[_Pittsburg Festival, Jan. 26th_.]
Kossuth was received in the Masonic Hall, which was filled to
overflowing. After an eloquent address to him from the Chairman, A. W.
Loomis, Esq., he replied:
Sir, The highly interesting instruction which your kindness has afforded
me about that new and wonderful world of the West, in the entrance of
which I now stand, impresses me with a presentiment of unlooked for
events.
Since I have been in the United States, I have felt as if my guardian
angel whispered, that in _the West_ the hopes of my bleeding
country will be realized. It was an unconscious instinct,--a ray
shooting above the horizon from the yet unseen sun. You, sir, have shown
me the sun itself in full majesty. You have transformed my instinct into
conviction. Here then, upon the threshold of the West, I bow with awe
and joy, as the fireworshipper of old Persia to the source of life and
light.
It is indeed joyful, sir, as you said, to see politicians, sectarians,
philanthropists of all classes uniting in spontaneous sympathy for a
cause pleaded by a stranger. I recognize in it the bounty of Providence.
I see the truth revealed, that as magnetism pervades the universe, so
there is a sentiment, which, independent of party affections and
bubbling passion, pervades the breast of mankind; and that is, the love
of Freedom, Justice, and Right. The chord of Freedom passes through all
hearts, and whoever touches it, elicits harmony. The harmony is in the
chord, not in him who touches it. There is no skill in the breeze which
sweeps over the Aeolian harp, yet a sweet harmony bursts forth from its
vibrations. The harmony of sympathy which I meet is the most decisive
proof, gentlemen, that the cause which I plead is indeed the cause of
liberty, the love of which gushes up spontaneously in human bosoms.
Gentlemen, the cause of Hungary, even were it _not_ the cause of
Europe and of all earthly freedom, deserves your sympathy and active
protection. Like other free nations, we were brave. The Austrian dynasty
was perjured and treacherous; and our bravest bled on the scaffold.
Tyrannies are cruel: only the people knows how to be generous in
victory.--Let me rather say, the People _was_ generous: for the
future I hope it will be _just_. I hope this, not because there is
any deep truth in the Irish poet, who sang
"Revenge on a tyrant is sweetest of all:"
Not for that reason. But I hope that the oppressed nations will not
again stop half way, and sacrifice their future to untimely generosity;
for they have all paid too cruelly for the lesson, that _with tyrants
there is no faith_. So there must be no dealing with them.
Yet, Gentlemen, it is not for Hungary's worth, nor for Hungary's
sufferings that I claim protection for her; but because as in _her_
the law of nations has been strikingly trampled down, so in _her_
this law must be vindicated. Else, the league of despots will be able to
enforce it as a precedent against all free nations; no law will
henceforth be sure on earth, and oppression will rule the world.
It is indeed a new doctrine that all despots have a right to interfere
with every attempt of a people to regulate its own institutions; and
that oppression in each separate nation is to be upheld by a foreign
Czar. According to this, freedom and independence are everywhere
proscribed, as inconsistent with the security of absolutism,--to which
every other consideration is to yield.
I have been indeed astonished to meet the reply, that the cause which I
plead is not worthy of much consideration, "since, after all, it is only
the cause of _one country_!" I have read that the Borgias were wont
to say, that Italy is like the artichoke, which must be eaten leaf by
leaf. Let me tell those, with whom Hungary is but one leaf of the
artichoke, that the despot who is allowed to nibble each leaf
separately, will manage to dispose of the whole.
My opponents say; I myself confess my cause to be that of one country
only: for in claiming "non-interference," I show my desire to abandon
all other countries but my own to their oppressors! I may be permitted
to ask,--Is there any truth in the world which may not be distorted into
a mockery?
Russia is the strength of oppression. Her force in the background
emboldens every petty tyrant and makes every oppressed nation despond:
_not_ because she is so very powerful, but because all foresee
distinctly that she will act unshrinkingly in the tyrant's favour so
soon as he needs it. We fought, beat, crushed the Austrian emperor, of
course not without sacrifice. You know that your own brave Duquesne
Greys lost in one action more than half their men. Now, if after a
victory gained at such a price, Russia steps in with a fresh force, well
provided with every means of war, though that force be not such as one
could not resist, it is formidable as a rearguard, falling fresh upon a
nation exhausted with its very victories. Suppose that at the close of
your own Mexican victories, you had to meet a fresh host of 100,000
well-disciplined men, what would have been the fate of your gallant
army, which entered the city of Montezuma?
