_Speech at Buffalo.]_
On the 27th of May thirty thousand persons assembled in the Park at
Buffalo, where Kossuth had a magnificently enthusiastic reception. In
the evening he was escorted to American Hall by the mayor and others.
For a portion only of his Speech, in reply to the address of the Hon.
Thomas Love, can we here find room.
The Austrian minister (said he) has left the United States. Proud
Austria has no longer a representative here, but down-trodden Hungary
has. The Chevalier Hulsemann has at last taken his departure, without
even a chivalrous farewell; the Secretary of State let him depart,
without either alarm or regret.
"All right!" gentlemen. Two years ago there was much alarm in certain
quarters, when the idea of such a rupture was first suggested. Five
months ago, when in one of my public addresses I wished a good journey
to Mr. Hulsemann, some thought it rather presumptuous. But now that he
has left, no man cares about it, scarcely any man takes notice of it.
The time may yet come, when Mr. Hulsemann's masters will be fully aware,
that what he is pleased to call _the Kossuth episode_ is a serious
drama--a drama in which, I trust, America will so act its part, that in
the catastrophe justice and freedom shall triumph, violence and
oppression shall fall.
In my many speeches I have dwelt largely on the necessity that there is
for America to act this part. I have not concealed that I am informed
that many gentlemen of commerce are timid concerning it, and I have
ventured to warn this young but great republic against _materialism_.
But commerce involves this danger only when it is bent on
instant profit at any price, and cares nothing for the future,
nothing about that solidity of commercial relations on which permanent
prosperity depends. Adventurous _money-hunting_ is not commerce.
Commerce, republican commerce, raised single cities to the position of
mighty powers on earth, and maintained them there for centuries. It is
merchants whose names shine with immortal lustre from the glorious book
of Venice and Genoa. Commerce, as I understand it, does indeed apply its
finger to the pulsations of present conjunctures, but not the less fixes
its eye steadily on the future. Its heart warms with noble patriotism
and philanthropy, connecting individual profit with the development of
natural resources and of national welfare; so that it spreads over the
multitudes like a dew of Heaven upon the earth, which blossoms through
it with the flower of prosperity. _Such_ a commercial spirit is a
rich source of national happiness;--a guarantee of a country's future, a
pillar of its power, a vehicle of civilization and convoyer of its
principles.
Let me exemplify the difference between that noble beneficent spirit of
commerce and the merely material money hunting, which falsely usurps the
name of commerce.
Since the fatal arithmetical skill of Rothschilds has found out how to
gain millions by negotiating, out of the pockets of the public, loan
after loan for the despots, to oppress the blind-folded nations, a sort
of speculation has gained ground in the Old World, worthy of the
execration of humanity--I mean the speculation in _loan
shares_;--the paper commerce called stock-jobbing. It is the
shame-brand upon our century's brow, that such a commerce is become a
political power on earth; and unscrupulous gamesters, speculating upon
the ruin of their neighbours, hold the political thermometer of peace
and war in their criminal hands. But it is not commerce--it deserves not
the name of commerce--it does not contribute to public welfare--it does
not augment the elements of public prosperity--it is but immoral
GAMBLING, which transfers an unproductive imaginary wealth from one hand
into another, without augmenting the stock of national property:--that
is not commerce: and _it is a degradation of the character of a
nation, when the interests of that speculation have the slightest
influence, or are made of the slightest consideration in the regulation
of a country's policy_. Such an example has its full weight with
every other kind of mere money-hunting. It would be the greatest fault
to regulate a country's policy according to the momentary interests of
worshippers of the almighty dollar, who look but for a momentary profit,
not caring for their fatherland and humanity--nothing for the
principles--nothing about the tears and execration of millions, if only
that condition remains intact which gives them individual profit--though
that condition be the misfortune of a world. Wherever that class of
money-hunters is influential, there is a disease in the constitution of
the community. It is vain to complain against the dangerous doctrines of
socialism, so long as such money-hunters have any influence upon
politics. The genus of Rothschilds has done more for the spread of
socialism than its most passionate sectarians.
Take on the other side the contrasting fact of the Erie Canal. I
remember well that some were terrified, when in the councils of the
Empire State first was started the idea of that gigantic enterprise. And
now when we hear that its nett proceeds amount to about three millions
of dollars a year--when we see the almost unbroken line of boats on
it--when we see Buffalo becoming the heart of the West, the pulsation of
which conveys the warm tide of life to the East; and by the
communication of that artery, bringing the wonderful combination of the
great western lakes into immediate connection with the Atlantic, and
through the Atlantic with the Old World--when we see Buffalo, though at
four hundred miles distance from the ocean, without a navigable river,
living, acting, and operating like a seaport; and New York, situated on
the shores of the Atlantic, acting as if it were the metropolis of the
West--when we consider how commerce becomes a magic wand, and transforms
a world of wilderness into a garden of prosperity, and spreads the
blessing of civilization where some years ago only the wild beasts and
the Indian roamed--then indeed we bow with reverential awe before the
creating power of that commerce. We feel that the spirit of it is not a
mere money-hunting, but a mighty instrumentality of Providence for the
moral and social benefit of the world; and we at once feel that the
interests of such a commerce underlie so much the foundation of your
country's future, that not only are they entitled to enter into the
regulating considerations of your country's policy, but they must
enter--they must have a decisive weight--and they will have it, whatever
be the declamations of learned politicians who have so much looked to
the authority of past times that they have found no time to see the
imperious necessity of present exigencies.
