EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

At a meeting held in Portsmouth on Dec. 16, 1773, one of the

resolutions adopted was, “That every virtuous and public-spirited

freeman ought to oppose, to the utmost of his ability, every attack

of the ministry to enslave the Americans.” Five months later, on May

19, 1774, a committee of the town of Portsmouth sent their

sympathies to the people of Boston on the closing of their port, and

for their fellow-townsmen, promised to exert themselves to carry

into effect any plan which might be concerted by the colonies for

the general relief, and that the interests of the people of Boston

would be considered as their own.

From this time to the departure of the royal governor forever, it

was a game of battledoor and shuttlecock between his excellency and

the general assembly; the latter energetic and firm; the former

diplomatic, but cautious and watchful, and ever on the alert to

subserve the interest of the home government.

To this end he refused at first to adjourn the assembly in May,

1774, but finally acceded to the request of the members, and an

adjournment was made to June 12 of the same year. Meantime the

excitement increased; events at home and abroad intensifying the

feeling against the government.

At the adjourned meeting in May, the House of Representatives, in

common with the assemblies of the other colonies, had appointed a

committee of correspondence. This Governor Wentworth tried to

prevent, and when he dissolved the assembly he was fain to believe

the committee of correspondence would disappear with it.

In this he was disappointed, for its very first act after the

dissolution of the assembly was to issue a summons to the

representatives, who again met in their own chamber. The governor,

attended by the sheriff of the county, entered, and in accordance

with custom they rose when he presented himself. He addressed them,

declaring the meeting illegal, and directed the sheriff to make

proclamation accordingly, ordering all to disperse. He then retired,

but they resumed their seats.

On further consideration they adjourned to another house, where it

was resolved to hold a convention at Exeter, which should choose

delegates to the General Congress to meet in Philadelphia, and to

that end, letters were sent to each town and parish in the colony,

inviting the people therein to send deputies to the Provincial

Congress. The last business transacted by the representatives was to

recommend a day of fasting and prayer to be observed by the people

of the province. According to Belknap, this was observed with

religious solemnity. A request was made at the same time for funds

to defray the expenses of the delegates to the Continental Congress,

and this was promptly responded to.

The convention called at Exeter assembled on July 21, 1774, and is

now known in history as the “First Provincial Congress” of New

Hampshire. There were eighty-five members present, with the speaker

of the assembly, Hon. John Wentworth, a relative of the governor in

the chair.

This distinguished body, composed of the best men in the province,

many of whom had seen service in the French and Indian wars, and who

can justly be styled the founders of the state, chose for their

first representatives to the Continental Congress Maj. John Sullivan

and Col. Nathaniel Folsom; and for the first time in the history of

his native state does the name of John Sullivan officially make its

appearance in its legislative records. It is evident to any one who

has read closely the history of the stirring events of the period

that some master hand was at work directing all the movements, civil

and military, occurring at the time; and that this was the hand of

John Sullivan later events prove clearly. The son of an Irish exile,

and the grandson of one of the ill-fated defenders of Limerick, he

was born in Somersworth, N. H., at a point opposite Berwick, Me., on

February 18, 1740.

He was educated by his father, who had himself enjoyed the benefits

of a liberal and thorough training before he settled in America, and

who, through a long life, extending to his one hundred and fifth

year, was diligently employed in the education of youth. After a

voyage to the West Indies he became a member of the family of Hon.

Isaac Livermore, a lawyer of Portsmouth having an extensive

practice, and under his instruction prepared himself for his

profession. He early exhibited ability of a high order, gained the

respect and encouragement of his instructor, and soon acquired a

distinguished position at the bar of New Hampshire. Just before

reaching his majority he located in the town of Durham, purchased a

handsome residence, which is still in existence, and in which he

lived up to the time of his death. Such was his professional

success, that he married at the age of twenty, and for ten years

later he was constantly employed in the most lucrative causes,

thereby incurring the resentment of sundry persons in Durham and

elsewhere, who petitioned the executive council in 1766, complaining

of him for evil practices as attorney-at-law. This trouble, whatever

its nature may have been, existed even to the end of his days, and

was doubtless at the bottom of the scheme to injure his reputation

years after his death; for to this day there are some who would rob

him of the credit given him in the state records for planning the

capture of the powder at Newcastle and leading the party that

effected it.

