THE REID CONTRACT--GENERAL PROGRESS AND RECENT HISTORY
The next few years may be dismissed briefly, for they were years of
unrelieved melancholy, from the point of view of the public financial
policy and the political development of the colony. Nor did the
disease admit of a readily applicable remedy. The experience of each
decade had shown more and more clearly that the colony had nothing in
reserve--no variety of pursuits to support the general balance of
prosperity by alternations of success. Potentially its resources were
almost incalculably great, but their development was impossible
without capital or credit. The colony had neither. Under these
circumstances took place the General Election of October, 1897. The
assets of the colony were not before the electorate, and there was no
reason to suppose that financial proposals of an extraordinary kind
were in contemplation. The result of the election placed Sir James
Winter in power. In six months the famous "Reid Contract" had been
entered into--a contract which must be described at some length in
these pages, partly because it throws a vivid light upon the
constitutional relations between the Mother Country and a
self-governing colony, partly because it appears to be incomparably
the most important event in the recent history of Newfoundland.
On February 22nd, 1898, Mr Chamberlain received a telegram from the
Governor, Sir Herbert Murray, advising him that a novel resolution had
been submitted to the Houses of Legislature by his responsible
advisers. A fuller telegram six days later, and a letter intervening,
explained the proposals in detail. To put the matter as shortly as
possible, the Government advised the sale to a well-known Canadian
contractor, Mr R.G. Reid, of certain valuable colonial assets. In the
first place, Mr Reid was to purchase all lines of railway from the
Government for 1,000,000 dollars; this amount was the price of the
ultimate reversion, the contractor undertaking to operate the lines
for fifty years on agreed terms, and to re-ballast them. If he failed
in this operation his reversionary rights became forfeit. For carrying
the Government mails he was to receive an annual subsidy of 42,000
dollars. Minute covenants by the contractor were inserted in the draft
contract, "in consideration whereof," it continued, "the Government
hereby covenant and agree to and with the contractor, to grant to him
in fee simple ... 5,000 acres of land for each one mile of main line
or branch railway throughout the entire length of the lines to be
operated: the expression 'in fee simple' to include with the land all
mines, ores, precious metals, minerals, stones, and mineral oils of
every kind." Besides these general concessions a particular grant of
mineral land was made. The areas of land near Grand Lake, in which
coal had been discovered, were transferred to Mr Reid, on condition
that he should so work the coal mines as to produce not less than
50,000 tons of coal per annum.
The contract then passed on to deal with the service of mail steamers.
Under this head eight steamers for various services were to be
provided by the contractor, and by him manned and equipped. In
consideration therefor the Government undertook to pay subsidies upon
an agreed scale. The docks were next disposed of. Under this head the
Government agreed to sell to the contractor the St. John's Dry Dock
for 325,000 dollars. The next available asset was the telegraph
service. Here the agreement provided that the contractor should assume
responsibility for all telegraph lines until 1904, in return for an
annual subsidy of 10,000 dollars, and after 1904, until the period of
fifty years was completed, should maintain them free of any charge to
the colony by way of subsidy or otherwise.
By a later section of the draft contract it was provided that the
contractor should not assign or sublet the contract, or any part or
portion thereof, to any person or corporation whomsoever without the
consent of the Government. The language of this prohibition is
curiously general, and is indeed sufficient in its terms to prohibit
assignments _mortis causa_, as well as those _inter vivos_. Such a
result can hardly have been contemplated.
By the last section it was recorded that "the Government undertake to
enact all such legislation as may be necessary to give full effect to
the contract and the several clauses and provisions thereof, according
to the spirit and intent thereof, and also such as may be necessary to
facilitate and enforce the collection and payment of fares and rates,
the preservation of order and discipline in the trains and stations,
and generally to give to the contractor all such powers, rights, and
privileges as are usually conferred upon or granted to railways and
railway companies for the purposes of their business."
Such, in barest outline, was the proposal of which Mr Chamberlain was
informed by Governor Murray. It certainly involved a sacrifice
incalculably grave of the colony's prospects, but those who brought it
forward no doubt reflected on the truism that he who has expectations,
but neither assets nor credit, must reinforce the latter by drawing in
some degree upon the former. In fact, it seems to have been doubtful
whether, at the time, the colony could by any device meet its
obligations as they became due. The force of these observations must
be frankly conceded; but it may still be doubted whether a less
desperate remedy was not within the grasp of resourceful
statesmanship. In his first telegram, sent on March 2nd, 1898, Mr
Chamberlain called attention to the more apparent objections:
"The future of the colony will be placed entirely in the hands of the
contractor by the railway contract, which appears highly improvident.