There are still some who advise you to follow the policy of separation
from Europe, which Washington wisely advised in his days--wisely,
because it was a necessity of those times. I have on many occasions
adduced arguments against this, which to me are quite convincing. Yet to
some minds custom is of so much more power than argument, that I could
not forbear to feel some uneasiness. But to-day, gentlemen, I no longer
feel such uneasiness. I am entirely tranquillized. I want no more
arguments, because I have the knowledge of facts, and to those who still
advocate the policy of separatism I will say, "Have you seen the city of
Buffalo? Go! and look at it; when you have seen what Buffalo is,
consider what are the interests which created that city, and are
personified by that city; then trace those interests back to New York,
and from New York across the Atlantic to the Old World; and again, the
returning interests of intercourse from the Old World to New York and
hence to Buffalo, and from Buffalo to the West, and then speak of the
wisdom of separatism!"--What exists, exists. The facts will laugh at your
reflections; they will tell you that, they cannot be undone. They will
tell you that you are like Endymion, whom Diana made sleep until the
twig on which he leaned his head had become a tree. They, will tell you
that you could as well reduce Buffalo to the log-house of MIDDEAU and
LANE; the mighty democrat the steam-engine to the horse on the back of
which EZRA METCALF brought the first public mail to the sixteen
dwelling-houses, which some forty years ago composed all Buffalo; you
could as well reduce the Erie Canal to where it was when GOVERNOR MORRIS
first mentioned the idea of tapping Lake Erie, or reduce the West to a
desert, and western New York to the condition in which Washington saw it
when journeying towards the Far West.
All this you could as easily do as adhere any longer to the policy of
separatism, or persuade the people of the United States not to take any
part in the great political transactions of the Old World.
In that respect, gentlemen, I am entirely tranquillized; and
tranquillized also I am in this respect, that it is impossible the
active sympathies of your people should not side with freedom and right
against oppression and violence. That will be done. I want no assurance
about it,--being an imperative corollary of existing facts. Public
opinion is aroused to the appreciation of these facts and of their
necessary exigencies. The only thing which I in that respect have yet to
desire, is, to see the people of the United States persuaded that _it
is time_ to prepare _already_ to meet those exigencies; and that
it is wise not to let themselves be overtaken by impending events.
[Kossuth then proceeded to speak of subjects elsewhere very fully
treated, and continued:]
Once more, I repeat, a _timely_ pronouncement of the United States
would avert and prevent a second interference of Russia. She must
sharpen the fangs of her Bear, and get a host of other beasts into her
menagerie, before she will provoke the Eagle of America. But beware,
beware of loneliness. If your protest be delayed too long, you will
have to fight alone against the world: while now, you will only have to
watch, and others will fight.
Allow me to ask, are the United States interested in the laws of
nations? can they permit any interpolation in the code of these laws
without their consent? I am told by some that America had best not
intermeddle with European politics, and that you have always avoided to
meddle with them. But it is not so. Those who make this assertion forget
history--they forget that the United States have always claimed and
asserted the right to have their competent weight and authority about
the maritime law of nations--it was one of your Presidents who held this
emphatic language to the Potentates of Europe:
"_We cannot consent to interpolations in the maritime code of nations
at the mere will and pleasure of other Governments--we deny the right of
any such interpolation, to any one or all the nations of the earth
without our consent--we claim to have a voice in all alterations of that
code_."
Thus spoke the United States, at a time when they were not yet so
powerful as they are now. And they thus spoke not for themselves only,
but for all the nations on earth. And to what purpose did they speak
these words so full of dignity and full of effect? For the maintenance
of the laws of nations, or one part of them, the maritime code.
Dauntless and full of resolution, _they_ alone vindicated natural
rights for every nation on earth, while Europe sacrificed them.
_They_ vindicated for every nation the proud motto they have
emblazoned on their banner--"_Free Trade and Sailors' Rights_," and
_free ships and free goods_:
Now who can any longer charge me that I advance a new policy, with that
precedent before your eyes? Would you be willing to resign, now that you
are powerful, in respect to other parts of the laws of nations, that
which you have boldly taken in respect to one part of them, when you
were yet comparatively weak? Or would you do less for the end than you
have done for the means?
The maritime part of the international code is no end, but only a means
to an end. No ship takes sail for the purpose merely of sailing on the
ocean, but for the purpose of arriving somewhere. The ocean is but the
highway, and not the intended terminus. Russian intervention in Hungary
has blocked up your terminus: and the maritime code would be of no
avail, if the other provisions of international law are to be still
blotted out from the code of nations by Russian ambition. Let the
slightest eruption of the political volcano in Europe take place, and
you will see. You might have seen already during our past struggle, that
your proud principle of "_free ships, free goods_" is a mere
mockery unless the other parts of the laws of nations are also
maintained.
That is what I claim from the young and dauntless nation of America. I
claim that she shall not abandon that position in the proud days of her
power, which she so boldly took in the days of her feebleness. Or are
you already declining? Has your prodigious prosperity weakened instead
of strengthening your nation's nerves? So young! and a Republic! and
already declining! when its opposing principle, Russia, rises so boldly
and so high! Oh, no! God forbid! That would be a sorrowful sight,
fraught with the grief of centuries for all humanity!
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