In eloquence as an advocate he won a place in the front rank, and

earned the reputation of being a sound lawyer and a judicious

counsellor. This character was not confined to his native state, for

in addition to the friendship of men like the Wentworths and

Langdons in New Hampshire, he had secured the esteem and respect of

Lowell, Adams, Otis, and other well-known legal lights in

Massachusetts. Although attached to his profession, he found time to

devote to agriculture and manufactures, being one of the early

promoters of the latter, establishing cloth and fulling mills in

Durham, and succeeding so well that on the authority of John Adams

he was worth ten thousand pounds before the Revolution broke out.

From his father and mother he inherited a robust constitution, and

was blessed with an active, lively disposition. He had a natural

taste for military life, but except an occasional bout with the

Indians, generally on the defensive, he had, before the

Revolutionary War, no actual experience in warfare; but all around

him were the veterans of the Indian and French wars, whose

descriptions of the campaigns of Louisburg and Quebec aroused all

the martial spirit in his fiery nature.

To his historical studies, especially those relating to military

movements, he was greatly devoted; and read them to such good

purpose that he was able accurately to describe nearly all of the

great battles of the world. It was natural, therefore, for him to

seek the exercise of arms early; so at the age of thirty-one he held

the commission of major in the Colonial militia, and spared no pains

to make himself familiar with the duties connected with the

position. From the first rumble of discontent, down to the actual

outbreak of hostilities, he was one of the most active men engaged

in the cause of liberty. His nature and his abhorrence of

oppression, two traits transmitted by generations of heroic

ancestors, marked his career from the beginning, and his extended

influence and popularity marked him early as a leader in the coming

contest. With a full realization of what was before him he organized

a company numbering eighty-three men in Durham, and associated with

him was the gallant young Scammell, who was then a law student in

his office. With a knowledge of these facts it is not too much to

say, especially when comparing them with the events occurring

afterwards, that the “hidden hand” which directed the movements of

the patriots in New Hampshire, down to the convening of the First

Provincial Congress in July, 1774, was that of the grandson of the

Limerick soldier, who, in little less than a century from the broken

treaty, was paying with interest the debt due the government which

had driven his father to the wilds of America. He was chosen by the

First Provincial Congress to represent his province in the

Continental Congress, being the first person to represent New

Hampshire in that body. Two instances will be sufficient to show his

energy and usefulness in that assemblage. On qualifying, he was at

once placed on two of the most important committees, of one of

which, that upon the grievances of the people, he was chairman.

“The committee of violation of rights,” says John Adams in his

diary, “reported a set of articles which were drawn by John

Sullivan, of New Hampshire; and these two declarations, the one of

rights and the other of violations, which are printed in the

journals of Congress for 1774, were two years afterwards

recapitulated in the Declaration of Independence on the 4th of July,

1776.”

“New Hampshire has perhaps not remembered that the bold hand and the

legal training of John Sullivan are in the immortal Declaration of

Independence.”

On the adjournment of Congress, Sullivan returned to New Hampshire.

During his absence the agitation had increased; nearly every town

had its committee of safety, and many persons of note, suspected of

a leaning towards the government, placed under arrest and kept in

confinement, or sent out of the state, unless they took the test

oath prescribed by the Assembly. Steps were also taken to prevent

the sending of carpenters and other mechanics to Boston to build

barracks for the royal troops, as men could not be secured there for

that purpose. In one instance a man suspected of procuring workmen

for General Gage, was waited on, and the charge being proven, he was

obliged to go on his knees, as nothing less would be satisfactory,

and make the following confession and promise:

“Before this company I confess I have been aiding and assisting in

sending men to Boston to build barracks for the soldiers to live in,

at which you have reason to be justly offended, which I am sorry for

and humbly ask your forgiveness. And I do affirm that for the future

I never will be aiding or assisting in any wise whatever, in act or

deed contrary to the constitution of the country, as witness my

hand.”