That is the key of Russian preponderance. But consider the consequences
of our defeat. Austria was restored,--_not_ to its independent
position--_that_ is lost forever; but, to the position of a tyrant
at home, obedient to the wink of his master abroad. Relying on the
precedent established by Russia,--Naples, Spain, and degraded France
interfered in ROME. After this, Austria and Prussia quarrelled for
German supremacy, but before they drew the sword, went to the Czar for
permission. The Czar at Warsaw replied: "I forbid you to quarrel.
Reconstruct the German confederacy of 1815 and add to it no
constitutional element. Send your two armies to HESSE CASSEL; crush the
people who there resist by law the Grand Duke's attempt to overthrow the
sworn Constitution. As to SCHLESWIG HOLSTEIN, I want to have it reserved
to Denmark, as a satrapy for my servant and nephew. The German
confederacy having dared to countenance its rebellion, shall be punished
by having to request Austria to send an army against it." So ordered the
Czar, and so it was done. And after it was done, the Czar ordered the
withdrawal of the pageant of a Constitution, which in the hour of need
the Emperor of Austria had promised to his empire. It was withdrawn.
When thus every popular movement was crushed, every shadow of freedom
withdrawn, the scaffolds of Hungary and Italy saturated with blood, the
prisons filled with martyrs, the exiles driven from every asylum in the
European continent, and Germany reduced to a condition worse than when
the Unholy Alliance was at the full tide,--_then_ the Czar wrote an
autograph letter to Louis Napoleon, the perjured President of France,
assuring him of his imperial grace and benevolent support, if he would
strike a deathblow to the French Republic. And Louis Napoleon struck the
blow.
Such are the results of the overwhelming preponderance of Russia,
imposed upon Europe by its interference in Hungary. Suppose now that I
succeed in my sacred mission,--sacred, because it is the cause of law
and of all the oppressed;--suppose Russian interference checked; then
Hungary will crush the tottering Austrian dynasty: Italy, delivered from
foreign dominion, will sportively dispose of its petty tyrants. The
nation of Austria will become free, and a valuable ingredient in German
liberty. At the result of a glorious struggle in Hungary, burning shame
will mount to the cheek of the French, and Louis Napoleon will be shaken
off.
Let interference by the combination of despots be checked, let nations
become masters of their own fate,--and rely upon the magic power of your
glorious example. Republican institutions will spread as the light of
the sun. Yes, gentlemen. It is not for _one_ country that I ask
your support. My ground is as broad as the world; for it is the ground
of eternal principles, common to all humanity. No man, on the pretext
that his heart is with some other nation,--German, Italian, Pole,
French; no man, on the pretext that he is a Universal philanthropist,
ought to refuse his sympathies to Hungary; for its cause happens in this
crisis to comprise the rest. If I were a Pole, a German, or an Italian,
egotistically patriotic, I could not serve my country better than by
attacking Russia, the only substantial enemy.
What would the petty princes of Germany have been in 1848 without
Prussia? and what was Prussia, when her capital was in the hands of the
people, but for the certainty of the Czar's support? What were the petty
despots of Italy without Austria? and what was Austria, when her armies,
driven from the soil of Hungary in a series of pitched battles, were so
demoralized, that nothing but the treacherous disobedience of a general
prevented our brave militia from extinguishing in Vienna and Olmutz the
decrepit absolutism of the Hapsburgs? What hindered _me_ from
afterwards crushing it? The intervention of Russian despotism,--always
the primal cause of evil.
Absolutism has understood and declared, that its repose is impossible,
whilst a free press and free institutions exist any where. Formerly the
absolutists adhered to the principle of "legitimacy," or, the Divine
right of an hereditary dynasty; and provided this false principle was
respected, they did not object to the development of constitutions which
preserved attachment to monarchies. But now they have thrown away their
own principle of dynastical legitimacy, and have no rule but to oppress
freedom everywhere. Whoever will join them in that work is welcome,
though he be a usurper. Thus it came to pass, that Henry of Bourbon was
rejected by the despots, while Louis Napoleon has received from the Czar
an autograph letter of approval, and from Austria complimentary gifts.
Will the United States remain inactive, while free institutions are
systematically extinguished? Can they look on indifferently, because
seventy years ago it was a wise doctrine, appropriate to their
childhood, not to care about European politics?
