[_Speech at Faneuil Hall_.]
Kossuth entered Boston on the 27th April, escorted by twenty-nine
companies of infantry and four of artillery, in the midst of flags and
other festive display. He was welcomed by Gov. Boutwell at the State
House. In the afternoon he reviewed the troops on the common, in the
midst of an immense multitude. The members of the legislature and of the
council came in procession from the State House, and joined him in the
field. In the evening he was entertained at the Revere House, as the
guest of the Legislative Committee.
On April 28th he was escorted by the Independent Cadets to the State
House, where Governor Boutwell received him with a brief but emphatic
speech, avowing that Kossuth had "imparted important instruction" to the
people of the United States. The governor then conducted Kossuth to the
Senate, where he was warmly welcomed by the President, General Wilson;
and thence again to the House of Representatives, where the Speaker, Mr.
Banks, addressed him in words of high honour, in the name of the
representatives. To each of these addresses Kossuth replied; but the
substance of his speeches has scarcely sufficient novelty to present
here.
On the evening of the 29th of April it was arranged that he should speak
in Faneuil Hall. The hall filled long before his arrival, and an
incident occurred which deserves record. The crowd amused itself by
calling on persons present for speeches: among others Senator Myron
Lawrence was called for, who, after first refusing, stept on the
platform and declared that _he had some sins to confess_. He had
been guilty of thinking Kossuth to be what is called "a humbug;" but he
had seen him now, and thought differently. He had seen the modest,
truthful bearing of the man,--that he had no tricks of the orator, but
spoke straightforward. Mr. Lawrence now believed him to be sincere and
honest, and prayed Almighty God to grant him a glorious success. This
frank and manly acknowledgment was received with unanimous and hearty
applause.
At eight o'clock Governor Boutwell, his council, and the committee of
reception, as also the vice-presidents and secretaries, received Kossuth
in Faneuil Hall.[*] When applause had ceased, the Governor addressed
Kossuth as follows:--
[Footnote *: Faneuil Hall is entitled by the Americans "the cradle of
American Liberty."]
Gentlemen,--We have come from the exciting and majestic scenes of the
reception which the people of Massachusetts have given to the exiled son
of an oppressed and distant land, that on this holy spot, associated in
our minds with the eloquence, the patriotism, the virtue of the
revolution, we may listen to his sad story of the past and contemplate
his plans and hopes for the future. And shall these associations which
belong to us, and this sad story which belongs to humanity, fail to
inspire our souls and instruct our minds in the cause of freedom? Europe
is not like a distant ocean, whose agitations and storms give no impulse
to the wave that gently touches our shore. The introduction of steam
power and the development of commercial energy are blending and
assimilating our civilities and institutions. Europe is nearer to us in
time than the extreme parts of this country are to each other. As all of
us are interested in the prevalence of the principles of justice among
our fellow men, _so_, as a nation, we are interested in the
prevalence of the principles of justice among the nations and states of
Europe.
Never before was the American mind so intelligently directed to European
affairs. We have not sought, nor shall we seek, the control of those
affairs. But we may scan and judge their character and prepare ourselves
for the exigencies of national existence to which we may be called. _I
do not hesitate to pronounce the opinion that the policy of Europe will
have a visible effect upon the character, power, and destiny of the
American Republic_. That policy as indicated by Russia and Austria,
is the work of centralization, consolidation and absolutism. American
policy is the antagonist of this.
We are pledged to liberty and the sovereignty of States. Shall a
contest between our own principles and those of our enemies awaken no
emotions in us? We believe that government should exist for the
advantage of the individual members of the body politic, and not for the
use of those who, by birth, fortune, or personal energy, may have risen
to positions of power. We recognize the right of each nation to
establish its own institutions and regulate its own affairs. Our
revolution rests upon this right, and otherwise is entirely
indefensible. The policy of this nation, as well foreign as domestic,
should be controlled by American principles, that the world may know we
have faith in the government we have established. While we cannot adopt
the cause of any other people, or make the quarrels of European nations
our own, it is our duty to guard the principles peculiar to America, as
well as those entertained by us in common with the civilized world.
One principle, which should be universal in States as among individual
men is, that each should use his own in such a way as not to injure that
which belongs to another. _Russia violated this principle when she
interfered in the affairs of Hungary_, and thus weakened the
obligations of other States to respect the sovereignty of the Russian
Empire.
The independent existence of the continental States of Europe, is of
twofold importance to America. Important politically, important
commercially.
As independent States they deprive Russia, the central and absorbing
power of Europe, of the opportunity on the Mediterranean to interfere in
the politics and civilities of this Continent. Russia and the United
States are as unlike as any two nations which ever existed. If Russia
obtains control of Europe by the power of arms, and the United States
shall retain this Continent by the power of its principles, war will be
inevitable. As inevitable as it was in former days that war should arise
between Carthage and Rome,--Carthage, which sought to extend her power
by commerce, and Rome, which sought to govern the world by the sword.
The independence of the States of Europe is then the best security for
the peace of the world. If these States exist, it must be upon one
condition only--that each State is permitted to regulate its own
affairs. If the voice of the United States and Great Britain is silent,
will Russia allow these States to exist upon this principle?--Has she
not already partitioned Poland--menaced Turkey--divided with the Sultan
the sovereignty of Wallachia--infused new energy into the despotic
councils of Austria--and finally aided her in an unholy crusade against
the liberties of Hungary? Have we not then an interest in the affairs of
Europe? And if we have an interest, ought we not to use the rights of an
independent State for its protection?
The second consideration is commercial.
Centralization, absolutism, destroys commerce. The policy of Russia
diminishes production and limits markets. Whenever she adds a new State
to her dominions the commerce of the world is diminished. Great Britain
and the United States, which possess three-fourths of the commercial
marine of the globe, are interested to prevent it. Our commerce at this
moment with despotic States is of very little importance, and its
history shows that in every age it has flourished in proportion to the
freedom of the people.
These, gentlemen, are poor words and barren thoughts upon the great
European question of the time. A question which America in her own name,
and for herself, must meet at some future day, if now she shall fail to
meet it firmly, upon well settled principles of national law, for the
protection and assistance of other States.
I have done. The exiled patriot shall speak for himself. Not for
himself only, nor for the land and people of Hungary he loves so well,
but for Europe, and America even, he speaks. Before you he pleads your
own cause. It is to a just tribunal I present a noble advocate. And to
him it shall be a bright spot in the dreary waste of the exile's life,
that to-night he pleads the cause of Hungary and humanity, where once
Otis and Adams, and Hancock and Quincy, pleaded the cause of America and
liberty.