[_Speech at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on his Reception in the Capitol.
Jan. 14th_.]
On Jan. 14th Kossuth was received in Harrisburg, capital of
Pennsylvania, in the Capitol. Governor Johnston in the name of the
State, addressed to him a copious and energetic speech, in the course of
which he said:--
We have declared the law, that man is capable of self government, and
possesses the inherent and indestructible right of altering, amending,
and changing his form of government at his pleasure, and in furtherance
of his happiness. We have sworn hostility against every form of tyranny
over the mind of man. These truths we have made a part of the laws of
nations. Despots combine and interfere by force and fraud, to prevent
the erection of republican institutions by a nation struggling
successfully against its local usurping oppressor, for independence.
Fidelity to our principles and institutions demands that we PREVENT such
interference by solemnly proclaiming that the laws of nations and
humanity SHALL BE PRESERVED inviolate and sacred. In the performance of
this duty the faint-hearted may falter; the domestic despot and cold
diplomatist may linger behind; the man of world-extended and fearful
traffic may hesitate; but the warm and great heart of the American
masses will feel no moment of hesitation and doubt in defence of truth.
The great Author of nations will find the means to carry out His wise
designs. How glorious our destiny, if to us is given the solemn charge
of carrying into effect the beneficent purpose of Heaven in the
establishment upon earth of universal liberty, universal education,
universal happiness, and peace.
When Governor Johnston had concluded with a very cordial welcome,
Kossuth replied as follows:--
Senators and representatives of Pennsylvania.--I came with confidence, I
came with hope to the United States--with the confidence of a man who
trusts to the certainty of principles, knowing that where freedom is
sown, there generosity grows--with the hope of a man who knows that
there is life in his cause, and that where there is life there must be a
future yet. Still hope is only an instinctive throb with which Nature's
motherly care comforts adversity. We often hope without knowing why, and
like a lonely wanderer on a stormy night, direct our weary steps towards
the first glimmering window light, uncertain whether we are about to
knock at the door of a philanthropist or of a heartless egotist. But
the hope and confidence with which I came to the United States was not
such. There was a knowledge of fact in it. I did not know what
_persons_ it might be my fate to meet, but I knew that meet I
should with two living _principles_--with that of FREEDOM and that
of NATIONAL HOSPITALITY.
Both are political principles here. Freedom is expansive like the light:
it loves to spread itself: and hospitality here in this happy land, is
raised out of the narrow circle of private virtue into political wisdom.
As you, gentlemen, are the representatives of your people, so the people
of the United States at large are representative of European humanity--a
congregation of nations assembled in the hospitable Hall of American
liberty. Your people is linked to Europe, not only by the common tie of
manhood--not only by the communicative spirit of liberty--not only by
the commercial intercourse, but by the sacred ties of blood. The people
of the United States is Europe transplanted to America. And it is not
Hungary's woes alone--it is the cause of all Europe which I am come to
plead. Where was ever a son, who in his own happy days could
indifferently look at the sufferings of his mother, whose heart's blood
is running in his very veins? And Europe is the mother of the United
States.
I hope to God, that the people of this glorious land is and will ever
be, fervently attached to this their free, great and happy home. I hope
to God that whatever tongue they speak, they are and will ever be
American, and nothing but American. And so they must be, if they will be
free--if they desire for their adopted home greatness and perpetuity.
Should once the citizens of the United States cease to be Americans, and
become again English, Irish, German, Spanish, Italian, Danish, Swedish,
French--America would soon cease to be what it is now--freedom elevated
to the proud position of a power on earth.
But while I hope that all the people of the United States will never
become anything but Americans; and that even its youngest adopted sons,
though fresh with sweet home recollections, will know here no South, no
North, no East and no West--nothing but the whole country, the common
nationality of freedom--in a word, America; still I also know that blood
is blood--that the heart of the son must beat at the contemplation of
his mother's sufferings. These were the motives of my confident hope.
And here in this place I have the happy right to say, God the Almighty
is with me; my hopes are about to be realized. Sir, it is a gratifying
view to see how the generous sympathy of individuals for the cause which
I respectfully plead is rising into Public Opinion. But nowhere had I
the happy lot to see this more clearly expressed than in this great
commonwealth of Pennsylvania, the mighty "_keystone_ State" of the
Union. The people of Harrisburg spoke first: no city before had so
distinctly articulated the public sympathy into acknowledged principles.