It is publicly reported, that Russia has decided to absorb Turkey; and
means to grant Italy to Austria; Belgium, and the Rhenish provinces to
France; and the rest of Germany to Prussia. The Czar, acting like the
Persian Kings of old when they sent garments of honour to their satraps,
flings in the addition of a few provinces of kingdoms to their
satrapies.
And oh! Almighty father of humanity! is there no power on earth to stop
this execrable annihilation of human and national rights, of freedom and
independence?--though there is a Republic powerful enough to do so--a
Republic founded upon the very principles which the despotic powers have
put under an inexorable ban!
Gentlemen, I have dwelt perhaps too long on the condition of Europe; but
it was necessary to show that though there be no Russian eagles, painted
over the public offices in Germany, Italy, France, still the Russian
frontier is really extended to the Atlantic.
People of free America, beware, ere it be too late! Hurriedly and by
sudden violence, all civil and religious liberty must, for the repose of
absolutism, be trampled out of Europe; and by more deliberate
perpetration, by diplomacy, persuasion, and gold, the way must be
prepared to trample it out elsewhere by ulterior violence.
And here I claim permission to say something about the most dangerous
power of Russia, its DIPLOMACY.
It is worthy of consideration that while Russia starves her armies and
underpays her officials, who live by peculation, still, abroad she
devotes greater resources to her diplomacy than any other power has ever
done.
Acting on the maxim that "men are not influenced by facts, but by
opinions respecting facts"--not by "things as they are," but by "things
as they are believed to be," she finds it easier and cheaper, through a
diplomatic agency, to impress the world with a belief in a strength she
has not, than to try to organize or attain that strength.
And to come to that aim, Russian diplomacy is not restricted to
diplomatic proceedings. Brilliant saloons of fascinating ladies, as well
as marriages, are equally departments of Russian diplomacy.
The secret-service money at the disposal of all other diplomatists, is
always limited, and has only been exceptionably used. But every Russian
diplomatist, in whom confidence is reposed, has _unlimited credit_,
and is allowed to disburse any sum to achieve an adequate result. Their
traditional experience teaches them how to attain their point; their
discretion can be relied on, and they understand every possible means of
reaching men directly and indirectly, pulling frequently the strings of
thoroughly unconscious puppets.
Constantinople is the great workshop of diplomatic skill, worthy of more
close interest than has hitherto been bestowed upon it from
America--because there will be struck the most dreadful blow to the
independence of Europe. In Constantinople, when Russia wishes to turn a
grand vizier out of office, it does not attack him: it praises him
rather, and spreads the rumour of having him in its pay; and it is sure
that foreign influential diplomatists will then turn out for it the
hated grand vizier. When on the other hand a grand vizier is wavering in
his position, and Russia likes him to continue in office, it attacks him
with ostentatious publicity.
Russia hates not always the man whom it appears to hate, and loves not
always the man whom it appears to love. Russian diplomacy is a
subterraneous power, slippery like a snake, burrowing like the mole; and
when it has to come out in broad daylight, it watches to the left when
it looks to the right. Russia gives instructions never to allow her to
be directly defended by the press. That would lead to discussion and
further exposure. With regard to herself, she wants silence--the silence
of the grave. But her agents devote months of scheming, and any sums
required to attack her opponents, to get up discord, or the appearance
of division amongst them, or to popularize any momentary view which
suits her policy, and she delights in doing so through apparently
hostile and therefore unsuspected agents.
Thus Russia is powerful by an army held ready as a rearguard to support
needy despots with; powerful by its ascendancy over the European
continent; powerful by having pushed other despots into extremities
where they have lost all independent vitality, and cannot escape
throwing themselves into the iron grasp of the Czar; but above all,
Russia is powerful by its secret diplomacy. Still this Colossus,
gigantic as it appears to be--like to the idol
"With front of brass but feet of clay,"
may be overturned--easily overturned, from its fragile pedestal, if the
glorious Republic of the United States opposes to it, with resolute
attitude, THE LAW OF NATIONS, and does not abandon principles in favour
of _accomplished_ criminal _facts_.
The mournful condition of Hungary seems to be pointed out by Providence
to the United States as an opportunity to save mankind from Russia
without any sacrifice at all; whereas if this opportunity be lost--I say
it with the inspiration of prophecy--there are many here in this Hall
who will yet see the day when the United States shall have to wrestle
for life and death with all Europe absorbed by Russia.
