VICE-PRESIDENTS

With tributes like these from the men who were associated with John

Sullivan in the struggle for independence, as well as from their

descendants who participated in the dedication of the monument to

his memory, we, who are members of the American-Irish Historical

Society, can well be proud of the character and the services of

Maj.-Gen. John Sullivan.

Edward J. Brandon, Esq., city clerk of Cambridge, read the following

paper:

On a certain April morning, one hundred and twenty-two years ago,

Samuel Adams prophetically remarked, “What a glorious morning is

this!” and, as I stand here, I cannot restrain the feeling that the

shade of that illustrious and honored American makes use of the

expression with much greater emphasis to-day.

For the accomplishments of his country during the past four

generations, her marvelous strides in acquiring and attaining a

potent position among the world’s nations, the tremendous

development of her magnificent natural resources, the genius and

perseverance displayed by her children, the prosperity and

importance of her institutions, the advance of her people in

culture, the triumph of her principles of democracy, with its lesson

to the world that “the people can be trusted with their own,” are

surely causes for congratulation and satisfaction. And all this

reality dates from an incident comparatively slight in the world’s

history, but which is an important epoch in the story of America.

The period of resistance by the Colonies to British tyranny

antedates April 19, 1775, by many years, but the culmination of a

series of oppressive acts was realized on that day, and in the

exciting events preceding and following the fight at Concord and

Lexington, the town of Cambridge acted well its part, and

contributed its blood and treasure to the common weal.

All Cambridge knows and feels a glow of patriot’s pride in the

Declaration of Independence of the people of Cambridge, made months

in advance of the Declaration of the Continental Congress, when the

town instructed its representative that if the Provincial Congress

should for the safety of the Colonies declare them independent of

the Kingdom of Great Britain, “we, the said inhabitants, will

solemnly engage with our lives and fortunes to support them in the

measure.”

In all the preliminary work of the period Cambridge was active and

conspicuous, and the animosity aroused by the opposition of her

citizens doubtless inspired the hatred of the retreating soldiery of

Britain, and caused the shocking brutality which has been told and

so often retold. But the history of the time records all these

events, and it is needless for me to recite them.

The British troops landed at Lechmere Point on the night of April

18, and marched across the marshes to the Milk Row Road in

Charlestown, now Somerville, thence by Beech Street and the present

Massachusetts Avenue to Menotomy, Lexington, and Concord. Captain

Thatcher and his Cambridge men were among the first to rally for the

public safety, and the militia of Cambridge improved the opportunity

to attest its loyalty to principle. The muster roll shows that they

marched on the alarm, and did service as far as Concord.

Paige, Cambridge’s historian, tells us that from Lexington line to

Beech Street the passage of the British troops in retreat was

“through a flame of fire.” Despite the fact that the conflict of

this day is generally known as Concord Fight or Lexington Battle,

the carnage in Cambridge was greater than in any other place,

greater than in all others combined; for, according to Rev. Samuel

Abbott Smith, in his address at West Cambridge, “at least twenty-two

of the Americans, and more than twice that number of the British,

fell at West Cambridge.”

Of the fierceness of the conflict we can to-day present ocular

proof. The large number of bullet holes in the house then owned by

Jacob Watson, some of which may be seen at this time, is one

indication of the amount of fighting done in Cambridge; while the

spoliation of Cooper’s Tavern in Menotomy and the Memorial stones

all along the line of march teach the heat and bitterness of the

strife. In our ancient burial ground, by which Lord Percy’s

battalion marched to the relief, will be found a neat granite

monument over the remains of John Hicks, William Marcy, and Moses

Richardson, and in memory of these and of Jason Russell, Jabez

Wyman, Jason Winship, buried at Menotomy—men of Cambridge who fell

in defense of the liberty of the people.

These things are the inspiration which the Cambridge boy and girl

breathe at every step, impelling influences to love of country and

fearlessness in her defense.

The _Journal of the Provincial Congress_ estimates the loss of

property in Lexington at £1761, in Cambridge at £1202, and in

Concord at £274.

But when we consider these exciting events of that memorable day and

read the stories of individual heroism, we feel a particular pride

that our race was permitted to be a factor in the great result. It

would be to us a matter of sincere regret if Ireland, who had

contributed so much that was noble and sublime to the military

history of other nations, had been deprived of the opportunity to

manifest her sympathy by active participation in the “Lexington

Fight.” More especially as the feeling of the people of Ireland was

well known to Britain and Britain’s rulers, as is evident from the

records of the House of Parliament in 1775, where it is of record

that Governor Johnstone, in the debate at the opening of the session

used these words:

“I maintain that the sense of the best and wisest men of the country

is on the side of the Americans; that three to one of the people of

Ireland are on their side; that the soldiers and sailors feel an

unwillingness to service; that you will never find the same exertion

of spirit in this as in other wars. I am well informed that the four

field officers in the four regiments now going from Ireland have

desired leave to retire or sell out.”

