make us. It was well we were not attack'd in our
march, for our arms were of the most ordinary sort, and our men could
not keep their gun locks dry. The Indians are dextrous in contrivances
for that purpose, which we had not. They met that day the eleven poor
farmers above mentioned, and killed ten of them. The one who escap'd
inform'd that his and his companions' guns would not go off, the priming
being wet with the rain.
The next day being fair, we continu'd our march, and arriv'd at the
desolated Gnadenhut. There was a saw-mill near, round which were left
several piles of boards, with which we soon hutted ourselves; an
operation the more necessary at that inclement season, as we had no
tents. Our first work was to bury more effectually the dead we found
there, who had been half interr'd by the country people.
The next morning our fort was plann'd and mark'd out, the circumference
measuring four hundred and fifty-five feet, which would require as many
palisades to be made of trees, one with another, of a foot diameter
each. Our axes, of which we had seventy, were immediately set to work to
cut down trees, and, our men being dextrous in the use of them, great
despatch was made. Seeing the trees fall so fast, I had the curiosity to
look at my watch when two men began to cut at a pine; in six minutes
they had it upon the ground, and I found it of fourteen inches diameter.
Each pine made three palisades of eighteen feet long, pointed at one
end. While these were preparing, our other men dug a trench all round,
of three feet deep, in which the palisades were to be planted; and, our
waggons, the bodys being taken off, and the fore and hind wheels
separated by taking out the pin which united the two parts of the perch,
we had ten carriages, with two horses each, to bring the palisades from
the woods to the spot. When they were set up, our carpenters built a
stage of boards all round within, about six feet high, for the men to
stand on when to fire thro' the loopholes. We had one swivel gun, which
we mounted on one of the angles, and fir'd it as soon as fix'd, to let
the Indians know, if any were within hearing, that we had such pieces;
and thus our fort, if such a magnificent name may be given to so
miserable a stockade, was finish'd in a week, though it rain'd so hard
every other day that the men could not work.
This gave me occasion to observe, that, when men are employ'd, they are
best content'd; for on the days they worked they were good-natur'd and
cheerful, and, with the consciousness of having done a good day's work,
they spent the evening jollily; but on our idle days they were mutinous
and quarrelsome, finding fault with their pork, the bread, etc., and in
continual ill-humor, which put me in mind of a sea-captain, whose rule
it was to keep his men constantly at work; and, when his mate once told
him that they had done every thing, and there was nothing further to
employ them about, "Oh," says he, "Make them scour the anchor."
This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient defense against
Indians, who have no cannon. Finding ourselves now posted securely, and
having a place to retreat to on occasion, we ventur'd out in parties to
scour the adjacent country. We met with no Indians, but we found the
places on the neighboring hills where they had lain to watch our
proceedings. There was an art in their contrivance of those places, that
seems worth mention. It being winter, a fire was necessary for them; but
a common fire on the surface of the ground would by its light have
discovered their position at a distance. They had therefore dug holes in
the ground about three feet diameter, and somewhat deeper; we saw where
they had with their hatchets cut off the charcoal from the sides of
burnt logs lying in the woods. With these coals they had made small
fires in the bottom of the holes, and we observ'd among the weeds and
grass the prints of their bodies, made by their laying all round, with
their legs hanging down in the holes to keep their feet warm, which,
with them, is an essential point. This kind of fire, so manag'd, could
not discover them, either by its light, flame, sparks, or even smoke: it
appear'd that their number was not great, and it seems they saw we were
too many to be attacked by them with prospect of advantage.
We had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian minister, Mr. Beatty, who
complained to me that the men did not generally attend his prayers and
exhortations. When they enlisted, they were promised, besides pay and
provisions, a gill of rum a day, which was punctually serv'd out to
them, half in the morning, and the other half in the evening; and I
observ'd they were as punctual in attending to receive it; upon which I
said to Mr. Beatty, "It is, perhaps, below the dignity of your
profession to act as steward of the rum, but if you were to deal it out
and only just after prayers, you would have them all about you." He
liked the tho't, undertook the office, and, with the help of a few hands
to measure out the liquor, executed it to satisfaction, and never were
prayers more generally and more punctually attended; so that I thought
this method preferable to the punishment inflicted by some military laws
for non-attendance on divine service.
I had hardly finish'd this business, and got my fort well stor'd with
provisions, when I receiv'd a letter from the governor, acquainting me
that he had call'd the Assembly, and wished my attendance there, if the
posture of affairs on the frontiers was such that my remaining there was
no longer necessary. My friends, too, of the Assembly, pressing me by
their letters to be, if possible, at the meeting, and my three intended
forts being now compleated, and the inhabitants contented to remain on
their farms under that protection, I resolved to return; the more
willingly, as a New England officer, Colonel Clapham, experienced in
Indian war, being on a visit to our establishment, consented to accept
the command. I gave him a commission, and, parading the garrison, had it
read before them, and introduc'd him to them as an officer who, from his
skill in military affairs, was much more fit to command them than
myself; and, giving them a little exhortation, took my leave. I was
escorted as far as Bethlehem, where I rested a few days to recover from
the fatigue I had undergone. The first night, being in a good bed, I
could hardly sleep, it was so different from my hard lodging on the
floor of our hut at Gnaden wrapt only in a blanket or two.