I know where I stand, gentlemen; I know your power and the indomitable,
heroic spirit of your people. It is not with the intention to create
apprehension that I say this: the people of the United States fears
nobody on earth. It may be that Russia, even after having absorbed
Europe, will not dare to attack the United States directly. But it may
be that it will dare even this. Some domestic dissension may come--(no
nation is safe against it)--the passion of particular interest may cause
some momentary discord. Russia will foster it, by its secret diplomacy,
to which nothing is sacred on earth; and when irritation comes to the
pitch, and the ties of affection become for a moment loose, then perhaps
Russia may step in at a moment of interior weakness, from which not the
greatest nations are exempt. Russia will begin by "_divido_," and
will perhaps come to "_impero_." All this may happen; I can say
neither yes nor no; but one thing I am sure of, and that is, that Russia
triumphant in Europe can and will attack you in your most vital
interests, and can hurt you mortally, _without even resorting to
war_.
Be sure, gentlemen, so soon as Russia has consolidated its undisputed
preponderance, the first step will be to exclude the commerce of America
from Europe by a prohibitory system of custom duties. It will do it; it
must do it. Firstly, because commerce is the convoyer of principles.
That is more sure yet than what a gentleman of New York so eloquently
said,--that "the _steam engine is a democrat_." Absolutism could
not for a single moment rule Europe with security, if Europe remained in
commercial intercourse with republican America. And secondly, Russia
will exclude your trade from Europe, because (and let the great valley
of the West mark it) because your immensely expanding agriculture is the
most dangerous competitor to Russian wheat, or corn, in the markets of
Europe. Either you must be excluded from the trade with Europe, or
Russia cannot find a market for its corn.
If you ask, _how soon_ is such an exclusion of your produce from
Europe by Russian influence possible? I reply: possibly within a single
year; for within a year, if we cannot recommence the struggle, Russia
may accomplish the partition of Europe. Principles can only be balanced
by principles--absolutism by republican institutions--unrighteous
interference by the law of nations--despotism by civil and religious
liberty. This is the cause which I advocate. It is not the cause of
Hungary alone; it is yours--it is the world's. It has a determination
as absolute and extreme as despotism.
Hungary would have been too content, if Russia had not interfered,
merely to defend herself against Austria, the immediate instrument of
her oppression. Now the independence of Europe, and the independence of
Hungary with it, can only be secured on the Moskwa, and on the Neva, in
the Kremlin, and in the great Hall of St. George.
For this purpose, in which you yourselves are so vitally interested, we
do not claim for you to fight our battles for us. Look to the nations of
Europe, groaning under Russia's weight. Look, in the first line to
Sweden, and from Sweden, across Poland to Hungary, and from Hungary to
Turkey, and to brave Circassia. Pronounce in favor of the law of
nations, with the determination which shows that you mean to act, and I
say, Russia _will_ respect your declaration, or else it will have a
war from Sweden down to Turkey and Circassia. So soon as it moves with
160,000 to 200,000 men against Hungary (and with less it could not), all
those nations will be aware that there is the last opportunity afforded
to them by Providence to shake off Russia's yoke, and they will avail
themselves of this opportunity--be sure of it. The momentary fall of
Hungary was too painful a lesson to them.
But again I am answered, "in case of such a war you will be entangled in
it." To this I say that you will have to fight a war single-handed and
alone, within less than five years against Russia and all Europe, if you
do not take the position which I humbly claim. But if you take this
position, the necessity of this war will be averted from you, and
Russian preponderance will be checked and your protestation respected,
without having to go to war. Because there is another sanction which you
may add to your protestation--a sanction powerful as a threat of war,
and yet no war at all. That sanction will be the declaration of
Congress, that, as the intervention of a foreign power in the domestic
affairs of any nation is a violation of the laws of nations, by the fact
of such intervention your neutrality laws of 1818 are suspended in as
far as the interfering or interference-claiming power is concerned. In
other words, that the citizens of the United States are at liberty to
follow their own inclination in respect to such a foreign power which
violates the laws of nations.
This sanction would be sufficient, because the enterprizing spirit of
your high-minded people is too well known not to be feared by all the
despots of the world.
Your laws, which forbid your citizens to partake in an armed expedition
abroad, are founded upon the sentiment, that to a foreign power with
which you are on terms of _amity_ the regards of friendship are
due. But you, without becoming inconsistent with your own fundamental
principles, cannot consider yourself to be in good friendship with a
power which violates the laws of nations: so you may well withdraw the
regards of friendship from it without resorting to war. Between
friendship and hostility there is yet a middle position--that of being
neither friend nor enemy--therefore permitting to every private
individual to act as he pleases.
