[_Farewell Speech at St. Louis, March 15th_.]
Ladies and gentlemen: To-day is the fourth anniversary of the Revolution
in Hungary.
Anniversaries of Revolutions are almost always connected with the
recollection of some patriots, death-fallen on that day, like the
Spartans at Thermopylae, martyrs of devotion to their fatherland.
Almost in every country there is some proud cemetery, or some modest
tomb-stone, adorned on such a day by a garland of evergreen, the pious
offering of patriotic tenderness.
I past the last night in a sleepless dream. And my soul wandered on the
magnetic wings of the past, home to my beloved bleeding land, and I saw
in the dead of the night, dark veiled shapes, with the paleness of
eternal grief upon their brow, but terrible in the tearless silence of
that grief, gliding over the churchyards of Hungary, and kneeling down
to the head of the graves, and depositing the pious tribute of green and
cypress upon them; and after a short prayer rising with clenched fists,
and gnashing teeth, and then stealing away tearless and silent as they
came--stealing away, because the blood-hounds of my country's murderer
lurks from every corner on that night, and on this day, and leads to
prison those who dare to show a pious remembrance to the beloved.
To-day, a smile on the lips of a Magyar is taken for a crime of defiance
to tyranny, and a tear in his eye is equivalent to a revolt. And yet I
have seen, with the eye of my home-wandering soul, thousands performing
the work of patriotic piety.
And I saw more. When the pious offerers stole away, I saw the honoured
dead half risen from their tombs, looking to the offerings, and
whispering gloomily, "still a cypress, and still no flower of joy! Is
there still the chill of winter and the gloom of night over thee,
fatherland? are we not yet revenged? and the sky of the east reddened
suddenly, and quivered with bloody flames, and from the far, far west, a
lightning flashed like a star-spangled stripe, and within its light a
young eagle mounted and soared towards the quivering flames of the east,
and as he drew near, upon his approaching, the flames changed into a
radiant morning sun, and a voice from above was heard in answer to the
question of the dead:
"Sleep yet a short while; mine is the revenge. I will make the stars of
the west, the sun of the east; and when ye next awake, ye will find the
flower of joy upon your cold bed."
And the dead took the twig of cypress, the sign of resurrection, into
their bony hands and lay down.
Such was the dream of my waking soul, and I prayed, and such was my
prayer: "Father, if thou deemest me worthy, take the cup from my people,
and give it in their stead to me." And there was a whisper around me
like the word "Amen." Such was my dream, half foresight and half
prophecy; but resolution all. However, none of those dead whom I saw,
fell on the 15th of March. They were victims of the royal perjury which
betrayed the 15th of March. The anniversary of our revolution has not
the stain of a single drop of blood.
We, the elect of the nation, sat on that morning busily but quietly in
the legislative hall of old Presburg, and without any flood of
eloquence, passed our laws in short words, that the people shall be
free; the burdens of feudality cease; the peasant become free
proprietor; that equality of duties, equality of rights, shall be the
fundamental law; and civil, political, social, and religious liberty,
the common property of all the people, whatever tongue it may speak, or
in whatever church pray, and that a national ministry shall execute
these laws, and guard with its responsibility the chartered ancient
independence of our Fatherland.
Two days before, Austria's brave people in Vienna had broken its yoke;
and summing up despots in the person of its tool, old Metternich, drove
him away, and the Hapsburgs, trembling in their imperial cavern of
imperial crimes, trembling, but treacherous, and lying and false, wrote
with yard-long letters, the words, "Constitution" and "Free Press," upon
Vienna's walls; and the people in joy cheered the inveterate liars,
because the people knows no falsehood.