While at Bethlehem, I inquir'd a little into the practice of the
Moravians: some of them had accompanied me, and all were very kind to
me. I found they work'd for a common stock, eat at common tables, and
slept in common dormitories, great numbers together. In the dormitories
I observed loopholes, at certain distances all along just under the
ceiling, which I thought judiciously placed for change of air. I was at
their church, where I was entertain'd with good musick, the organ being
accompanied with violins, hautboys, flutes, clarinets, etc. I understood
that their sermons were not usually preached to mixed congregations of
men, women, and children, as is our common practice, but that they
assembled sometimes the married men, at other times their wives, then
the young men, the young women, and the little children, each division
by itself. The sermon I heard was to the latter, who came in and were
plac'd in rows on benches; the boys under the conduct of a young man,
their tutor, and the girls conducted by a young woman. The discourse
seem'd well adapted to their capacities, and was deliver'd in a
pleasing, familiar manner, coaxing them, as it were, to be good. They
behav'd very orderly, but looked pale and unhealthy, which made me
suspect they were kept too much within doors, or not allow'd sufficient
exercise.
I inquir'd concerning the Moravian marriages, whether the report was
true that they were by lot. I was told that lots were us'd only in
particular cases; that generally, when a young man found himself
dispos'd to marry, he inform'd the elders of his class, who consulted
the elder ladies that govern'd the young women. As these elders of the
different sexes were well acquainted with the tempers and dispositions
of their respective pupils, they could best judge what matches were
suitable, and their judgments were generally acquiesc'd in; but if, for
example, it should happen that two or three young women were found to be
equally proper for the young man, the lot was then recurred to. I
objected, if the matches are not made by the mutual choice of the
parties, some of them may chance to be very unhappy. "And so they may,"
answer'd my informer, "if you let the parties chuse for themselves;"
which, indeed, I could not deny.
Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the association went on
swimmingly, the inhabitants that were not Quakers having pretty
generally come into it, formed themselves into companies, and chose
their captains, lieutenants, and ensigns, according to the new law. Dr.
B. visited me, and gave me an account of the pains he had taken to
spread a general good liking to the law, and ascribed much to those
endeavors. I had had the vanity to ascribe all to my Dialogue; however,
not knowing but that he might be in the right, I let him enjoy his
opinion, which I take to be generally the best way in such cases. The
officers, meeting, chose me to be colonel of the regiment, which I this
time accepted. I forget how many companies we had, but we paraded about
twelve hundred well-looking men, with a company of artillery, who had
been furnished with six brass field-pieces, which they had become so
expert in the use of as to fire twelve times in a minute. The first time
I reviewed my regiment they accompanied me to my house, and would salute
me with some rounds fired before my door, which shook down and broke
several glasses of my electrical apparatus. And my new honour proved not
much less brittle; for all our commissions were soon after broken by a
repeal of the law in England.
During this short time of my colonelship, being about to set out on a
journey to Virginia, the officers of my regiment took it into their
heads that it would be proper for them to escort me out of town, as far
as the Lower Ferry. Just as I was getting on horseback they came to my
door, between thirty and forty, mounted, and all in their uniforms. I
had not been previously acquainted with the project, or I should have
prevented it, being naturally averse to the assuming of state on any
occasion; and I was a good deal chagrin'd at their appearance, as I
could not avoid their accompanying me. What made it worse was, that, as
soon as we began to move, they drew their swords and rode with them
naked all the way. Somebody wrote an account of this to the proprietor,
and it gave him great offense. No such honor had been paid him when in
the province, nor to any of his governors; and he said it was only
proper to princes of the blood royal, which may be true for aught I
know, who was, and still am, ignorant of the etiquette in such cases.
This silly affair, however, greatly increased his rancour against me,
which was before not a little, on account of my conduct in the Assembly
respecting the exemption of his estate from taxation, which I had always
oppos'd very warmly, and not without severe reflections on his meanness
and injustice of contending for it. He accused me to the ministry as
being the great obstacle to the king's service, preventing, by my
influence in the House, the proper form of the bills for raising money,
and he instanced this parade with my officers as a proof of my having an
intention to take the government of the province out of his hands by
force. He also applied to Sir Everard Fawkener, the postmaster-general,
to deprive me of my office; but it had no other effect than to procure
from Sir Everard a gentle admonition.
Notwithstanding the continual wrangle between the governor and the
House, in which I, as a member, had so large a share, there still
subsisted a civil intercourse between that gentleman and myself,
and we never had any personal difference. I have sometimes since thought
that his little or no resentment against me, for the answers it was
known I drew up to his messages, might be the effect of professional
habit, and that, being bred a lawyer, he might consider us both as
merely advocates for contending clients in a suit, he for the
proprietaries and I for the Assembly. He would, therefore, sometimes
call in a friendly way to advise with me on difficult points, and
sometimes, tho' not often, take my advice.