It has framed the sympathy of generous instinct into a political shape.
I will for ever remember it with fervent gratitude. Then came the
Metropolis--a hope and a consolation by its very name to the
oppressed--the sanctuary of American Independence, where the very bells
speak prophecy--which is now sheltering more inhabitants than all
Pennsylvania did, when, seventy-five years ago, the prophetic bell of
Independence Hall announced to the world that free America was born;
which now, with the voice of thunder, will, I hope, tell the world that
the doubtful life of that child has unfolded itself into a mighty power
on earth. Yes, after Harrisburg, the metropolis spoke, a flourishing
example of freedom's self-developing energy; and after the metropolis,
now so mighty a centre of nations, and it ally of international
law--next came Pittsburg, the immense manufacturing workshop, alike
memorable for its moral power and its natural advantages, which made it
a link with the great valley of the West, a cradle of a new world, which
is linked in its turn to the old world by boundless agricultural
interests. And after the people of Pennsylvania have thus spoken, here
now I stand in the temple of this people's sovereignty, with joyful
gratitude acknowledging the inestimable benefits of this public
reception, where--with the elected of Pennsylvania, entrusted with the
Legislative and Executive power of the sovereign people, gather into one
garland the public opinion, and with the authority of their high
position, announce loudly to the world the principles, the resolution,
and the will of the two millions of this great Commonwealth. Sir, the
words your Excellency has honoured me with will have their weight
throughout the world. The jeering smile of the despots, which
accompanied my wandering, will be changed, at the report of these
proceedings, to a frown which may yet cast fresh mourning over families,
as it has cast over mine; nevertheless the afflicted will wait to be
consoled by the dawn of public happiness. From the words which your
Excellency spoke, the nations will feel double resolution to shake off
the yoke of despotism.
[Footnote: Philadelphia (_brotherly love_) is evidently intended.
"Metropolis" strictly means mother city, not chief city.]
The proceedings of to-day will, moreover, have their weight in the
development of public opinion in other States of your united Republic.
Governor! I plead no dead cause, Europe is no corpse: it has a future
yet, because it wills. Sir, from the window of your room, which your
hospitality has opened to me, I saw suspended a musket and a powder
horn, and this motto--"Material Aid." And I believe that the Speaker of
the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania is seated in that chair
whence the Declaration of American Independence was signed. The first is
what Europe wants in order to have the success of the second. Permit me
to take this for a happy augury; and allow me with the plain words of an
earnest mind, to give you the assurance of my country's warm,
everlasting gratitude, in which, upon the basis of our restored
independence, a wide field will be opened to mutual benefit, by friendly
commercial intercourse ennobled by the consciousness of imparted benefit
on your side, and by the pleasant duty of gratitude on the side of
Hungary, which so well deserves your generous sympathy.
* * * * *
XXII.--ON THE PRESENT WEAKNESS OF DESPOTISM.
[_Speech at the Harrisburg Banquet_.]
About three hundred persons sat down to dinner, a large portion of them
members of the legislature. Governor Johnston presided, assisted by
Ex-Senator Cameron. A toast complimentary to Governor Johnston having
been drunk with great enthusiasm, the Governor briefly responded. After
returning his thanks for the compliment, he alluded to the mission of
Kossuth. The great Magyar came here not for _sympathy_ alone, but
for _aid_ for the cause of republican freedom. He not only wanted
that, but encouragement of our government in aid of the cause of
down-trodden Hungary. No profession, but action was wanted; and he
exhorted his hearers never to cease acting, until the government took
the high ground necessary to secure to Hungary the simple justice she
demanded. In conclusion he gave the third toast:
"Hungary--Betrayed but not subdued; her constitution violated, her
people in chains, her chief in exile. The star of freedom will yet shine
through the dark night of her adversity."