Thus the conditional recall of your neutrality laws would enforce the
respect to your protestation without bringing your country into the
moral obligation to maintain your protestation by war. I hope those who
share my principles but hesitate to pronounce on account of the
possibility of a war, will be pleased to consider this humble
suggestion, and will see, that with my principles war will be averted
from the United States, and by opposing my principles the United States
will soon be forced into dangerous difficulties, out of which they
cannot be extricated but by a war, which they will have to fight
single-handed and alone.
[After this, Kossuth proceeded to speak on _Catholicism;_ but this
subject is treated afterwards more amply in his speech at St. Louis
against the Jesuits.]
* * * * *
While Kossuth was addressing his audience at Pittsburg, a special envoy
from Massachusetts arrived, Mr. Erastus Hopkins of Northampton, one of
the Representatives of the State Legislature. At the vote of the
Legislature, the Governor (Jan. 15th) deputed Mr. Hopkins to convey to
Kossuth a solemn public invitation; and at the close of Kossuth's speech
(Jan. 27th) permission was granted by the President of the evening to
allow Mr. Hopkins' credentials to be read; upon which that gentleman
said:--
"Mr. President, after the soul-stirring proceedings of this afternoon, I
dare hardly venture to obtrude upon your attention. It was indeed very
far from my expectation, when I came a pilgrim on a toilsome journey at
this inclement season of the year, that I would be enabled to mingle the
congratulations of the citizens of the 'Old Bay State' to Governor
Kossuth with those of the people of Alleghany County. But Sir, my
message, although not addressed to this meeting, is addressed to one,
whom we, in common with you, love, and whom we all delight to honour."
Turning to Kossuth, Mr. Hopkins then addressed him as follows:
"Governor Kossuth: I am directed by his Excellency the Governor of
Massachusetts to present to you the accompanying resolve of the
Legislature, inviting you to visit their capital during the present
session. The resolve is _in fact_, no less than in its terms, _in
the name and in behalf of the people of the commonwealth_.
"Having with this announcement delivered to you the documents entrusted
to my charge, I must be considered as having exhausted my official
functions. Yet, sir, having had the honour of introducing the resolve to
the Legislature of Massachusetts [cheers], and witnessing with pleasure
the unanimous and instant concurrence of her four hundred
representatives [renewed cheers], I will venture to add a few words
beyond the record--only such words, however, as cannot fail to be
consonant with the sentiment and hearts of her people.
"The people of Massachusetts would have you accept this act of her
constituted authorities as _no unmeaning compliment._ Never, in her
history as an independent State, with one single and illustrious
exception, has Massachusetts tendered such a mark of respect to any
other than the chief magistrates of these United States. And even in the
present instance, much as she admires your patriotism, your eloquence,
your untiring devotedness and zeal,--deeply as she is moved by your
plaintive appeals and supplications in behalf of your native and
oppressed land--greatly as she is amazed by the irrepressible elasticity
with which you rise from under the heel of oppression, with fortitude
increased under sufferings, with assurance growing stronger as the
darkness grows deeper [cheers], still, it is not one or all these
qualities combined that can lead her to swerve from her dignity as an
independent State to the mere worship of man. [Applause.] No! But it is
because she views you as the advocate and representative of certain
great _principles_ which constitute her own vitality as a
State;--because she views you as the representative of human rights and
freedom in another and far distant land,--it is because she views you as
the rightful but exiled Governor of a people, whose past history and
whose recent deeds show them to be worthy of some better future than
that of Russian tyranny and Austrian oppression,--that she seeks to
welcome you to her borders: that she seeks to attest to a gazing world
that to the cause of freedom she is not insensible, and that to the
oppression of tyrants she is not indifferent."
Mr. Hopkins then proceeded to recount the public glories of
Massachusetts, which he summed up in "Religion, Education, and
Freedom,--a tricolour for the world." He avowed Massachusetts to be "the
birth-place of American liberty;" and stated that her government is
carried on in 322 cities and townships, literally democratic assemblies,
which levy their own taxes, sustain their own schools, police, tribunals
&c., and receive and pay local funds four or five times larger than
those of the State treasury. "The seat of Government," said he, "is a
fiction in Massachusetts, save as it signifies the hearts of the people.
Come to her borders; witness the truth of all and more than I have
uttered; as you shall find it attested by our institutions, by the
plenitude of our hospitality, and by the acclamations of one million
souls."
Kossuth replied briefly, with thanks and cordial assent.
* * * * *