We acted in concert to supply Braddock's army with provisions; and, when
the shocking news arrived of his defeat, the governor sent in haste for
me, to consult with him on measures for preventing the desertion of the
back counties. I forget now the advice I gave; but I think it was, that
Dunbar should be written to, and prevail'd with, if possible, to post
his troops on the frontiers for their protection, till, by
re-enforcements from the colonies, he might be able to proceed on the
expedition. And, after my return from the frontier, he would have had me
undertake the conduct of such an expedition with provincial troops, for
the reduction of Fort Duquesne, Dunbar and his men being otherwise
employed; and he proposed to commission me as general. I had not so good
an opinion of my military abilities as he profess'd to have, and I
believe his professions must have exceeded his real sentiments; but
probably he might think that my popularity would facilitate the raising
of the men, and my influence in Assembly, the grant of money to pay
them, and that, perhaps, without taxing the proprietary estate. Finding
me not so forward to engage as he expected, the project was dropt, and
he soon after left the government, being superseded by Captain Denny.
Before I proceed in relating the part I had in public affairs under this
new governor's administration, it may not be amiss here to give some
account of the rise and progress of my philosophical reputation.
In 1746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr. Spence, who was lately
arrived from Scotland, and show'd me some electric experiments. They
were imperfectly perform'd, as he was not very expert; but, being on a
subject quite new to me, they equally surpris'd and pleased me. Soon
after my return to Philadelphia, our library company receiv'd from Mr.
P. Collinson, Fellow of the Royal Society of London, a present of a
glass tube, with some account of the use of it in making such
experiments. I eagerly seized the opportunity of repeating what I had
seen at Boston; and, by much practice, acquir'd great readiness in
performing those, also, which we had an account of from England, adding
a number of new ones. I say much practice, for my house was continually
full, for some time, with people who came to see these new wonders.
To divide a little this incumbrance among my friends, I caused a number
of similar tubes to be blown at our glass-house, with which they
furnish'd themselves, so that we had at length several performers. Among
these, the principal was Mr. Kinnersley, an ingenious neighbor, who,
being out of business, I encouraged to undertake showing the experiments
for money, and drew up for him two lectures, in which the experiments
were rang'd in such order, and accompanied with such explanations in
such method, as that the foregoing should assist in comprehending the
following. He procur'd an elegant apparatus for the purpose, in which
all the little machines that I had roughly made for myself were nicely
form'd by instrument-makers. His lectures were well attended, and gave
great satisfaction; and after some time he went thro' the colonies,
exhibiting them in every capital town, and pick'd up some money. In the
West India islands, indeed, it was with difficulty the experiments could
be made, from the general moisture of the air.
Oblig'd as we were to Mr. Collinson for his present of the tube, etc., I
thought it right he should be inform'd of our success in using it, and
wrote him several letters containing accounts of our experiments. He got
them read in the Royal Society, where they were not at first thought
worth so much notice as to be printed in their Transactions. One paper,
which I wrote for Mr. Kinnersley, on the sameness of lightning with
electricity, I sent to Dr. Mitchel, an acquaintance of mine, and one of
the members also of that society, who wrote me word that it had been
read, but was laughed at by the connoisseurs. The papers, however, being
shown to Dr. Fothergill, he thought them of too much value to be
stifled, and advis'd the printing of them. Mr. Collinson then gave them
to Cave for publication in his Gentleman's Magazine; but he chose to
print them separately in a pamphlet, and Dr. Fothergill wrote the
preface. Cave, it seems, judged rightly for his profit, for by the
additions that arrived after they swell'd to a quarto volume, which has
had five editions, and cost him nothing for copy-money.
It was, however, some time before those papers were much taken notice of
in England. A copy of them happening to fall into the hands of the Count
de Buffon, a philosopher deservedly of great reputation in France, and,
indeed, all over Europe, he prevailed with M. Dalibard to translate them
into French, and they were printed at Paris. The publication offended
the Abbé Nollet, preceptor in Natural Philosophy to the royal family,
and an able experimenter, who had form'd and publish'd a theory of
electricity, which then had the general vogue. He could not at first
believe that such a work came from America, and said it must have been
fabricated by his enemies at Paris, to decry his system. Afterwards,
having been assur'd that there really existed such a person as Franklin
at Philadelphia, which he had doubted, he wrote and published a volume
of Letters, chiefly address'd to me, defending his theory, and denying
the verity of my experiments, and of the positions deduc'd from them.
I once purpos'd answering the abbé, and actually began the answer; but,
on consideration that my writings contain'd a description of experiments
which any one might repeat and verify, and if not to be verifi'd, could
not be defended; or of observations offer'd as conjectures, and not
delivered dogmatically, therefore not laying me under any obligation to
defend them; and reflecting that a dispute between two persons, writing
in different languages, might be lengthened greatly by mistranslations,
and thence misconceptions of one another's meaning, much of one of the
abbé's letters being founded on an error in the translation, I concluded
to let my papers shift for themselves, believing it was better to spend
what time I could spare from public business in making new experiments,
than in disputing about those already made. I therefore never answered
M. Nollet, and the event gave me no cause to repent my silence; for my
friend M. le Roy, of the Royal Academy of Sciences, took up my cause and
refuted him; my book was translated into the Italian, German, and Latin
languages; and the doctrine it contain'd was by degrees universally
adopted by the philosophers of Europe, in preference to that of the
abbé; so that he lived to see himself the last of his sect, except
Monsieur B------, of Paris, his élève and immediate disciple.
What gave my book the more sudden and general celebrity, was the success
of one of its proposed experiments, made by Messrs. Dalibard and De Lor
at Marly, for drawing lightning from the clouds. This engag'd the public
attention every where. M. de Lor, who had an apparatus for experimental
philosophy, and lectur'd in that branch of science, undertook to repeat
what he called the Philadelphia Experiments; and, after they were
performed before the king and court, all the curious of Paris flocked to
see them. I will not swell this narrative with an account of that
capital experiment, nor of the infinite pleasure I receiv'd in the
success of a similar one I made soon after with a kite at Philadelphia,
as both are to be found in the histories of electricity.
