XL.--THE BROTHERHOOD OF NATIONS.

[_Newark_.]

The Rev. Dr. Eddy introduced Kossuth to the citizens of Newark, and made

an address to him in their name. After this, Kossuth replied:

Gentlemen,--It was a minister of the Gospel who addressed me in your

name: Let me speak to you as a Christian who considers it to be my

heartfelt duty to act, not only in my private but also in my public

capacity, in conformity with the principles of Christianity, as I

understand it.

I have seen the people of the United States almost in every climate of

your immense territory. I have marked the natural influence of geography

upon its character. I have seen the same principles, the same

institutions assuming in their application the modifying influences of

local circumstances; I have found the past casting its shadows on the

present, in one place darker, in the other less; I have seen man

everywhere to be man, partaking of all aspirations, which are the bliss

as well as the fragility of nature in man,--but in one place the bliss

prevailing more and in the other the fragility. I saw now and then small

interests of the passing hour, less or more encroaching upon the sacred

dominion of universal principles; but so much is true, that wherever I

found a people, I found a great and generous heart, ready to take that

ground which by your very national position is pointed out to you as a

mission. Your position is to be a great nation; therefore your

necessity is to act like a great nation; or, if you do not, you will not

be great.

To be numerous, is not to be great. The Chinese are eight times more

numerous than you, and still China is not great, for she has isolated

herself from the world. Nor does the condition of a nation depend on

what she likes to call herself. China calls herself "Celestial," and

takes you and Europe for barbarians. Not what we call ourselves, but how

we act, proves what we are. Great is that nation which acts greatly.

And give me leave to say, what an American minister of the Gospel has

said to me: "_Nations_, by the great God of the Universe, are

individualized, as well as men. He has given each a mission to fulfil,

and He expects every one to bear its part in solving the great problem

of man's capacity for self-government, which is the problem of human

destiny; and if any nation fails in this, He will treat it as an

unprofitable servant, a barren fig-tree, whose own end is to be rooted

up and burnt."

Jonah sat under the shadow of his gourd rejoicing, in isolated, selfish

indifference, caring nothing for the millions of the Ninevites at his

feet. What was the consequence? God prepared a worm to smite the gourd,

that it withered. God has privileged you, the people of the United

States, to repose, not under a gourd, but beneath the shadow of a

luxuriant vine and the outspreading branches of a delicious fig-tree.

Give him praise and thanks! But are you, Jonah-like, on this account to

wrap yourselves up in the mantle of insensibility, caring nothing for

the nations smarting under oppression? stretching forth no hand for

their deliverance, not even so much as to protest against a conspiracy

of evil doers, and give an alms to aid deliverance from them? Are you to

hide your national talent in a napkin, or lend it at usury? Read the

Saviour's maxim:

"_Do unto others as ye would that others do unto you!_" This is the

Saviour's golden rule, applicable to nations as well as to individuals.

Suppose when the United States were struggling for their independence,

the Spanish Government had interfered to prevent its achievement

--sending an armament to bombard your cities and murder your

inhabitants. What would your forefathers have thought--how felt?

Precisely as Hungary thought and felt when the Russian bear put down his

overslaughtering paw upon her. They would have invoked high heaven to

avenge the interference--and had there been a people on the face of the

earth to protest against it, that people would have shown out, like an

eminent star in the hemisphere of nations--and to this day you would

call it blessed. What you would have others do unto you, do so likewise

unto them.

And though you met no foreign interference, yet you met far more than a

protest in your favour; you met substantial aid: thirty-eight vessels of

war, nineteen millions of money, 24,000 muskets, 4,000 soldiers, and the

whole political weight of France engaged in your cause. I ask not so

much, by far not so much, for oppressed Europe from you.

It is a gospel maxim "_Be not partaker of other men's sins._" It is

alike applicable to individuals and nations. If you of the United States

see the great law of humanity outraged by another nation, and see it

_silently_, raising no warning voice against it, you virtually

become a party to the offence; as you do not reprove it, you embolden

the offender to add iniquity unto iniquity.

Let not one nation be partaker of another nation's sins. When you see

the great law of humanity, the law upon which your national existence

rests, the law enacted in the Declaration of your Independence, outraged

and profaned, will you sit quietly by? If so (excuse me for saying) part

of the guilt is upon you, and while individuals receive their reward in

the eternal world, nations are sure to receive it here. There is

connection of cause and effect in a nation's destiny.

A nation should not be a mere _lake_, a glassy expanse, only

reflecting foreign, light around--but a _river_, carrying its rich

treasures from the fountain to distant regions of the earth.

A nation should not be a mere _light-house_, a stationary beacon,

erected upon the coast to warn voyagers of their danger--but a moving

_life-boat_, carrying treasures of freedom to the doors of

thousands and millions in their lands.

I confess, gentlemen, that I shared those expectations, which the

nations of Europe have conceived from America. Was I too sanguine in my

wishes to hope, that in these expectations I shall not fail? So much I

dare say, that I conceived these expectations not without encouragement

on your own part.

With this let me draw to a close. One word often tells more than a

volume of skilful eloquence. When crossing the Alleghany mountains, in a

new country, scarcely yet settled, bearing at every step the mark of a

new creation, I happened to see a new house in ruins. I felt astonished

to see a ruin in America. There must have been misfortune in that

house--the hand of God may have stricken him, thought I, and inquired

from one of the neighbours, "What has become of the man?" "Nothing

particular," answered he: "he went to the West--he was too comfortable

here. American pioneers like to be uncomfortable." It was but one word,

yet worth a volume. It made me more correctly understand the character

of your people and the mystery of your inner prodigious growth, than a

big volume of treatises upon the spirit of America might have done. The

instinct of indomitable energy, all the boundless power hidden in the

word "_go ahead_," lay open before my eyes. I felt by a glance what

immense things might be accomplished by that energy, to the honour and

lasting welfare of all humanity, if only its direction be not

misled--and I pray to God that he may preserve your people from being

absorbed in materialism. The proud results of egotism vanish in the

following generation like the fancy of a dream; but the smallest real

benefit bestowed upon mankind is lasting like eternity. People of

America! thy energy is wonderful; but for thy own sake, for thy future's

sake, for all humanity's sake, beware! Oh! beware from measuring good

and evil by the arguments of materialists.

I have seen too many sad and bitter hours in my stormy life, not to

remember every word of true consolation which happened to brighten my

way.

It was nearly four months ago, and still I remember it, as if it had

happened but yesterday, that the delegation, which came in December last

to New York, to tender me a cordial welcome from and to invite me to

Newark, called _me a brother, a brother in the just and righteous

appreciation of human rights and human destiny; brother in all the

sacred and hallowed sentiments of the human heart_. These were your

words, and yesterday the people of Newark proved to me that they are

your sentiments; sentiments not like the sudden excitement of passion,

which cools, but sentiments of brotherhood and friendship, lasting,

faithful, and true.

You have greeted me by the dear name of brother. When I came, you

entitled me to the right to bid you farewell in a brother's way. And

between brethren, a warm grasp of hand, a tender tear in the eye, and

the word "_remember_," tells more than all the skill of oratory

could do. And remember, oh remember, brethren! that the grasp of my hand

is my whole people's grasp, the tear which glistens in my eyes is their

tear. They are suffering as no other people--for the world, the

oppressed world. They are the emblem of struggling liberty, claiming a

brother's love and a brother's aid from America, who is, happily, the

emblem of prosperous liberty!

Let this word "_brother_," with all the dear ties comprized in that

word, be the impression I leave upon your hearts. Let this word,

"_brethren, remember!_" be my farewell.

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