As there seems to be no penalty provided for failure to operate the
railways, the contract is essentially the sale of a million and a
quarter acres for a million dollars."
From the legal point of view the contract was a very singular one. The
Government of Newfoundland, in fact, assumed to bind its successors by
a partial abdication of sovereign power. Yet the same capacity which
enabled the then Government to bind itself would equally and evidently
inhere in its successors to revoke the obligation. Those who are
struck by the conscientious obligation which the then Government could
no doubt bequeath, may ask themselves how long a democratically
governed country would tolerate corruption or ineptitude in the public
service on the ground that the monopolist worker of them had inherited
a franchise from an ancestor who had known how to exploit the public
necessities. The virtual expropriation of the Irish landlords, which
was in progress in the United Kingdom, may have been right or it may
have been wrong; it is at least a far more startling interference with
vested interest than would be the resumption by a State of control
over heedlessly aliened public services.
Whatever be the force of these observations, the disadvantages of the
Newfoundland Government's specific proposals were patent enough. Nor
were they unperceived in the colony, and in particular by the enemies
of the Ministry. The islanders stopped fishing and took to petitions.
These were numerous and lengthy, and it is only proposed to consider
here the petition which was sent by dissentient members of the House
of Assembly, containing a formidable indictment of the proposed
agreement. The objections brought forward may be briefly summarized:
1. The electors were never consulted.
2. The Bill was an absolute conveyance in fee simple of all the
railways, the docks, telegraph lines, mineral, timber, and
agricultural lands of the colony, and virtually disposed of all the
assets, representing a funded debt of 17,000,000 dollars, for
£280,000.
3. While the Bill conveyed large and valuable mineral, agricultural,
and timber areas, amounting, with former concessions, to four million
acres, it made no provision for the development of these lands.
4. The conveyance embraced the whole Government telegraph system of
the colony.
5. It included a monopoly for the next thirty years of the coastal
carrying trade.
6. It included the sale of the dry dock, and the granting, without
consideration, of valuable waterside property belonging to the
Municipal Council of St. John's.
On March 23rd Mr Chamberlain answered the representation of Governor
Murray, and the profuse petitions which the latter had forwarded. Both
from the general constitutional significance of the reply, and its
particular importance in the history of Newfoundland, it is convenient
to reproduce the letter in full:
Mr Chamberlain to Governor Sir H.H. Murray.
Downing Street,
March 23rd, 1898.
SIR,--In my telegram of the 2nd instant I informed
you that if your Ministers, after fully considering the
objections urged to the proposed contract with Mr R.G. Reid
for the sale and operation of the Government railways and
other purposes, still pressed for your signature to that
instrument, you would not be constitutionally justified in
refusing to follow their advice, as the responsibility for the
measure rested entirely with them.
2. Whatever views I may hold as to the propriety of the
contract, it is essentially a question of local finance, and
as Her Majesty's Government have no responsibility for the
finance of self-governing colonies, it would be improper for
them to interfere in such a case unless Imperial interests
were directly involved. On these constitutional grounds I was
unable to advise you to withhold your assent to the Bill
confirming the contract.
3. I have now received your despatches as noted in the margin,
giving full information as to the terms of the contract, and
the grounds upon which your Government have supported it, as
well as the reasons for which it was opposed by the Leader and
some members of the Opposition.
4. I do not propose to enter upon a discussion of the details
of the contract, or of the various arguments for and against
it, but I cannot refrain from expressing my views as to the
serious consequences which may result from this extraordinary
measure.
5. Under this contract, and the earlier one of 1893, for the
construction of the railway, practically all the Crown lands
of any value become, with full rights to all minerals, the
freehold property of a single individual: the whole of the
railways are transferred to him, the telegraphs, the postal
service, and the local sea communications, as well as the
property in the dock at St. John's. Such an abdication by a
Government of some of its most important functions is without
parallel.
6. The colony is divested for ever of any control over or
power of influencing its own development, and of any direct
interest in or direct benefit from that development. It will
not even have the guarantee for efficiency and improvement
afforded by competition, which would tend to minimize the
danger of leaving such services in the hands of private
individuals.