Dr. Wright, an English physician, when at Paris, wrote to a friend, who
was of the Royal Society, an account of the high esteem my experiments
were in among the learned abroad, and of their wonder that my writings
had been so little noticed in England. The society, on this, resum'd the
consideration of the letters that had been read to them; and the
celebrated Dr. Watson drew up a summary account of them, and of all I
had afterwards sent to England on the subject, which he accompanied with
some praise of the writer. This summary was then printed in their
Transactions; and some members of the society in London, particularly
the very ingenious Mr. Canton, having verified the experiment of
procuring lightning from the clouds by a pointed rod, and acquainting
them with the success, they soon made me more than amends for the slight
with which they had before treated me. Without my having made any
application for that honor, they chose me a member, and voted that I
should be excus'd the customary payments, which would have amounted to
twenty-five guineas; and ever since have given me their Transactions
gratis. They also presented me with the gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley
for the year 1753, the delivery of which was accompanied by a very
handsome speech of the president, Lord Macclesfield, wherein I was
highly honoured.
Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought over for me the
before-mentioned medal from the Royal Society, which he presented to me
at an entertainment given him by the city. He accompanied it with very
polite expressions of his esteem for me, having, as he said, been long
acquainted with my character. After dinner, when the company, as was
customary at that time, were engag'd in drinking, he took me aside into
another room, and acquainted me that he had been advis'd by his friends
in England to cultivate a friendship with me, as one who was capable of
giving him the best advice, and of contributing most effectually to the
making his administration easy; that he therefore desired of all things
to have a good understanding with me, and he begg'd me to be assur'd of
his readiness on all occasions to render me every service that might be
in his power. He said much to me, also, of the proprietor's good
disposition towards the province, and of the advantage it might be to us
all, and to me in particular, if the opposition that had been so long
continu'd to his measures was dropt, and harmony restor'd between him
and the people; in effecting which, it was thought no one could be more
serviceable than myself; and I might depend on adequate acknowledgments
and recompenses, etc., etc. The drinkers, finding we did not return
immediately to the table, sent us a decanter of Madeira, which the
governor made liberal use of, and in proportion became more profuse of
his solicitations and promises.
My answers were to this purpose: that my circumstances, thanks to God,
were such as to make proprietary favours unnecessary to me; and that,
being a member of the Assembly, I could not possibly accept of any;
that, however, I had no personal enmity to the proprietary, and that,
whenever the public measures he propos'd should appear to be for the
good of the people, no one should espouse and forward them more
zealously than myself; my past opposition having been founded on this,
that the measures which had been urged were evidently intended to serve
the proprietary interest, with great prejudice to that of the people;
that I was much obliged to him (the governor) for his professions of
regard to me, and that he might rely on every thing in my power to make
his administration as easy as possible, hoping at the same time that he
had not brought with him the same unfortunate instruction his
predecessor had been hamper'd with.
On this he did not then explain himself; but when he afterwards came to
do business with the Assembly, they appear'd again, the disputes were
renewed, and I was as active as ever in the opposition, being the
penman, first, of the request to have a communication of the
instructions, and then of the remarks upon them, which may be found in
the votes of the time, and in the Historical Review I afterward
publish'd. But between us personally no enmity arose; we were often
together; he was a man of letters, had seen much of the world, and was
very entertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave me the first
information that my old friend Jas. Ralph was still alive; that he was
esteem'd one of the best political writers in England; had been employ'd
in the dispute between Prince Frederic and the king, and had obtain'd a
pension of three hundred a year; that his reputation was indeed small as
a poet, Pope having damned his poetry in the Dunciad; but his prose was
thought as good as any man's.
[15] The Assembly finally finding the proprietary obstinately persisted
in manacling their deputies with instructions inconsistent not only with
the privileges of the people, but with the service of the crown,
resolv'd to petition the king against them, and appointed me their agent
to go over to England, to present and support the petition. The House
had sent up a bill to the governor, granting a sum of sixty thousand
pounds for the king's use (ten thousand pounds of which was subjected to
the orders of the then general, Lord Loudoun), which the governor
absolutely refus'd to pass, in compliance with his instructions.
[15] The many unanimous resolves of the Assembly--what date?--[Marg.
note.]
I had agreed with Captain Morris, of the paquet at New York, for my
passage, and my stores were put on board, when Lord Loudoun arriv'd at
Philadelphia, expressly, as he told me, to endeavor an accommodation
between the governor and Assembly, that his majesty's service might not
be obstructed by their dissensions. Accordingly, he desir'd the governor
and myself to meet him, that he might hear what was to be said on both
sides. We met and discuss'd the business. In behalf of the Assembly, I
urg'd all the various arguments that may be found in the public papers
of that time, which were of my writing, and are printed with the minutes
of the Assembly; and the governor pleaded his instructions; the bond he
had given to observe them, and his ruin if he disobey'd, yet seemed not
unwilling to hazard himself if Lord Loudoun would advise it. This his
lordship did not chuse to do, though I once thought I had nearly
prevail'd with him to do it; but finally he rather chose to urge the
compliance of the Assembly; and he entreated me to use my endeavours
with them for that purpose, declaring that he would spare none of the
king's troops for the defense of our frontiers, and that, if we did not
continue to provide for that defense ourselves, they must remain expos'd
to the enemy.