The military stores in Fort William and Mary at Newcastle were a

constant source of anxiety to the governor, but he felt confident

that no lawless act would be committed by the people without

provocation, and as he was cautious in his course, no pretext could

be found in that direction, but the inevitable was to happen. A

report was circulated that General Gage was to send a body of troops

to secure the ammunition.

The arrival of Paul Revere from Boston gave color to the rumor, and

on the day following, armed men from the surrounding towns assembled

in Portsmouth, and after effecting an organization and choosing

their leaders, marched in broad daylight, to the number of four

hundred, for Newcastle. On arriving at the fort the commander bade

them to enter at their peril. No heed being paid to his words, one

volley was fired from the three-pounders in position, but before the

guns could be reloaded the walls were scaled and the fort captured

at three o’clock P.M. on Dec. 14, 1774. The result was the

possession of one hundred barrels of powder, sixty muskets, sixteen

cannon, and other valuable stores.

In his letter to General Gage informing him of the event, Governor

Wentworth said, “The principal persons in this enormity are well

known.”

He mentioned no names, but a little over two years later Peter

Livius, who was at the time of the capture, one of the Provincial

Councillors, wrote thus to John Sullivan in June, 1777: “You were

the first man in active rebellion, and drew with you the province

you live in. You will be one of the first sacrifices to the

resentment and justice of government; your family will be ruined and

you must die with ignominy.”

Belknap wrote that “Maj. John Sullivan and John Langdon

distinguished themselves as leaders in this affair.” Adams, in his

annals of Portsmouth, said it occurred “under the direction of Maj.

John Sullivan and Capt. John Langdon.”

Sullivan himself said: “When I returned from Congress in 1774, and

saw the order of the British king and council prohibiting military

stores being sent to this country, I took alarm, clearly perceiving

the designs of the British ministry, and wrote several pieces upon

the necessity of securing military stores, which pieces were

published in several papers.” Quint said: “Sullivan, bold and

daring, then an active member of the Continental Congress, and well

known throughout the province by his leadership at the bar, had

great influence. The seizure of the munitions at the fort, though

sudden at last, was doubtless not without previous thought. The

result of this act was momentous. It was the first act of armed

rebellion. It preceded Concord and Lexington by four months of time.

The captors of the fort entered it against the fire of fieldpieces

and muskets openly, and in daylight they pulled down the royal flag,

the first time in American history. They gave three cheers in honor

of their success. They carried off a hundred barrels of gunpowder,

some light guns and small arms which, under the care of Sullivan,

were taken up the river, which was at that time covered with thick

ice, through which a channel had to be cut.”

This bold and audacious act was deeply felt in Great Britain.

Conciliation was now out of the question. The king’s anger was

aroused. It was already bitter enough on account of the

Massachusetts troubles. Governor Wentworth issued threatening

proclamations.

He dismissed the offending major and captain from their posts in the

militia. In answer to his edict all persons in Durham holding civil

or military positions under the governor, headed by Sullivan,

assembled at the tavern on the green, and there publicly burned

their commissions and insignia of office. There was no further need

of secrecy. The die was cast and the leaders were well known. The

official positions, civil or military, held by many of those who

were principals in the affair, obliged them, up to this time, to act

with caution. After the burning, not of his ships, but of his

commission, Sullivan boldly stepped to the front. The very next day

after the capture of the powder he headed a body of men numbering

between three and four hundred from Durham and the adjoining towns,

and, marching to the Council Chamber, demanded an answer to the

question as to whether or not there were any ships or troops

expected here, or if the governor had written for any.

His excellency meekly answered: “I know of none.”

The greater part of the powder was stored in the basement of the

meeting-house in Durham. The balance, for safety, was distributed in

several places, some of it going to Exeter. That stored at Durham,

as well as another portion placed with Capt. John Demerritt, was

taken by the latter in his own ox-cart, under Sullivan’s direction,

to Cambridge, where it arrived barely in time to be dealt out to the

troops at Bunker Hill. Of how much value it was there and how badly

it was needed, is too well known to bear repetition. Without it and

lacking the men from the old Granite State accompanying it, Bunker

Hill would not have been such a serious affair for the British army.