7. Of the energy, capacity, and character of Mr Reid, in whose
hands the future of the colony is thus placed, both yourself
and your predecessor have always spoken in the highest terms,
and his interests in the colony are already so enormous that
he has every motive to work for and to stimulate its
development; but he is already, I believe, advanced in years,
and though the contract requires that he shall not assign or
sublet it to any person or corporation without the consent of
the Government, the risk of its passing into the hands of
people less capable and possessing less interest in the
development of the colony is by no means remote.
8. All this has been fully pointed out to your Ministers and
the Legislature, and I can only conclude that they have
satisfied themselves that the danger and evils resulting from
the corruption which, according to the statement of the
Receiver-General, has attended the administration of these
services by the Government, are more serious than any evils
that can result from those services being transferred
unreservedly to the hands of a private individual or
corporation; and that, in fact, they consider that it is
beyond the means and capacity of the colony to provide for the
honest and efficient maintenance of these services, and that
they must, therefore, be got rid of at whatever cost.
9. That they have acted thus in what they believe to be the
best interests of the colony I have no reason to doubt; but,
whether or not it is the case, as they allege, that the
intolerable burden of the Public Debt, and the position in
which the colony was left by the contract of 1893, rendered
this sacrifice inevitable, the fact that the colony, after
more than forty years of self-government, should have to
resort to such a step is greatly to be regretted.
10. I have to request that in communicating this despatch to
your Ministers you will inform them that it is my wish that it
may be published in the _Gazette_.
I have, etc.,
J. CHAMBERLAIN.
Some of the inferences set forth in the Colonial Secretary's lucid
letter were questioned by the Newfoundland Government, but
substantially his conclusions were not assailed. The decision of the
Imperial Government by no means stayed the voice of local agitation,
and the stream of petitions continued to grow. In a further letter to
Governor Murray, dated December 5th, 1898, Mr Chamberlain laid down
the great constitutional doctrine which is the Magna Charta of Greater
Britain. Every student of colonial politics should be familiar with
these passages:
"The right to complete and unfettered control over financial policy
and arrangements is essential to self-government, and has been
invariably acknowledged and respected by Her Majesty's Government, and
jealously guarded by the colonies. The Colonial Government and
Legislature are solely responsible for the management of its finances
to the people of the colony, and unless Imperial interests of grave
importance were imperilled, the intervention of Her Majesty's
Government in such matters would be an unwarrantable intrusion and a
breach of the charter of the colony.
"It is nowhere alleged that the interests of any other part of the
Empire are involved, or that the Act is any way repugnant to Imperial
legislation. It is asserted, indeed, that the contract disposes of
assets of the colony over which its creditors in this country have an
equitable, if not a legal claim; but, apart from the fact that the
assets in question are mainly potential, and that the security of the
colonial debt is its general revenue and not any particular property
or assets, I cannot admit that the creditors of the colony have any
right to claim the interference of Her Majesty's Government in this
matter. It is on the faith of the Colonial Government and Legislature
that they have advanced their money, and it is to them that they must
appeal if they consider themselves damnified.
"No doubt, if it was seriously alleged that the Act involved a breach
of faith or a confiscation of the rights of absent persons, Her
Majesty's Government would have to consider it carefully, and consider
whether the discredit which such action on the part of a colony would
entail on the rest of the Empire rendered it necessary for them to
intervene. But no such charge is made, and if Her Majesty's Government
were to intervene whenever the domestic legislation of a colony was
alleged to affect the rights of residents, the right of
self-government would be restricted to very narrow limits....
"The fact that the constituencies were not consulted on a measure of
such importance might have furnished a reason for its rejection by the
Upper Chamber, but would scarcely justify the Secretary of State in
advising its disallowance even if it were admitted as a general
principle of constitutional government in Newfoundland that the
Legislature has no right to entertain any measure of first importance
without an immediate mandate from the electors."