I acquainted the House with what had pass'd, and, presenting them with a
set of resolutions I had drawn up, declaring our rights, and that we did
not relinquish our claim to those rights, but only suspended the
exercise of them on this occasion thro' force, against which we
protested, they at length agreed to drop that bill, and frame another
conformable to the proprietary instructions. This of course the governor
pass'd, and I was then at liberty to proceed on my voyage. But, in the
meantime, the paquet had sailed with my sea-stores, which was some loss
to me, and my only recompense was his lordship's thanks for my service,
all the credit of obtaining the accommodation falling to his share.
He set out for New York before me; and, as the time for dispatching the
paquet-boats was at his disposition, and there were two then remaining
there, one of which, he said, was to sail very soon, I requested to know
the precise time, that I might not miss her by any delay of mine. His
answer was, "I have given out that she is to sail on Saturday next; but
I may let you know, entre nous, that if you are there by Monday morning,
you will be in time, but do not delay longer." By some accidental
hinderance at a ferry, it was Monday noon before I arrived, and I was
much afraid she might have sailed, as the wind was fair; but I was soon
made easy by the information that she was still in the harbor, and would
not move till the next day. One would imagine that I was now on the very
point of departing for Europe. I thought so; but I was not then so well
acquainted with his lordship's character, of which indecision was one of
the strongest features. I shall give some instances. It was about the
beginning of April that I came to New York, and I think it was near the
end of June before we sail'd. There were then two of the paquet-boats,
which had been long in port, but were detained for the general's
letters, which were always to be ready to-morrow. Another paquet
arriv'd; she too was detain'd; and, before we sail'd, a fourth was
expected. Ours was the first to be dispatch'd, as having been there
longest. Passengers were engag'd in all, and some extremely impatient to
be gone, and the merchants uneasy about their letters, and the orders
they had given for insurance (it being war time) for fall goods! but
their anxiety avail'd nothing; his lordship's letters were not ready;
and yet whoever waited on him found him always at his desk, pen in hand,
and concluded he must needs write abundantly.
Going myself one morning to pay my respects, I found in his antechamber
one Innis, a messenger of Philadelphia, who had come from thence express
with a paquet from Governor Denny for the General. He delivered to me
some letters from my friends there, which occasion'd my inquiring when
he was to return, and where he lodg'd, that I might send some letters by
him. He told me he was order'd to call to-morrow at nine for the
general's answer to the governor, and should set off immediately. I put
my letters into his hands the same day. A fortnight after I met him
again in the same place. "So, you are soon return'd, Innis?" "Returned!
no, I am not gone yet." "How so?" "I have called here by order every
morning these two weeks past for his lordship's letter, and it is not
yet ready." "Is it possible, when he is so great a writer? for I see him
constantly at his escritoire." "Yes," says Innis, "but he is like St.
George on the signs, always on horseback, and never rides on." This
observation of the messenger was, it seems, well founded; for, when in
England, I understood that Mr. Pitt gave it as one reason for removing
this general, and sending Generals Amherst and Wolfe, that the minister
never heard from him, and could not know what he was doing.
This daily expectation of sailing, and all the three paquets going down
to Sandy Hook, to join the fleet there, the passengers thought it best
to be on board, lest by a sudden order the ships should sail, and they
be left behind. There, if I remember right, we were about six weeks,
consuming our sea-stores, and oblig'd to procure more. At length the
fleet sail'd, the General and all his army on board, bound to Louisburg,
with intent to besiege and take that fortress; all the paquet-boats in
company ordered to attend the General's ship, ready to receive his
dispatches when they should be ready. We were out five days before we
got a letter with leave to part, and then our ship quitted the fleet and
steered for England. The other two paquets he still detained, carried
them with him to Halifax, where he stayed some time to exercise the men
in sham attacks upon sham forts, then alter'd his mind as to besieging
Louisburg, and return'd to New York, with all his troops, together with
the two paquets above mentioned, and all their passengers! During his
absence the French and savages had taken Fort George, on the frontier of
that province, and the savages had massacred many of the garrison after
capitulation.
I saw afterwards in London Captain Bonnell, who commanded one of those
paquets. He told me that, when he had been detain'd a month, he
acquainted his lordship that his ship was grown foul, to a degree that
must necessarily hinder her fast sailing, a point of consequence for a
paquet-boat, and requested an allowance of time to heave her down and
clean her bottom. He was asked how long that would require. He answer'd,
three days. The general replied, "If you can do it in one day, I give
leave; otherwise not; for you must certainly sail the day after
to-morrow." So he never obtain'd leave, though detained afterwards from
day to day during full three months.
I saw also in London one of Bonnell's passengers, who was so enrag'd
against his lordship for deceiving and detaining him so long at New
York, and then carrying him to Halifax and back again, that he swore he
would sue for damages. Whether he did or not, I never heard; but, as he
represented the injury to his affairs, it was very considerable.