Kossuth, in response, opened by lamenting that the perpetual claims upon
his time, and the pressure of sorrowful feelings on his heart, made it
impossible for him to study how to address them suitably. He proceeded
to say:
But to what purpose is eloquence here? Have you not anticipated my
wishes? Have you not sanctioned my principles? Are you not going on to
action, as generous men do, who are conscious of their power and of
their aim? Well, to what purpose, then, is eloquence here? I have only
to thank--and that is more eloquently told by a warm grasp of the hand
than by all the skilful arrangement of words.
I beg therefore your indulgence for laying before you some mere facts,
which perhaps may contribute to strengthen your conviction that the
people of the United States, in bestowing its sympathy upon my cause,
does not support a dead cause, but one which has a life, and whose
success is rationally sure.
Let me before all cast a glance at the enemy. And let those imposed upon
by the attitude of despotism in 1852, consider how much stronger it was
in 1847-8. France was lolled by Louis Philippe's politics, of "peace at
any price," into apathy. Men believed in the solidity of his government.
No heart-revolting cruelty stirred the public mind. No general
indignation from offended national self-esteem prevailed. The stability
of the public credit encouraged the circulation of capital, and by that
circulation large masses of industrious poor found, if not contentment,
at least daily bread. The King was taken for a prudent man; and the
private morality of his family cast a sort of halo around his house. The
spirit of revolution was reduced to play the meagre game of secret
associations; not seconded by any movement of universal interest--the
spirit of radical innovation was restrained into scientific polemic,
read by few and understood by fewer. There was a faith in the patriotic
authority of certain men, whose reputation was that of being liberal.
One part of the nation lived on from day to day without any stirring
passion, in entire passiveness; the other believed in gradual
improvement and progress, because it had confidence in the watchful care
of partizan leaders. The combat of Parliamentary eloquence was
considered to be a storm in a glass of water, and the highest aspiration
of parties was to oust the ministry and take their place. And yet the
prohibition of a public banquet blew asunder the whole complex like mere
chaff.
Germany was tranquil, because the honest pretensions of the ambition of
her statesmen were satisfied by the open lists of parliamentary
eloquence. The public life of the nation had gained a field for itself
in Legislative debates--a benefit not enjoyed for centuries. The
professors being transferred to the legislative floor, and the college
to the parliament, the nation was gratified by improvements in the laws,
and by the oratory of her renowned men, who never failed to flatter the
national vanity. It believed itself to be really in full speed of
greatness, and listened contented and quiet--like an intelligent
audience to an interesting lecture--even in respect to the unity of
great Germany. The custom-association (Zollverein) became an idol of
satisfied national vanity, and of cheerful hopes; science and art were
growing fast; speculative researches of political economy met an open
field in social life; men conscious of higher aims wandered afar into
new homes, despairing to find a field of action in their native land.
Material improvement was the ruling word, and the lofty spirit of
freedom was blighted by the contact of small interests.
And yet a prohibited banquet at Paris shook the very foundation of this
artificial tranquillity, and the princely thrones of Germany trembled
before the rising spirit of freedom, though it was groping in darkness,
because unconscious of its aim.
Italy--fair, unfortunate Italy--looking into the mirror of its ancient
glory, heaved with gloomy grief; but the sky of the heaven was as clear
and blue above, as it ever was since creation's dawn: and it sung like
the bird in a cage placed upon a bough of the blooming orange tree. And
then Pius IX, placing himself at the head of Italian regeneration,
became popular as no man in Rome since Rienzi's time, In 1848 men heard
with surprise, on the coast of the Adriatic, my name coupled in
_vivas_ with the name of Pius IX. But the sarcasm of Madame De
Stael--that in Italy men became women--was still believed true; so that
too many of the Italians themselves despaired of conquering Austria
without Charles Albert.
Austria had not for centuries, and Prussia never yet has, experienced
what sort of a thing a revolution is, and the falling of the vault of
the sky would have been considered less improbable than a popular
revolution in Berlin or Vienna, where Metternich ruled in triumphant
proud security.
The house of Austria was considered as a mighty power on earth;
respected, because thought necessary to Europe against the preponderance
of Russia. No people under the dominion of this dynasty, had a national
army, and all were divided by absurd rivalries of language, kept up by
Metternich's Machiavelism. The nations were divided; none of them was
conscious of its strength, but all were aware of the united strength of
a disciplined and large imperial army, the regiments of which had never
yet fought one against another, and never yet had broken the spell of
the black and yellow flag by tearing it to pieces with their own hands.