In claiming the leadership for Sullivan in this affair there is no

desire to extol him at the expense of those with whom he was

associated,—men like Langdon, Weare, Bartlett, Thornton, Scammell,

Thompson, Folsom, Wentworth, Gilman, and others whose names are now

household words. The position was freely conceded by them at the

time, and acknowledged by the best informed to-day. After the

Lexington fight, and while Sullivan was in attendance at the Second

Continental Congress, the gallant young Scammell, who was in his

office in Durham, wrote him that, “when the horrid din of civil

carnage surprised us on the 20th of April, the universal cry was

‘Oh, if Major Sullivan was here!’ ‘I wish to God Major Sullivan was

here!’ ran through the distressed multitude.”

Capt. Eleazer Bennett, who died in Durham in 1852, at the age of one

hundred and one, said “that at the time of the capture of the powder

he was in the employment of General Sullivan, at his mill at

Packer’s Falls, when word was brought in to come down to Durham, to

go to Portsmouth, and to get anybody else he could to come with

him.” So far as he could remember, the following persons were with

him: Maj. John Sullivan, Capt. Winborn Adams, Ebenezer Thompson,

John Demerritt, Alpheus and Jonathan Chesley, John Spencer, Micah

Davis, Isaac and Benjamin Small, Alexander Scammell, John Griffin,

James Underwood, and Eben Sullivan, the major’s brother.

On arriving at Portsmouth they were joined by John Langdon with

another party. They captured the fort, took the captain and bound

him, and frightened away the soldiers. In the fort they found one

hundred casks of powder and one hundred small arms. A portion of

the powder was taken by Major Demerritt to his house in Madbury,

but most of it was stored under the pulpit of the meeting-house in

Durham. On July 19, 1775, as a final proof of Sullivan’s

leadership in this movement, Matthew Patten, chairman of the

committee of safety for the county of Hillsborough, wrote to

General Sullivan congratulating him on his appointment to the rank

of Brigadier-General, in which he said: “An appointment which, as

it distinguishes your merit, so at the same time it reflects honor

upon, and shows the penetrating discernment of those truly eminent

patriots from whom you received it; nor are we less sanguine in

our expectations of the high advantages which must result under

God to the public by your military skill and courage, as you have

been indefatigable in attaining the first, and have given a recent

instance of the latter, to your great honor and reputation, in

depriving our enemies of the means of annoying us at Castle

William and Mary, and at the same time furnishing us with

materials to defend our invaluable rights and privileges. This,

sir, must ever be had in remembrance, and (amongst the actions of

others, our heroes of 1775) handed to the latest posterity. That

the Almighty may direct your counsels, be with you in the day of

battle, and that you may be preserved as a pattern to this people

for many years to come, is our frequent prayer.” In Sullivan’s

reply he said: “It gives me great pleasure to find so respectable

a number of the worthy sons of freedom, in the colony to which I

belong, have so publicly given their approbation of my conduct in

assisting to secure the warlike stores at Fort William and Mary,

and thereby preventing these evils which must have resulted from

our enemies having possession of them.”

Nothing further need be said regarding the value of the powder

captured on this occasion, or the boldness of the act itself. At

Lexington and Concord the British were the aggressors, the Americans

acting on the defensive; but at Newcastle the Americans were the

aggressors, made the attack boldly in the open day, and as Quint

said, “for the first time in American history the British flag was

torn down by men in armed rebellion.” John Sullivan’s history is

well known. He and his three brothers gave their best services to

the land of their birth, and in memory of those services the state

of New Hampshire erected a monument of Concord granite on the site

of the church in Durham, under which was stored the powder, and in

the presence of the governor, council, and other officials, state

and national, and a large concourse of people on Thursday, Sept. 27,

1894, the one hundredth anniversary of his death, dedicated it with

appropriate exercises. The inscription reads:

IN MEMORY OF

JOHN SULLIVAN.

_Born Feb. 17, 1740._

_Died Jan. 23, 1795._

Erected by the State of New Hampshire upon the

site of the Meeting-house under which was

stored the gunpowder taken from

Fort William and Mary.