On the whole, I wonder'd much how such a man came to be intrusted with
so important a business as the conduct of a great army; but, having
since seen more of the great world, and the means of obtaining, and
motives for giving places, my wonder is diminished. General Shirley, on
whom the command of the army devolved upon the death of Braddock, would,
in my opinion, if continued in place, have made a much better campaign
than that of Loudoun in 1757, which was frivolous, expensive, and
disgraceful to our nation beyond conception; for, tho' Shirley was not a
bred soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in himself, and attentive to
good advice from others, capable of forming judicious plans, and quick
and active in carrying them into execution. Loudoun, instead of
defending the colonies with his great army, left them totally expos'd
while he paraded idly at Halifax, by which means Fort George was lost,
besides, he derang'd all our mercantile operations, and distress'd our
trade, by a long embargo on the exportation of provisions, on pretence
of keeping supplies from being obtain'd by the enemy, but in reality for
beating down their price in favor of the contractors, in whose profits,
it was said, perhaps from suspicion only, he had a share. And, when at
length the embargo was taken off, by neglecting to send notice of it to
Charlestown, the Carolina fleet was detain'd near three months longer,
whereby their bottoms were so much damaged by the worm that a great part
of them foundered in their passage home.
Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being relieved from so
burdensome a charge as the conduct of an army must be to a man
unacquainted with military business. I was at the entertainment given by
the city of New York to Lord Loudoun, on his taking upon him the
command. Shirley, tho' thereby superseded, was present also. There was a
great company of officers, citizens, and strangers, and, some chairs
having been borrowed in the neighborhood, there was one among them very
low, which fell to the lot of Mr. Shirley. Perceiving it as I sat by
him, I said, "They have given you, sir, too low a seat." "No matter,"
says he, "Mr. Franklin, I find a low seat the easiest."
While I was, as afore mention'd, detain'd at New York, I receiv'd all
the accounts of the provisions, etc., that I had furnish'd to Braddock,
some of which accounts could not sooner be obtain'd from the different
persons I had employ'd to assist in the business. I presented them to
Lord Loudoun, desiring to be paid the ballance. He caus'd them to be
regularly examined by the proper officer, who, after comparing every
article with its voucher, certified them to be right; and the balance
due for which his lordship promis'd to give me an order on the
paymaster. This was, however, put off from time to time; and, tho' I
call'd often for it by appointment, I did not get it. At length, just
before my departure, he told me he had, on better consideration,
concluded not to mix his accounts with those of his predecessors. "And
you," says he, "when in England, have only to exhibit your accounts at
the treasury, and you will be paid immediately."
I mention'd, but without effect, the great and unexpected expense I had
been put to by being detain'd so long at New York, as a reason for my
desiring to be presently paid; and on my observing that it was not right
I should be put to any further trouble or delay in obtaining the money I
had advanc'd, as I charged no commission for my service, "O, sir," says
he, "you must not think of persuading us that you are no gainer; we
understand better those affairs, and know that every one concerned in
supplying the army finds means, in the doing it, to fill his own
pockets." I assur'd him that was not my case, and that I had not
pocketed a farthing; but he appear'd clearly not to believe me; and,
indeed, I have since learnt that immense fortunes are often made in such
employments. As to my ballance, I am not paid it to this day, of which
more hereafter.
Our captain of the paquet had boasted much, before we sailed, of the
swiftness of his ship; unfortunately, when we came to sea, she proved
the dullest of ninety-six sail, to his no small mortification. After
many conjectures respecting the cause, when we were near another ship
almost as dull as ours, which, however, gain'd upon us, the captain
ordered all hands to come aft, and stand as near the ensign staff as
possible. We were, passengers included, about forty persons. While we
stood there, the ship mended her pace, and soon left her neighbour far
behind, which prov'd clearly what our captain suspected, that she was
loaded too much by the head. The casks of water, it seems, had been all
plac'd forward; these he therefore order'd to be mov'd further aft, on
which the ship recover'd her character, and proved the sailer in the
fleet.
The captain said she had once gone at the rate of thirteen knots, which
is accounted thirteen miles per hour. We had on board, as a passenger,
Captain Kennedy, of the Navy, who contended that it was impossible, and
that no ship ever sailed so fast, and that there must have been some
error in the division of the log-line, or some mistake in heaving the
log. A wager ensu'd between the two captains, to be decided when there
should be sufficient wind. Kennedy thereupon examin'd rigorously the
log-line, and, being satisfi'd with that, he determin'd to throw the log
himself. Accordingly some days after, when the wind blew very fair and
fresh, and the captain of the paquet, Lutwidge, said he believ'd she
then went at the rate of thirteen knots, Kennedy made the experiment,
and own'd his wager lost.
The above fact I give for the sake of the following observation. It has
been remark'd, as an imperfection in the art of ship-building, that it
can never be known, till she is tried, whether a new ship will or will
not be a good sailer; for that the model of a good-sailing ship has been
exactly follow'd in a new one, which has prov'd, on the contrary,
remarkably dull. I apprehend that this may partly be occasion'd by the
different opinions of seamen respecting the modes of lading, rigging,
and sailing of a ship; each has his system; and the same vessel, laden
by the judgment and orders of one captain, shall sail better or worse
than when by the orders of another. Besides, it scarce ever happens that
a ship is form'd, fitted for the sea, and sail'd by the same person. One
man builds the hull, another rigs her, a third lades and sails her. No
one of these has the advantage of knowing all the ideas and experience
of the others, and, therefore, can not draw just conclusions from a
combination of the whole.