And yet, when Paris stirred and I made a mere speech in the Hungarian
Parliament, the house of Austria was presently at the mercy of the
people of Vienna; Metternich was driven away, and his absolutism
replaced by a promise of constitutional life.
In Gallicia the odium connected with the despotic Austrian rule had, by
satanic craft, been thrown upon those classes which represent the
ancient Polish nationality; and the well-deserved hatred of aristocratic
oppression, though living only in traditional remembrances, had
prevailed in the sentiments of the common people over the hatred against
Austria, though despotic and a stranger; so much so, that, to triumph
over the ill-advised, untimely movement of 1846, Austria had nothing to
do but open the field to murder, by granting a two dollars' reward for
every head of a Polish land proprietor.
And in Hungary the people of every race was equally excluded from all
political right--from any share of constitutional life. The endeavours
of myself and my friends for internal improvements--for emancipation of
the peasantry--for the people's restoration to its natural rights in
civil, political, social, and religious respects, were cramped by the
Hapsburg policy. But the odium of this cramping was thrown by Austria
upon our own conservative party: and thus our national force was divided
into antagonistic elements.
Besides, the idea of Panslavism and of national rivalries, raised by
Russia and fostered by Austria, diverted the excitement of the public
mind from the development of common political freedom. And Hungary had
no _national_ army. Its regiments were filled with foreign elements
and scattered over foreign countries, while our own country was guarded
with well-disciplined foreign troops. And what was far worse than all
this, Hungary, by long illegalities corrupted in its own character,
deprived of its ancient heroic stamp, germanized in its saloons, sapped
in its cottages and huts, impressed with the unavoidable _fatality_
of Austrian sovereignty, and the knowledge of Austrian power, secluded
from the attention of the world, which was scarcely aware of its
existence,--Hungary had no hope in its national future, because it had
no consciousness of its strength, and was highly monarchical in its
inclinations, and generous in its allegiance to the King. No man
dreamed of the possibility of a revolution there, and he who would have
suggested it would only have gained the reputation of a madman.
Such was the condition of Europe in the first half of February, 1848.
Never yet seemed the power of despots more steady, more sure. Yet, one
month later, every throne on the continent trembled except the Czar's.
The existence of dynasties depended upon the magnanimity of their
people, and Europe was all on fire.
And in what condition is Europe now? Every man on earth is aware that
things cannot endure as they are. _Formerly millions believed that a
peaceful development of constitutional monarchy was the only future
reserved for Europe. Now nobody on the European continent any longer
believes that constitutional monarchy can have a future there._
Absolutist reaction goes with all that arrogance which revolts every
sentiment, and infuriates the very child in its mother's arms. The
promise, the word, the oath of a king are become equivalent to a lie and
to perjury. Faith in the morality of kings is plucked out, even to the
last root, from the people's heart.
The experiment of constitutional concessions was thought dangerous to
the dynasties, as soon as they became aware that the people of Europe is
no imbecile child, that can be lulled to sleep by mockery; but that it
will have reality. Thus the kings on the greater part of the continent,
throwing away the mask of liberal affectations, deceived every
expectation, broke every oath, and embarked with a full gale upon the
open sea of unrestricted despotism. They know that Love they can no
longer get; so we have been told openly, that _they will not have_
LOVE, _but_ MONEY, to maintain large armies, and keep the world in
servitude. On the other hand, the nations, assailed in their moral
dignity and material welfare, degraded into a flock of sheep kept only
to be shorn--equally with the kings detest the mockery of constitutional
royalty which has proved so ruinous to them.
Royalty has lost its sacredness in France, Germany, Italy, Austria, and
Hungary. Both parties equally recognize that the time has come when the
struggle of principles must be decided. Absolutism or republicanism--the
Czar or the principles of America--there is no more compromise, no more
truce possible. The two antagonist principles must meet upon the narrow
bridge of a knife-edge, cast across the deep gulf which is ready to
swallow him who falls. It is a struggle for life and death.