The tributes paid to Sullivan’s worth on this occasion by every one

of the speakers were ungrudging and hearty. Professor Murkland said:

“This may never become a large community, but it will always be

exalted by its association with John Sullivan, lawyer, soldier,

statesman, and judge.

“The plain granite shaft, inadequate as it may appear, will yet

serve, when we shall have been forgotten, to recall the life of one

who served his country so bravely and so well that he made slander

dumb and malice impotent.”

Gov. John B. Smith said: “It is no invidious distinction to say that

of all the New Hampshire men of the Revolutionary period Sullivan

was not only peer, he was preëminently chief. His life is a part of

the country’s history, and now, by virtue of my office (an office I

am all the more proud to hold because John Sullivan filled and

honored it), I accept these grounds from the town of Durham, and

this monument from the committee in behalf of the state.”

O’Meara said:

“Your deeds for all the land that hold your fame

Shall link you now to love New Hampshire’s name,

While throbs high manhood round her glistening hills—

While patriot gleam or pristine glory thrills.”

Dr. Quint said: “To John Sullivan, the man who in all the American

provinces was the first to take up arms against the king, New

Hampshire erects this monument of native granite.”

Professor Hadley said: “Washington’s never-failing trust and

ever-affectionate respect are of themselves sufficient to prove

their possessor’s title clear to proud historic praise; and

Sullivan’s name does belong of right to that choice list of eminent

commanders which bears such other names as Greene and Knox, Steuben

and Stark.”

Senator Chandler said: “John Sullivan was one of the finest

characters of the Revolution. A great general, and as a lawyer, a

legislator, a statesman, a governor, and a judge, ranked among the

very greatest men of the Revolutionary period. The luster in our

annals of the gift to our early glories, bestowed by Ireland in

sending to us the family of Sullivan, will never be obliterated or

forgotten.”

Senator Blair said: “There is no sphere of public life in which he

was not eminent, nor of private life in which he was not influential

and beloved. The whole list of Revolutionary worthies does not

furnish one name which, on the whole, shines more resplendently in

all the great department of public service than that of John

Sullivan.”

Hon. Henry M. Baker said: “The influence of such a life never dies.

Seldom is it the fortune of any one to serve his country in such

diverse yet responsible positions as General Sullivan held and

honored. Still more rare to discharge every duty with such great

energy and ability.”

Gov. Frederick Smythe said: “Wherever the rights of man are

recognized, and so long as government by the people shall endure,

the name of John Sullivan must be one of the imperishable, of those

who were not born to die.”

Col. Daniel Hall said: “Sullivan is worthy of lasting commemoration

as one of the most serviceable of the men it was New Hampshire’s

great honor to contribute to the cause of American Independence.”

Secretary of State Stearns wrote: “Sullivan was a born leader of

men, and preëminently a man for Revolutionary times. He was not a

slave to ancient forms and customs, ruthlessly trampling upon the

traditions of his time. He boldly assaulted the conservative

barriers that confined the people of New Hampshire within the pale

of accustomed usage.

“He early declared for a free government for a free people. In the

march of events, when the people reached his early standpoint, the

Constitution of 1776 was drafted on the line of his suggestions.”

“It is a century since the life of Sullivan was ended, and the

qualities of his character and the magnitude of his work were

submitted to the generous estimate of his fellow-men. His fame with

the lapse of time suffers no impairment. A brilliant and an

accomplished civilian, a distinguished lawyer, a matchless orator, a

brave and an able general, a senator, a magistrate, and a governor,

he bore his accumulating honors with modesty, and served the state

which he loved with the restless power of a vigorous and versatile

mind. The study of his life is instructive. Through the vista,

obscured by a century, we read the story of his time in the light of

the undimmed luster of his achievements.”

[Illustration:

REV. GEORGE W. PEPPER

OHIO

]

[Illustration:

VERY REV. ANDREW MORRISSEY

INDIANA

]

[Illustration:

COL. O’BRIEN MOORE

WEST VIRGINIA

]

[Illustration:

JOSEPH T. LAWLESS

VIRGINIA

]

The journal of the American-Irish Historical Society, Vol. I, 1898 · 第 22 / 50 题