On the 14th I announced the tidings from Vienna to our Parliament at
Presburg. The announcement was swiftly carried by the great democrat,
the steam-engine, upon the billows of the Danube, down to old Buda and
to young Pesth, and while we, in the House of Representatives, passed
the laws of justice and freedom, the people of Pesth rose in peaceful
but majestic manifestation, declaring that the people should be free. At
this manifestation, all the barriers raised by violence against the
laws, fell of themselves. Not a drop of blood was shed. A man who was in
prison because he had dared to write a book, was carried home in triumph
through the streets. The people armed itself as a National Guard, the
windows were illuminated, and bonfires burnt; and when these tidings
returned back to Presburg, blended with the cheers from Vienna, they
warmed the chill of our House of Lords, who readily agreed to the laws
we proposed. And there was rejoicing throughout the land. For the first
time for centuries the farmer awoke with the pleasant feeling that his
time was now his own--for the first time went out to till his field with
the consoling thought that the ninth part of his harvest will not be
taken by the landlord, and the tenth by the bishop. Both had fully
resigned their feudal portion, and the air was brightened by the lustre
of freedom, and the very soil budding into a blooming paradise.
Such is the memory of the 15th of March, 1848.
One year later there was blood, but also victory, over the land; the
people, because free, fought like demi-gods. Seven great victories we
had gained in that month of March. On this very day, the remains of the
first 10,000 Russians fled, over the frontiers of Transylvania, to tell
at home how heavily the blow falls from free Hungarian arms. It was in
that very month that one evening I lay down in the bed, whence in the
morning Windischgrätz had risen: and from the battle-field (Isaszeg) I
hastened to the Congress at Debreczin, to tell the Representatives of
the nation: "It is time to declare our national independence, because it
is really achieved. The Hapsburgs have not the power to contradict it
more." Nor had they. But Russia, having experienced by the test of its
first interference, that there was no power on earth caring about the
most flagrant violation of the laws of nations, and seeing by the
silence of Great Britain and of the United States, that she may dare to
violate those laws, our heroes had to meet a fresh force of nearly
200,000 Russians. No power cheered our bravely won independence, by
diplomatic recognition; not even the United States, though they always
professed their principle to be that they recognise every de-facto
government. We therefore had the right to expect a speedy recognition
from the United States. Our struggle rose to European height, but we
were left alone to fight for the world; and we had no arms for the new
battalions, gathering up in thousands with resolute hearts and empty
hands.
The recognition of our independence being withheld, commercial
intercourse for procuring arms abroad was impossible--the gloomy feeling
of entire forsakedness spread over our tired ranks, and prepared the
field for the secret action of treachery; until the most sacrilegious
violation of those common laws of nations was achieved and the code of
"nature and of nature's God," was drowned in Hungary's blood. And I,
who on the 15th of March, 1848, saw the principle of full civil and
religious liberty triumphing in my native land--who, on the 15th of
March, 1849, saw this freedom consolidated by victories--one year later,
on the 15th of March, 1850, was on my sorrowful way to an Asiatic
prison.
But wonderful are the works of Divine Providence.
It was again in the month of March, 1851, that the generous
interposition of the United States cast the first ray of hope into the
dead night of my captivity. And on the 15th of March, 1852, the fourth
anniversary of our Revolution, guided by the bounty of Providence, here
I stand in the very heart of your immense Republic; no longer a captive,
but free in the land of the free, not only not desponding, but firm in
confidence of the future, because raised in spirits by a swelling
sympathy in the home of the brave, still a poor, a homeless exile, but
not without some power to do good to my country and to the cause of
liberty, as my very persecution proves.
Such is the history of the 15th of March, in my humble life. Who can
tell what will be the character of the next 15th of March?
Nearly two thousand years ago the first Caesar found a Brutus on the
Ides or 15th of March. May be that the Ides of March, 1853, will see the
last of the Caesars fall under the avenging might of a thousand-handed
Brutus--the name of whom is "the people"--inexorable at last after it
has been so long generous. The seat of Caesars was first in the south,
from the south to the east, from the east to the west, and from the west
to the north. That is their last abode. None was lasting yet. Will the
last, and worst, prove luckier? No, it will not. While the seat of
Caesars was tossed around and thrown back to the icy north, a new world
became the cradle of a new humanity, where in spite of the Caesars, the
genius of freedom raised (let us hope) an everlasting throne. The
Caesar of the north and the genius of freedom have not place enough upon
this earth for both of them; one must yield and be crushed beneath the
heels of the other. Which is it? Which shall yield?--America may decide.
Allow me to add a few remarks in dry and plain words, on other subjects.