That is the condition of the European continent in general. A great,
terrible, bloody uprising is unavoidable. That is known and felt by
every one. And every sound man knows equally well that the temporary
success of Louis Napoleon's usurpation has only made the terrible crisis
more unavoidable. Ye men of "peace at any price," do not shut your eyes
wilfully to the finger of God pointing to the _mene, tekel,
upharsin_ written with gigantic letters upon the sky of Europe.
Despots never yield to justice; mankind, inspired with the love of
freedom, will not yield up its manhood tamely. Peace is impossible.
Gentlemen, the success of my mission here may ensure the victory of
freedom; may prevent torrents of martyrs' blood; may weaken the
earthquake of impending war; and restore a solid peace. But be sure, the
certainty of the European struggle does not depend upon your generous
support; nor would my failure here even retard the outbreak of the
hurricane.
Should we, not meeting here with that support, which your glorious
Republic in its public capacity and your generous citizens in their
private capacity can afford without jeopardizing your own welfare and
your own interest (and assuredly it never came into my mind to desire
more)--should we, meeting with no support here, be crushed again, and
absolutism consolidate its power upon the ruins of murdered nations, I
indeed cannot but believe that it would become a historical reproach of
conscience, lying like an incubus upon the breast of the people of the
United States from generation to generation. I mean, the idea, that had
you not withheld that support which you might have afforded consistently
with your own interest, Hungary perhaps would be a free, flourishing
country, instead of being blotted out from the map; and Europe perhaps
free, and absolutist tyranny swept from the earth.
You then would in vain shed a tear of compassion over our sad fate, and
mourn over the grave of nations: nor only so; but the victory of
absolutism could not fail to be felt even here in your mighty and
blessed home. You would first feel it in your commercial intercourse,
and ere long you would become inevitably entangled; for as soon as the
Czar had secured the submission of all Europe, he would not look
indifferently upon the development of your power, which is an embodiment
of republican principles.
I am not _afraid_ to answer the question, as to what are our means
and chances of success--but prudence commands me to be discreet. Still,
some considerations I may suggest.
The spell of Austria is broken. It is now notorious that the might of
the dynasty, though disciplined, well provided, and supported by deluded
races, which had been roused to the fury of extermination against us--it
is now notorious that all this satanically combined power proved unable
to withstand the force of Hungary, though we were surprized and
unprepared, and had no army and no arms, no ammunition, no money, no
friends, and were secluded and forsaken by the whole world. It was
proved that Austria could not conquer us Magyars, when we were taken
unaware; who can believe that we could not match her now that we are
aware and predetermined? Yes, if unprepared in material resources, we
are yet prepared in self-consciousness and mutual trust; we have learned
by experience what is required for our success.
In former times Hungary was the strength of Austria. Now, Austria is
weak, _because_ it has occupied Hungary. It was strong by the unity
of its army, the power of which was founded upon the confidence in this
unity. That confidence is broken, since one part of that army raised the
tri-colour flag, and cast to the dust the double-headed eagle, the black
and yellow flag, which was the emblem of the army's unity.
Formerly the Austrian army believed that it was strong enough to uphold
the throne; now it knows that it is nothing by itself, and rests only
upon the support of the Czar. That spirit-depressing sentiment is so
diffused among the troops, that, only take the reliance upon Russia
away, or make it doubtful whether Russia will interfere or not, and the
Austrian army will disperse and fall asunder almost without any fight;
because it knows that it has its most dangerous enemies within its own
ranks; and is so far from having any cement, that no man, himself
attached to that perjured dynasty, can trust the man beside him in the
ranks, but watches every movement of his arm. In such an army there is
no hope for tyrants.
The old soldiers feel humiliated by the issue of our struggle. They are
offended by having no share in the reward thrown away on despised court
favourites. The old Croat regiments feel outraged in their national
honour by being deceived in their national expectations. The recruits
brought with them recollections of their bombarded cities and of the
oppression of their families; and in that army are 140,000 Hungarians
who fought under our tri-coloured flag against Austria, and whose
burning feelings of national wrong are inspired by the glorious memory
of their victories.
Oh, had we had in 1848 such an army of disciplined soldiers as Austria
itself keeps now for us, never had one Cossack trod the soil of Hungary,
and Europe would now be free. Or, let Austria dismiss them, and they
will be disciplined soldiers at home. The trumpet of national
resurrection will reach them wherever they are.