Again, Mr. George Washington Parke Custis, the adopted son of

Washington, says that Ireland contributed men to the Continental

Army at the rate of 100 to 1 of any nation before the coming of the

French. General Lee—Light Horse Harry—said that one-half of the

Continental Army was derived from Ireland. It is an undoubted fact

that two hundred and fifty soldiers served in the Revolutionary War

who bore the Christian name of Patrick. It is also undoubted that

the rolls of the soldiers who served at Bunker Hill contained over

one hundred and fifty typical Irish names. Verplank referred to the

services of Irishmen in the Revolutionary War in these words: “Both

in that glorious struggle for independence and in our more recent

contest for American rights, England’s penal laws gave to America

the support of hundreds of thousands of brave hearts and strong

arms.” I might repeat many more instances did the time permit.

Sufficient to say that the opportunity was accorded to Ireland’s

sons to do glorious work in the first conflict of the Revolution.

Cullen says: “The Irish came into the full light of colonial history

at Lexington and Concord. The cry of Paul Revere roused them to take

their share in the defense of the common cause. Among them was Hugh

Cargill, the Ballyshannon man. To his prompt response Concord owed

the safety of her records.”

Rev. Mr. Maccarty is heard from in Worcester on that eventful

morning of April 19, 1775. Lincoln’s history of Worcester states

that as the minutemen were paraded on the green, under Capt. Timothy

Bigelow, a fervent prayer was offered up by Rev. Mr. Maccarty, after

which they took up their line of march.

“Another prominent name in the accounts of Concord and Lexington is

Dr. Thomas Welsh, who was army surgeon to the patriots. He it was

who met brave Dr. Joseph Warren as he rode through Charlestown at

about 10 o’clock on the morning of that April day.”

With the evidence of participation indisputable, cannot we of Irish

lineage feel the glory of this day as our own right, purchased by

the self-sacrificing effort of our predecessors?

And can we not, in fullest measure, in dwelling on the great and

famous events of April 19, 1775, exclaim with America’s noble son,

“Thank God, I also am an American!”

Cullen (pp. 86, 88) gives the following names found on the rolls of

minutemen at that period:

Joseph Burke,

Richard Burke,

Daniel Carey,

Joseph Carey,

Peter Carey,

Patrick Carroll,

Joseph Carroll,

Cornelius Cockran,

Daniel Connors,

William Connors,

James Dempsey,

Philip Donahue,

Joseph Donnell,

John Donnelly,

Andrew Dunnigan,

John Farley,

Michael Farley,

John Flood,

William Flood,

John Foley,

Matthew Gilligen,

Richard Gilpatrick,

James Gleason,

Daniel Griffin,

Joseph Griffin,

John Hacket,

Joseph Hacket,

John Haley,

John Kelly,

Patrick Kelly,

Peter Kelly,

Richard Kelly,

Stephen Kelly,

Daniel Lary,

John McCarty,

Michael McDonnell,

Henry McGonegal,

John McGrah,

Daniel McGuire,

Patrick McKeen,

John McMullen,

John Madden,

Daniel Mahon,

James Mallone,

John Mahoney,

John Murphy,

Patrick Newjent,

Patrick O’Brien,

Richard O’Brien,

Daniel Shay,

John Shea,

John Walsh,

Joseph Walsh.

Joseph Smith, Esq., of Lowell, read the following paper on “The Irishman

Ethnologically Considered.”

It is almost as hopeless a task to define an Irishman as it is to

give the dimensions of a perfume; for the Irishman is as evasive and

delusive, as pervasive and variable in type and character as the

sweetness rising from the glowing bed of flowers.

If this society is to have a logical and reasonable plea for

existence, if its title of American-Irish is to mean anything, we

must reach some solid basis upon which to build our fabric; we must

agree upon an acceptable definition of what is an Irishman.

This is what I shall try to do rather than attempt to show the

ethnical components that enter into the Irishman. I have gone past

the point in my speculations and theories on the Irishman where I

place much stress upon the racial elements that go to make the Irish

nation. We must start with these facts—the race and the nation are

two distinctly different things; the terms Celtic and Irish are not

synonymous.

I will state, so as to avoid the polemics of ethnology, just a few

facts upon which all people are agreed, to explain why I attach so

little importance to the merely racial elements that go to make up a

nation. The islands of Ireland and Great Britain were at one time

peopled by the one race which was known variously as the Celtic,

Cymric, and Gaelic. By emigration, conquest, settlement, slavery,

and intermarriage, and all those causes that mix races, Dane, Norse,

German, Norman-French, Dutch, French, Walloon, and Flemish were

mingled and intermingled with the original race, the constituent

elements varying with time, place, and circumstances. So we have

to-day in Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and England four distinct

peoples different in characteristics, temperaments, thought, and

methods, peoples made up practically from the very same elements. As

the different sections of Great Britain are separated by purely

artificial frontiers, they do not differ as profoundly as do the

people of Ireland from those of the neighboring island. We observe

in this republic people who claim a direct descent from English and

other stocks producing a people as widely separated in thought,

ideals, and physical appearance, and other distinctive features from

the stock of the old countries as the Russian is from the Spaniard.