It is not necessary to explain why I am attacked by Russia, Austria, and
their allies. But some of you, gentlemen, may have felt surprised to see
that two Hungarians have joined in the attack, both of whom accepted of
the office of ministers from my hands, and held that office under my
good pleasure, and from my will, till we all three proceeded into exile
on the same evening. My two assailants now live and act under the
protection of Louis Napoleon, who did not permit me even to pass through
France.
You may yet find perhaps some more joining them, but the number will not
be large. Oh! the bitter pangs of an exile's daily life are terrible. I
have seen many a character faltering under the constant petty care of
how to live, which stood firm like a rock under the storm of a quaking
world, therefore I should not be surprised to find yet some few joining
in those attacks, as I have neither means nor time to care for the wants
of individuals, not even of my own children. What I get is not mine, but
my country's; and must be employed to secure its future prospects; and
it may be that others may avail themselves of this circumstance, and
show some temporary compassion to private misfortune, _under the
condition of secession from me_, with the purpose of being then able
to say that the cause of Hungary is hopeless, because not even the
Hungarian exiles live in concord. That may happen thus with some few;
for hunger is painful: but few they will be. The immense majority of my
brother exiles will rather starve than yield to such a snare.
There may be some also that will fall victims to the craft of skilful
aristocratic diplomatists, who would fain keep or get the reputation of
liberal men, but without the necessity of becoming really liberal. That
class of influential persons may give some hope--even some half
indefinite promise of support to the cause of Hungary (which they never
intend to fulfil), under the condition of a peaceful compromise with the
House of Austria upon a monarchical-aristocratical basis, and not in
that way which I have proclaimed openly in England, knowing that every
root of the monarchical principle is torn out from the breasts of the
people of Hungary, so that we can never be knit again. Therefore the
future of Hungary can only be republican, and there is no door to that
future, but to continue the struggle. There may perhaps be some few
honest but weak men, who, weary of a homeless life, would fain return
home, even under the condition of monarchical-aristocratical compromise
which some skilful diplomatists make glitter into their eyes.
But as to those two who do good service to the tyrant of their and my
country, the very circumstance that they were silent when I (because a
prisoner) was not able to work much, but are trying to check my
endeavours, now that I am about to achieve something which can only
prove to be a benefit to Hungarians,--smaller or greater, but only a
benefit and in no case a harm; this very circumstance shows the nature
of their attacks. But as to the pretence, by which they try to lull to
sleep their own consciences, that was revealed to me by a copy of a
confidential communication of one of their silent associates to a
private circle of friends, where it is stated, that, as I have declared
exclusively for a republic, a party must be got up under the nominal
leadership of Bathyanyi, on a monarchical basis, _because my views
leave no hope to get home in an honourable manner, otherwise than by a
revolution_.
That is the key of the dispute. As to myself, I am a republican, and
will never be a subject to a king, any more than be a king myself. But I
love my country too sincerely to favour the course I would pursue, on my
own private sentiments alone. I know the Hapsburg, and I know my
country. I have weighed my people's revolution, wishes and will, and
weighed the condition of the only possible success. Upon this basis I
act, and am happy to say that the considerate prudence of a statesman,
and the duties of a patriot, not only act in full harmony with my own
personal republican convictions, but indeed cannot allow me in any other
course. Either freedom and our popular rights have no future, not only
in Hungary, but indeed in Europe, or that future will be, can be, and
shall be only republican for the Hungarians. It is more than foolish to
think that either an insurrectionary war can be prevented in Europe, or
that that war can terminate otherwise than either by a consolidated
despotism or republicanism. No other issue is possible. Therefore,
however mean be the private motives of the hostility of those, my very
few Hungarian enemies, I pity them. Out of too great a desire to get
home, they have made their return in every case impossible. Not all the
power of earth could afford them security at home against the
indignation of the people. Not, if I succeed to liberate my country,
for the people will consider them as traitors, who have done all they
could to prevent that liberation; not, if I should fail, because then
the people will believe that their counter-machinations are what caused
me to fail.
So much for them. But the confidence with which I look to the republican
freedom of Hungary has been confirmed, by considering how weak must the
case be of those who urge you to indifference, when they are forced to
resort to the argument that we have no chance of success.