Hungary has the conviction of her strength. _The formerly hostile
races, all oppressed like us, now feel themselves to have been deceived,
and unite with us._ We have no opposite party in the nation. Some
there are, ambitious men, or some incorrigible aristocrats perhaps: but
these are no party; they always turn towards the sun, and they melt away
like snow in March.
And besides Hungary, the people in Austria too, in Italy, in Prussia, in
all Germany, is conscious of its strength. Every large city on the
continent has been in the power of the people, and has had to be
regained by bombardings and by martial law. Italy has redeemed its
heroic character, at Milan, Venice, Brescia, and Rome--all of them
immortal pages in Italian history, glorious sources of inspiration,
heroism, and self-conscious strength. And now they know their aim, and
are united in their aim, and burn to show to the world that the spirit
of ancient Rome again rises in them.
And then to take into consideration the financial part. Without money
there is no war. Now, the nations, when once engaged in the war, will
find means enough for home-support of the war in the rich resources of
their own land; whereas the despots lose the disposal of those resources
by the outbreak of insurrection, and are reduced entirely to foreign
loans, which no emperor of Austria will find again in any new
revolution.
And, mark well, gentlemen, every friendly step by which your great
republic and its generous people testifies its lively interest for our
just cause, adding to the prospects of success, diminishes the credit of
the despots, and by embarrassing their attempts to find loans, may be of
decisive weight in the issue.
Though absolutism was much more favourably situated in 1847 than in
1851, it was overtaken by the events of 1848, when, but for the want of
unity and concert, the liberal party must have triumphed everywhere.
That unity and concert is now attained; why should not absolutism in
1852 be as easily shaken as in 1848!
The liberal cause is stronger everywhere, because conscious of its aim
and prepared. Absolutism has no more bayonets now than in 1848. Without
the interference of Russia our success is not only probable, but is
almost sure.
And as to Russia--remember, that if at such a crisis she thinks of
subduing Hungary, she has Poland to occupy, Finland to guard, Turkey to
watch, and Circassia to fight.
Herein is the reason why I confidently state, that if the United States
declare that a new intervention of Russia will be considered by your
glorious republic a violation of the law of nations, that declaration
will be respected, and Russia will not interfere.
Be pleased to consider the consequence of such renewed interference,
after the passive acceptance of the first has proved so fatal to Europe,
and so dangerous even to England itself. We can scarcely doubt, that, if
ever Russia plans a new invasion, England could not forbear to encourage
Turkey, not to lose again the favourable opportunity to shake off the
preponderance of Russia. I have lived in Turkey. I know what enthusiasm
exists there for that idea, and how popular such a war would be. Turkey
is a match for Russia on the continent. The weak point of Turkey lies in
the nearness of Sevastopol, the Russian harbour and arsenal, to
Constantinople. Well, an English fleet, or an American fleet, or both
joined, stationed at the mouth of the Bosphorus, may easily prevent this
danger without one cannon's shot; and if this be prevented, Turkey alone
is a match for Russia. And Turkey would not stand alone. The brave
Circassians, triumphant through a war of ten years, would send down
80,000 of their unconquerable horsemen to the plains of Moscow. And
Poland would rise, and Sweden would remember Finland and Charles the
XII. With Hungary in the rear, screened by this very circumstance from
her invasion, and Austria fallen to pieces from want of foreign support,
Russia _must_ respect your protest in behalf of international law,
or else she will fall never to rise again.
Gentlemen, I thank you for the patience with which you have listened to
this exposition--long and tedious, because I had no time to be brief.
And begging leave to assure you of my lasting gratitude for all the
generous favours you have been and will yet be pleased to bestow upon my
cause, let me proclaim my fervent wishes in this sentiment:
"Pennsylvania, the Keystone State--May it, by its legitimate influence
upon the destinies of this mighty power on earth, and by the substantial
generosity of its citizens, soon become the keystone of European
independence."
Hon. J. H. Walker, Speaker of the Senate, and several other speakers
followed, all decidedly sympathizing with the Hungarians, and advocating
intervention for non-intervention.
The speaking continued until after midnight.
* * * * *