The passing of the particular Bill by no means brought the Reid
controversy to an end. In fact, the General Election in Newfoundland,
of which the result was announced in November 1900, was fought
entirely upon this absorbing question. The issue arose in the
following way. The contract contained a clause providing that Mr Reid
should not assign his rights over the railway without the consent of
the Government. Mr Reid applied to the Government of Sir James Winter
for such consent, but when that Government was defeated in February
1900, no answer had been received. Mr Reid wished to turn all his
holdings in the colony over to a corporation capitalized at 25,000,000
dollars, he and his three sons forming the company. On the properties
included he proposed to raise 5,000,000 dollars by debenture bonds,
this sum to be expended in development.[51]
A Liberal Ministry under Mr Bond, who had consistently opposed the
Reid arrangements, displaced Sir James Winter. Finding himself unable
to hold his own in the Assembly, Mr Bond formed a coalition with Mr
Morris, the leader of a section of Liberals who had not associated
themselves with the party opposition to the contract. The terms of
accommodation were simple: "The contract was to be treated as a _fait
accompli_, but no voluntary concessions were to be made to Mr Reid
except for a consideration." Consistently with this view, Mr Reid was
informed by the Government that the permission he requested would be
given upon the following terms:
(1) He should agree to resign his proprietary rights in the railway.
(2) He should restore the telegraphs to the ownership of the
Government.
(3) He should consent to various modifications of his land grants in
the interest of squatters able to establish their _de facto_
possession.
To these terms the contractor was not prepared to accede. It is
difficult not to feel sympathy with his refusal. I had the advantage
of hearing the contention on this point of a well-known Newfoundland
Liberal, who brought forward intelligible, but not, I think,
convincing arguments. The clause against assignment without the
consent of Government ought surely to be qualified by the implied
condition that such consent must not be unreasonably withheld. In the
private law of England equity has long since grafted this implication
upon prohibitions against assignment. If, however, the Government had
been content with a blunt _non possumus_, a case could no doubt have
been made out for insisting upon their pound of flesh. They chose,
however, to do the one thing which was neither dignified nor
defensible: they offered to assent to an assignment on condition that
Mr Reid surrendered his most valuable privileges. It is no answer to
say, as many Newfoundland Liberals did say: We opposed the contract
from the start, and it is therefore impossible for us to assent to any
extension of the contractor's privileges. In fact, such an argument
seems to betray an inability to understand the ground principle on
which party government depends. That principle, of course, is the
loyal acceptance by each party on entering office of the completed
legislation of its predecessors. To borrow a metaphor from the Roman
lawyers, the _hereditas_ may be _damnosa_, but the party succeeds
thereto as a _hæres necessarius_. Any other rule would substitute
anarchy for order, and an endless process of reversing the past for a
salutary attention to the present.
It must, on the other hand, be admitted that Mr Reid's conduct was not
very well chosen to reassure his critics. He threw himself heart and
soul into the General Election which became imminent, and displayed
little judiciousness in his selection of nominees to fight seats in
his interests. It is hard to suppose that independent men were not
discoverable to lay stress on the immediate relief to the colony which
the contract secured, and the inexorable necessity of which it might
plausibly be represented to be the outcome. Mr Morine was Mr Reid's
solicitor. He was a prominent Conservative and Minister of Finance,
and his influence in the Assembly (where his connection with Mr Reid
was apparently unknown) had been exerted in favour of the contract.
When challenged on the point, Mr Morine asserted that he advised Mr
Reid only on private matters, in which his interests would not come
into conflict with those of the colony. Compelled to resign, however,
by Governor Murray on account of the apparently incompatible duality
of his position, he was reinstated (April, 1899) by Governor M'Callum,
on an undertaking that his connection with Mr Reid should be suspended
during office. Mr Morine became leader of the Conservative party on
the retirement of Sir James Winter, reassuming at the same time his
business relations with Mr Reid. In concert with the latter he began a
political campaign in opposition to the Liberal party. His partner, Mr
Gibbs, fought another seat in the same interest. _The Times_
correspondent above referred to gives an amusing account of other
candidates:
"One of Mr Reid's sons has been accompanying him through his
constituency, and is mooted as a candidate. Two captains of Reid's bay
steamers are running for other seats. The clothier who supplies the
uniforms for Reid's officials is another, and a shipmaster, who until
recently was ship's husband for the Reid steamers, is another. His
successor, who is a member of the Upper House, has issued a letter
warmly endorsing Mr Morine's policy, and it is now said that one of
Reid's surveying staff will be nominated for another constituency."
It may easily be imagined that to the ordinary voter the Conservative
_personnel_ proved somewhat disquieting. Success at the polls would
have enabled Mr Reid to say, with Louis XIV.--"_L'Etat, c'est moi._"
Amid extraordinary excitement the election was fought in the autumn of
1900 on the sole issue of the Reid contract, and resulted in a
sweeping victory for the Liberal party, supporting Mr Bond in his
policy as to Mr Reid's monopolies.