It is clear to me that there are other and more potent elements that

make and differentiate peoples than mere racial admixtures.

The Irish, though speaking the English tongue and living under laws

foreign to the instincts of the people, are a nation apart from the

English, hating intensely the tie that binds them, out of sympathy

with English ideas, ambitions, religions, and methods; and yet they

are both the product of the same racial elements, the alleged

preponderance of the Celt in the Irish being largely a matter of

doubt and speculation.

What is it, then, that makes this tremendous difference in the two

nations? What were the forces that were at work to produce from the

same ingredients such profoundly different results? That is the

question we must answer; and in answering it we will reach the basic

idea of this society. Let me try and answer it in my way, and

endeavor to show as simply as possible what an Irishman is.

There are in England as well as in America, among that class that

for lack of a better term we must call Celtophobes, those who have

an original if unsatisfactory and unscientific way of answering this

question which adds to the accumulation of their stolen laurels and

seems to afford them much satisfaction. If an Irishman break the

record in science, art, literature, or any department of human

activity, he is at once classed as an Englishman in England, an

American in America; if, however, he merely break the Decalogue, the

law, a bank, or his mother’s heart, he must perforce be an Irishman.

This differentiation will not do for us, however.

There are some things we must remember, for our work has to bear the

closest scrutiny and the most searching criticism.

The characteristics which we deem essentially Irish are not

distinctly Irish; they are merely more widely distributed among the

Irish. Wit, humor, poesy, melancholy, loyalty to faith and

fatherland, patience under trial and hardship, daring in adventure,

valor in battle,—these are found in all lands, among all peoples,

though the Irish have displayed them so conspicuously in all the

centuries that some, aye, many of our own people have come to regard

them as exclusively theirs. While good blood will tell and bad, we

must look to other things, we must consider other causes than race

and blood, if we are to understand the workings of a mysterious

Deity and learn how he makes nations and differentiates peoples.

The crude ore lies in the mines of the hills all over the earth,

potential in its possibilities, yet heavy, dull, inert, awaiting the

day when man shall dig it from its hiding place, try it in the fires

of the furnace, beat it on the anvil and transform it into the

polished rail that ties together the ends of civilization, that will

shape it into the massive engine that carries the fruits of industry

and commerce to the uttermost parts of the world, that moulds it

into the type and press that spreads intelligence and frees the

soul, and that fashions it into the sword that frees the slave. And

as the ore, so is man; he must be tried in the fires to be re-made

for the work he is to do. The elements lie everywhere; circumstances

and conditions weld and mould him into nations. He may creep on into

the centuries dull, heavy, oppressed, carrying the thrall of the

master, content that he shall eat and drink and sleep in the peace

of ignorance, content that his master shall do his thinking and

fighting, heedless who the master is, for the hands of all are

heavy; taking his religion and his lot from him who rules and

starves him.

Others there are who have lived for centuries watching the tide of

civilization and the higher life sweep by them, too hotly engaged in

the struggle of life and death to snatch the prizes as they go by.

Such a land for the long centuries has been Ireland. Seven hundred

years has Ireland felt the edge of the sword, and for seven

centuries she has shown the naked breast and empty hand to the

oppressor, beaten but unsubdued.

Into the fires of hate and oppression, into the hell of battle and

persecution, into the _inferno_ of famine, misgovernment, robbery,

torture, and all the evils that cold, deliberate malice and

wickedness could invent, Celt and Saxon, Norman and French, Dane and

Norse, Englishman and Scotchman were thrown, to be fused and

mingled, that, in the cooling, God might draw from the ashes the

Irishman.

In all those long dark centuries his courage never failed, his hope

never dimmed, his faith in God never faltered; he never acknowledged

the right of might; he accepted nothing from the man who boasted

himself the conqueror of him who is to-day unconquered; he believed

the day would come, and it is coming, when the forces of evil would

sink beneath the scorn of the world.

In this terrible school the Irishman was made; here was learned the

infinite patience of his kind; here was bred that mental alertness,

that wit and humor, tinged with the melancholy the world calls

typical; here he drank into his blood the courage and flame and

battle, that marches him to death with a song and a laugh; here

every fiber and tissue of his elemental parts were made over, and

upon the green sod, that blood-soaked soil, he preserved the virtues

of the man who lives with God and nature.

The journal of the American-Irish Historical Society, Vol. I, 1898 · 第 23 / 50 题