Even in the simple operation of sailing when at sea, I have often
observ'd different judgments in the officers who commanded the
successive watches, the wind being the same. One would have the sails
trimm'd sharper or flatter than another, so that they seem'd to have no
certain rule to govern by. Yet I think a set of experiments might be
instituted, first, to determine the most proper form of the hull for
swift sailing; next, the best dimensions and properest place for the
masts: then the form and quantity of sails, and their position, as the
wind may be; and, lastly, the disposition of the lading. This is an age
of experiments, and I think a set accurately made and combin'd would be
of great use. I am persuaded, therefore, that ere long some ingenious
philosopher will undertake it, to whom I wish success.
We were several times chas'd in our passage, but outsail'd every thing,
and in thirty days had soundings. We had a good observation, and the
captain judg'd himself so near our port, Falmouth, that, if we made a
good run in the night, we might be off the mouth of that harbor in the
morning, and by running in the night might escape the notice of the
enemy's privateers, who often crus'd near the entrance of the channel.
Accordingly, all the sail was set that we could possibly make, and the
wind being very fresh and fair, we went right before it, and made great
way. The captain, after his observation, shap'd his course, as he
thought, so as to pass wide of the Scilly Isles; but it seems there is
sometimes a strong indraught setting up St. George's Channel, which
deceives seamen and caused the loss of Sir Cloudesley Shovel's squadron.
This indraught was probably the cause of what happened to us.
We had a watchman plac'd in the bow, to whom they often called, "Look
well out before there," and he as often answered, "Ay ay;" but perhaps
had his eyes shut, and was half asleep at the time, they sometimes
answering, as is said, mechanically; for he did not see a light just
before us, which had been hid by the studdingsails from the man at the
helm, and from the rest of the watch, but by an accidental yaw of the
ship was discover'd, and occasion'd a great alarm, we being very near
it, the light appearing to me as big as a cart-wheel. It was midnight,
and our captain fast asleep; but Captain Kennedy, jumping upon deck, and
seeing the danger, ordered the ship to wear round, all sails standing;
an operation dangerous to the masts, but it carried us clear, and we
escaped shipwreck, for we were running right upon the rocks on which the
light-house was erected. This deliverance impressed me strongly with the
utility of light-houses, and made me resolve to encourage the building
more of them in America, if I should live to return there.
In the morning it was found by the soundings, etc., that we were near
our port, but a thick fog hid the land from our sight. About nine
o'clock the fog began to rise, and seem'd to be lifted up from the water
like the curtain at a play-house, discovering underneath, the town of
Falmouth, the vessels in its harbor, and the fields that surrounded it.
This was a most pleasing spectacle to those who had been so long without
any other prospects than the uniform view of a vacant ocean, and it gave
us the more pleasure as we were now free from the anxieties which the
state of war occasion'd.
I set out immediately, with my son, for London, and we only stopt a
little by the way to view Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain, and Lord
Pembroke's house and gardens, with his very curious antiquities at
Wilton. We arrived in London the 27th of July, 1757. [16]
[16] Here terminates the Autobiography, as published by Wm. Temple
Franklin and his successors. What follows was written in the last year
of Dr. Franklin's life, and was first printed (in English) in Mr.
Bigelow's edition of 1868.--Ed.
As soon as I was settled in a lodging Mr. Charles had provided for me, I
went to visit Dr. Fothergill, to whom I was strongly recommended, and
whose counsel respecting my proceedings I was advis'd to obtain. He was
against an immediate complaint to government, and thought the
proprietaries should first be personally appli'd to, who might possibly
be induc'd by the interposition and persuasion of some private friends,
to accommodate matters amicably. I then waited on my old friend and
correspondent, Mr. Peter Collinson, who told me that John Hanbury, the
great Virginia merchant, had requested to be informed when I should
arrive, that he might carry me to Lord Granville's, who was then
President of the Council and wished to see me as soon as possible. I
agreed to go with him the next morning. Accordingly Mr. Hanbury called
for me and took me in his carriage to that nobleman's, who receiv'd me
with great civility; and after some questions respecting the present
state of affairs in America and discourse thereupon, he said to me: "You
Americans have wrong ideas of the nature of your constitution; you
contend that the king's instructions to his governors are not laws, and
think yourselves at liberty to regard or disregard them at your own
discretion. But those instructions are not like the pocket instructions
given to a minister going abroad, for regulating his conduct in some
trifling point of ceremony. They are first drawn up by judges learned in
the laws; they are then considered, debated, and perhaps amended in
Council, after which they are signed by the king. They are then, so far
as they relate to you, the law of the land, for the king is the
Legislator of the Colonies." I told his lordship this was new doctrine
to me. I had always understood from our charters that our laws were to
be made by our Assemblies, to be presented indeed to the king for his
royal assent, but that being once given the king could not repeal or
alter them. And as the Assemblies could not make permanent laws without
his assent, so neither could he make a law for them without theirs. He
assur'd me I was totally mistaken. I did not think so, however, and his
lordship's conversation having a little alarm'd me as to what might be
the sentiments of the court concerning us, I wrote it down as soon as I
return'd to my lodgings. I recollected that about 20 years before, a
clause in a bill brought into Parliament by the ministry had propos'd to
make the king's instructions laws in the colonies, but the clause was
thrown out by the Commons, for which we adored them as our friends and
friends of liberty, till by their conduct towards us in 1765 it seem'd
that they had refus'd that point of sovereignty to the king only that
they might reserve it for themselves.