The Reid Contract has been dealt with at this length at a sacrifice of
proportion which the writer believes to be apparent rather than real.
Newfoundland is newly emerged from infancy. The story of its childhood
is relatively uneventful, but the political experiments of its
adolescence must be of absorbing interest to all students of politics.
In 1901 an Act was passed giving sanction to a new agreement with Mr
Reid in regard to the railways, and incorporating the Reid
Newfoundland Company. Under the agreement the sum of one million
dollars was to be paid to him in consideration of the surrender by him
of the right to own the railway at the end of 1938; and 850,000
dollars instead of 2½ million acres of land to which he had become
entitled as a bonus for undertaking to operate the railway until 1938.
He still had, however, claims in respect of certain rolling-stock and
equipment that had been provided under earlier contracts; and also
claims arising through the surrender of the telegraphs. All these were
submitted to arbitration, resulting in awards to Mr Reid of 894,000
dollars and 1½ million dollars respectively. However, under the new
arrangement, Mr Reid ceased to be the virtual owner of the railway
system; and became merely a contractor for its operation. The Reid
Newfoundland Company, by agreement with Mr Reid, and with a capital of
25 million dollars, came into possession of over 2½ million acres of
land, with timber, mineral, and other rights thereon, and took over
all existing contracts for working the railway, and mail and steamboat
services of the colony, including St. John's Dry Dock and the St.
John's tramways, as well as powers for electric lighting in the
capital. The new Company commenced operations on September 1st, 1901.
With the beginning of the twentieth century was inaugurated an epoch
of political as well as economic progress in the history of the
island. The numerous and widespread activities of the new enterprise
gave a great impetus to the colony: it ensured the efficient working
of the railway, and gave employment at a good wage to an army of
working men in the various branches, and also in connection with the
flotilla of steamers that were run. Other spheres of activity were
gradually opened up, _e.g._ the establishment of a sawmill to furnish
the timber necessary for the various needs of the scheme, the opening
of a granite quarry to supply material for bridge building and paving
the streets of the capital, the development of a slate area and oil
boring, coal mining, the construction of a hotel in St. John's, etc.
The expansion of the undertaking increased from year to year, and
included such projects as the establishment of flour mills, pulp and
paper mills, etc. Next to the Government itself, the Reid Company
became the largest paymaster in the island.[52]
Other factors contributing to the material advancement of the country
were the development of the iron mines at Belle Island, and the
production of pulp and paper by the "Anglo-Newfoundland Development
Company," the initiators and controllers of which were Messrs
Harmsworth, the well-known newspaper proprietors. This company was
followed soon afterwards by the Albert Reed Company of London.
A few of the main events in the recent history of the colony may now
be referred to; these, taking us down to the Great War, will suitably
conclude the present chapter. First may be mentioned a curious
development in the political arena. In 1902 the Ministerial candidates
suffered a complete defeat in a by-election; and this result was
attributed to two causes--in the first place, deficient fishing
returns, and secondly, popular dissatisfaction at the monetary gains
secured by Mr Reid. The contest of 1904 was further complicated by the
formation of a number of factions in the ranks of the Opposition. The
latter eventually joined their forces under five leaders, and,
including all elements hostile to the party in power, took the field
against the Bond-Morris Government. But the sympathies of the people
were alienated from such an unusual combination, composed as it was of
antithetical constituents, and when it was in addition rumoured that
their aim was to effect a union with Canada, they suffered a severe
reverse at the elections. Only Mr Morine was returned for his
constituency; and he had no more than five followers in the Assembly.
In these circumstances it was thought that Sir Robert Bond's
administration was ensured a long term of office. But in July 1907 Sir
Edward Morris, then Minister of Justice, resigned through a
disagreement with the Premier on a question of the amount of wages to
be paid to the employees in the Public Works. The Opposition under Mr
Morison (succeeding Mr Morine, who had shortly before left
Newfoundland for Canada) co-operated with leading supporters of Sir
Edward Morris and invited him to become the leader of a united party.