I have often answered that objection, which in itself is a distrust in
God, in justice, in right, and in the blessings of humanity. Allow me
to-day in addition, only one remark. Two days ago the rumour was spread
that Louis Napoleon was killed. It was remarkable to see how those who
countenance despotism, grew livid by despair, and how those who doubt
about our success rose in spirits and in confidence. Some time ago a
similar false rumour caused almost a commercial crisis in the cotton
market of New Orleans. Now how can the security of that cause be
trusted, where the mere possible death of a single individual, and of
such an individual, can so crush every calculation upon the solidity of
the peace of oppression?
Allow me to draw your attention to a circumstance which one of your
countrymen, William Henry Trescott, of South Carolina, has recommended
to public attention, already in the year 1849, in his pamphlet, entitled
'A few Thoughts on the Foreign Policy of the United States.' The
position of the United States underwent an immense change, as soon as
your boundaries extended to the Pacific; extensive commercial relations
with Asia became a necessity. You feel it--the very movements now
commenced in respect to Japan bear witness to it. Let those movements be
completed, and whom will you meet? Russia. That is the old story.
Everybody who is willing to have some influence in the East must meet
Russia, whose sterling thought is to exclude all other powers from the
East.
England is to you the competitor in the commerce of the East; and
competitors may well have a fair field for them both; but Russia is not
a competitor there, she is an _enemy_. Look to the Mediterranean
Sea, and remember the everlasting thought of Russia to crush Turkey, and
to get hold of Constantinople. What is the key of this eternal fond
desire, inherited from Peter the Great? It is not the mere desire of
territorial aggrandizement; the real key is, that it is only by the
possession of Constantinople that Russia, a great territorial power
already, can become also a great maritime power. The Mediterranean is
what Russia wants, to be the mistress of Europe, Asia, of Africa, and of
the world. But the Sultan, sitting on the Bosphorus, confines the navy
of the Czar to the Black Sea, an interior lake, without any outlet but
by the beautiful Bosphorus. Constantinople taken, it is Russia which
controls the Mediterranean:--a circumstance of such immense importance,
that Mr. Trescott says, it would be a sufficient reason for direct and
positive interference--that is, for war.
There--there--_in Turkey, will be decided the fate of the world_.
Perhaps there will be not only the end, but also the beginning of the
end; and some American politicians say, the United States can do nothing
for Europe's liberty, but Turkey can,--holding only the Bosphorus
against an inroad from Sebastopol!--Turkey, with its brave four hundred
thousand men--the natural ally of all those European nations who will,
who must, struggle against Russian preponderance. How wonderful! The
Bosphorus in the hands of the Sultan, saves the world from Russian
dominion; and yet I am asked, what can America do for Europe? How many
men-of-war have you in the Mediterranean? I would you had more. Would
you had some other anchorage in the Mediterranean for your glorious
flag! Turkey has many a fine harbour, and a great deal of good will. The
Turkish Aghas now would not be afraid to see cheered, for instance, by
the inhabitants of Mytilene, the American flag, should it ever happen
that that flag were cast in protection around my humble self; nay, I am
sure they would smilingly join in the harsh but cordial "_khôsh
guelden, sepa gueldin_," which is more than a thrice welcome in your
language. But the word welcome reminds me that I have to say to you
farewell--and that is a sad word in the place where I have met so warm a
welcome, but it must be done. Can I hope to have the consolation of
knowing that in bidding farewell to my namesake city, I leave
high-minded men, who, remembering that they have seen the Hungarian
exile on the Ides of March, will have faith in the future of freedom's
just cause, and make the central city of the great United Republic the
centre of numerous associations of the friends of Hungary in the Great
West, whence I confidently hope the sun of freedom will move towards the
East.
Ladies and gentlemen, I bid you farewell, a heartfelt, affectionate
farewell.
[From St. Louis, Kossuth proceeded farther south; but we do not find any
novelty in his speech at New Orleans, March 30th. The most notable thing
in that meeting, is the cordial pronouncement of the Hon. E. W. Moise,
in the name of the City Authorities and People of New Orleans, in favour
of Hungary and Governor Kossuth: thus distinctly showing that the
commercial metropolis of the South sympathizes with European liberty
equally as the North. But it is sufficient here to have indicated the
fact.]
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