After some days, Dr. Fothergill having spoken to the proprietaries, they
agreed to a meeting with me at Mr. T. Penn's house in Spring Garden. The
conversation at first consisted of mutual declarations of disposition to
reasonable accommodations, but I suppose each party had its own ideas of
what should be meant by reasonable. We then went into consideration of
our several points of complaint, which I enumerated. The proprietaries
justify'd their conduct as well as they could, and I the Assembly's. We
now appeared very wide, and so far from each other in our opinions as to
discourage all hope of agreement. However, it was concluded that I
should give them the heads of our complaints in writing, and they
promis'd then to consider them. I did so soon after, but they put the
paper into the hands of their solicitor, Ferdinand John Paris, who
managed for them all their law business in their great suit with the
neighbouring proprietary of Maryland, Lord Baltimore, which had
subsisted 70 years, and wrote for them all their papers and messages in
their dispute with the Assembly. He was a proud, angry man, and as I had
occasionally in the answers of the Assembly treated his papers with some
severity, they being really weak in point of argument and haughty in
expression, he had conceived a mortal enmity to me, which discovering
itself whenever we met, I declin'd the proprietary's proposal that he
and I should discuss the heads of complaint between our two selves, and
refus'd treating with any one but them. They then by his advice put the
paper into the hands of the Attorney and Solicitor-General for their
opinion and counsel upon it, where it lay unanswered a year wanting
eight days, during which time I made frequent demands of an answer from
the proprietaries, but without obtaining any other than that they had
not yet received the opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor-General. What
it was when they did receive it I never learnt, for they did not
communicate it to me, but sent a long message to the Assembly drawn and
signed by Paris, reciting my paper, complaining of its want of
formality, as a rudeness on my part, and giving a flimsy justification
of their conduct, adding that they should be willing to accommodate
matters if the Assembly would send out some person of candour to treat
with them for that purpose, intimating thereby that I was not such.
The want of formality or rudeness was, probably, my not having address'd
the paper to them with their assum'd titles of True and Absolute
Proprietaries of the Province of Pennsylvania, which I omitted as not
thinking it necessary in a paper, the intention of which was only to
reduce to a certainty by writing, what in conversation I had delivered
viva voce.
But during this delay, the Assembly having prevailed with Gov'r Denny to
pass an act taxing the proprietary estate in common with the estates of
the people, which was the grand point in dispute, they omitted answering
the message.
When this act however came over, the proprietaries, counselled by Paris,
determined to oppose its receiving the royal assent. Accordingly they
petition'd the king in Council, and a hearing was appointed in which two
lawyers were employ'd by them against the act, and two by me in support
of it. They alledg'd that the act was intended to load the proprietary
estate in order to spare those of the people, and that if it were
suffer'd to continue in force, and the proprietaries who were in odium
with the people, left to their mercy in proportioning the taxes, they
would inevitably be ruined. We reply'd that the act had no such
intention, and would have no such effect. That the assessors were honest
and discreet men under an oath to assess fairly and equitably, and that
any advantage each of them might expect in lessening his own tax by
augmenting that of the proprietaries was too trifling to induce them to
perjure themselves. This is the purport of what I remember as urged by
both sides, except that we insisted strongly on the mischievous
consequences that must attend a repeal, for that the money, £100,000,
being printed and given to the king's use, expended in his service, and
now spread among the people, the repeal would strike it dead in their
hands to the ruin of many, and the total discouragement of future
grants, and the selfishness of the proprietors in soliciting such a
general catastrophe, merely from a groundless fear of their estate being
taxed too highly, was insisted on in the strongest terms. On this, Lord
Mansfield, one of the counsel rose, and beckoning me took me into the
clerk's chamber, while the lawyers were pleading, and asked me if I was
really of opinion that no injury would be done the proprietary estate in
the execution of the act. I said certainly. "Then," says he, "you can
have little objection to enter into an engagement to assure that point."
I answer'd, "None at all." He then call'd in Paris, and after some
discourse, his lordship's proposition was accepted on both sides; a
paper to the purpose was drawn up by the Clerk of the Council, which I
sign'd with Mr. Charles, who was also an Agent of the Province for their
ordinary affairs, when Lord Mansfield returned to the Council Chamber,
where finally the law was allowed to pass. Some changes were however
recommended and we also engaged they should be made by a subsequent law,
but the Assembly did not think them necessary; for one year's tax having
been levied by the act before the order of Council arrived, they
appointed a committee to examine the proceedings of the assessors, and
on this committee they put several particular friends of the
proprietaries. After a full enquiry, they unanimously sign'd a report
that they found the tax had been assess'd with perfect equity.
The Assembly looked into my entering into the first part of the
engagement, as an essential service to the Province, since it secured
the credit of the paper money then spread over all the country. They
gave me their thanks in form when I return'd. But the proprietaries were
enraged at Governor Denny for having pass'd the act, and turn'd him out
with threats of suing him for breach of instructions which he had given
bond to observe. He, however, having done it at the instance of the
General, and for His Majesty's service, and having some powerful
interests at court, despis'd the threats and they were never put in
execution.... [Unfinished].