He accepted the offer, and issued a manifesto in March 1908,
indicating his policy. The number of his adherents increased, as a
result of his efforts in the Assembly. In the following November the
quadrennial general election took place, which was vigorously--indeed
bitterly--contested; and the result was a tie, eighteen supporters
having been returned for Sir Robert Bond, and eighteen for the
Opposition--a unique occurrence apparently in the history of
self-governing colonies. The success of Sir Edward Morris was regarded
as remarkable, in view of several disadvantages from which he suffered
in the eyes of large sections of the population, _e.g._ his being a
Roman Catholic (every Premier during the preceding half century had
been a Protestant), his alleged sympathy with Mr Reid, and his alleged
support of union with Canada. The Governor, Sir William MacGregor,
having been requested by Sir Robert Bond to summon the Legislature,
was then required by him, on the very eve of the session, to dissolve
it, without giving it an opportunity to meet. The Governor refusing to
do this, Sir Robert Bond, conformably to usage, resigned along with
his cabinet. Sir Edward Morris was accordingly called upon to form a
ministry; but at the meeting of the Assembly the attempt to elect a
Speaker failed, owing to the opposition of the Bond party. The
Governor next endeavoured to obtain a coalition Ministry, but failed,
and a dissolution was granted (April, 1909). At the election in May
the Morris administration was returned with a substantial
majority--the new ministry for the first time in the history of the
island consisting entirely of natural-born Newfoundlanders. The course
adopted by the Governor, who had been charged by followers of Sir
Robert Bond with partisanship and unconstitutional conduct, was thus
vindicated by the election, and also approved by the Imperial
authorities. In a despatch from the Colonial Office, November 14th,
Lord Crewe observed:
"... It will be learned from my previous despatches and telegrams that
your action throughout the difficult political situation, which was
created in the colony by the indecisive result of the last general
election, has met with my approval, but I desire to place publicly on
record my high appreciation of the manner in which you have handled a
situation practically unprecedented in the history of responsible
Government in the Dominions. I may add that I consider your decision
to grant a dissolution to Sir Edward Morris--which has, I observe,
been adversely criticized in a section of the Newfoundland press--to
have been fully in accordance with the principles of responsible
Government."
In 1913 the growing prosperity of the fish trade was still further
increased by the passing of the new United States tariff law, which
admitted fish to the United States free of duty. Further, the opening
of the Panama Canal made possible the establishment of new markets.
Now we come to the next momentous event in the history of modern
Newfoundland, as it is in that of the modern world generally--namely,
the outbreak of the Great War in August 1914. The colony, like all the
other British dominions and possessions, was fully alive to the
justice of the British cause, and, like the others, was resolved as a
faithful and dutiful daughter to contribute to the military, naval,
and material resources of the Mother Country. This manifestation of
colonial association and unity was a remarkable feature throughout the
war, and will ever be memorable as a token of the undying bonds that
unite the scattered constituents of the British Empire, and of the
common feelings and ideals that inspire the various sections of the
British family. Despite doubt and solicitude as to the effect on
trade, especially on the fish markets, on which Newfoundland is so
much dependent, the colony devoted itself wholeheartedly to the
prosecution of the war.
In September 1914 a special war session of the Legislature was held,
and several measures were passed, making provision for the raising of
a volunteer force of 1,000 men, for increasing the number of Naval
Reserve from 600 to 1,000 men, and for raising a loan (which was
subsequently furnished by the Imperial Government) for equipping and
maintaining the projected contingents. It may be pointed out here that
about the end of the nineteenth century the colony, desiring to
participate in the obligations--and indeed privileges--of Imperial
defence, took steps to establish a Royal Naval Reserve. From 1900 a
number of men volunteered as reservists, and entered for six months'
training on one of the vessels of the North American and West Indian
squadron. In 1902 a training ship, H.M.S. _Calypso_, was stationed in
St. John's harbour, where the 600 men--the number proposed--might
duly complete their training. Before the war the Naval Reserve
establishment amounted to 580. There were besides local Boys'
Brigades, but no military force whatever.
In 1915 considerable efforts were made. By the end of the year a
military contingent of 2,000 men was raised, and the Naval Reserve was
enlarged to 1,200. In November a plebiscite was taken in regard to the
question of total prohibition, and a majority decided in its favour;
so that from January 1st, 1917, the manufacture, importation, and sale
of intoxicating liquors were prohibited.
In 1916 a battalion of the Newfoundland regiment took part in a good
deal of severe fighting in France; and it was maintained to full
strength by regular drafts from home.
In the meantime an Act was passed imposing restrictions on the killing
of seals in Newfoundland waters, the object being to prevent their
extermination.
A political question that especially engaged the attention of the
colony at this time was its relation to the Canadian Federation, but
no progress was made towards the solution of the long standing
problem. The following year it became again the chief concern (apart
from the war) of the island's electorate. In June the question was
raised in the Federal House of Commons at Ottawa; and members spoke in
favour of union, declaring that from information received it appeared
that the disposition of Newfoundland was becoming more and more in
favour of it.[53] In July a coalition Ministry was established, and a
Bill was passed prolonging the life of the Parliament for twelve
months, as it would normally have expired in October. In the early
part of this year, Sir Edward Morris, the Premier, was in London and
represented Newfoundland at the Imperial War Conference.
During the last year of the war the population found itself much more
affected by the world conflict than it had been in the preceding
years. Additions to the Newfoundland contingent under the voluntary
system were becoming inadequate: accordingly, the new Government, of
which Mr W.F. Lloyd was Premier, decided to introduce a Bill for the
purpose of establishing conscription. This was of a selective
character, that is, applying to all unmarried men and widowers without
children, between the ages of 19 and 39. The conscripts were to be
divided into four classes according to age, the youngest being called
up first. The Bill was passed, and the measure proved to be a
successful one.
After the conclusion of the Armistice in November, the Prime Minister,
the Right Hon. Sir William F. Lloyd, K.C.M.G., acted as the
representative of Newfoundland at the Paris Peace Conference (1919).
In concluding this chapter it will be of interest to give a few facts
and figures showing Newfoundland's effort and record in the war.[54]
(1) PERSONNEL
At the outbreak of war there was no military force in Newfoundland.
There was, however, a pre-war establishment of 580 Naval Reservists
besides local Boys' Brigades.
Newfoundland contributed to the fighting forces of the Empire 11,922
all ranks, consisting of 9,326 men for the Army, 2,053 men for the
Royal Naval Reserve, 500 men for the Newfoundland Forestry Corps, and
43 nurses.
The Royal Newfoundland Regiment furnished a battalion for the
Gallipoli campaign and sent 4,253 men to France and Belgium, suffering
the following casualties:
Killed in action and died of wounds 1,082
Died from other causes 95
Missing 18
Prisoners of War 152
Wounded 2,314
-----
Total 3,661
The following decorations were won by the Regiment:
1 V.C., 2 C.M.G., 4 D.S.O., 28 M.C., 6 Bars to M.C., 33 D.C.M., 1 Bar
to D.C.M., 105 M.M., 8 Bars to M.M., 1 O.B.E., 22 Mentions in
Despatches, 21 Allied Decorations, 3 other medals: Total, 234.
In the Royal Naval Reserve 167 men were killed in action and 124
invalided out of the Service.
3,000 Newfoundlanders enlisted in the Canadian and other forces
(outside Newfoundland), but there is no statistical record of
casualties regarding them, although it is known they were heavy.
(2) MONEY, ETC.
Total receipts, Cot Fund[55] $129,200
" " Aeroplane Fund 53,487
" " Red Cross Fund 151,500
" " Patriotic Fund 166,687
A War Loan of $6,000,000 was raised by Newfoundland.
A large quantity of Red Cross material, etc., was sent from the
Dominion during the war to the various organizations overseas, in
addition to many thousands of dollars worth of comforts for the
troops.
Newfoundland provided the pay and allowances of the Royal Newfoundland
Regiment (6,326 all ranks) and made up the difference in pay to bring
the Royal (Newfoundland) Naval Reserve to the same scale as that of
the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, besides equipping the Royal
Newfoundland Regiment before proceeding overseas.
* * * * *
FOOTNOTES:
[51] See a letter from the able correspondent of _The Times_ in
Newfoundland, November 6th, 1900.
[52] P.T. M'Grath, "Newfoundland in 1911," p. 24.
[53] This question has already been referred to several times in the
preceding pages (see especially beginning of chap. viii). It may be
added here that in March 1906, the Prime Minister of Canada stated
that the Government of Newfoundland was fully aware that the
Government of Canada was ready to entertain a proposal for the entry
of the island into the confederation.
[54] For the statement following the writer is indebted to Sir Edgar
Bowring, the High Commissioner of Newfoundland.
[55] Instead of maintaining a hospital overseas, Newfoundland
supported 301 beds in addition to 32 in Newfoundland.