General and gentlemen,--I accept with the highest gratitude, the honour
to meet the first division of the New York State Militia, who having, in
their capacity of citizen soldiers, honoured me on my arrival by their
participation in the generous welcome which I met with, have also, by
the military honour bestowed on me, so much contributed to impart to
this great demonstration that public character which cannot fail to
prove highly beneficial to the cause which I hold up before the free
people of this mighty republic, and which I dare confidently to state is
the great question of freedom and independence to the European
continent. I entreat you, gentlemen, not to expect any elaborate speech
from me, because really I am unprepared to make one. You are citizen
soldiers, a glorious title, to which I have the ambition of aspiring;
so, I hope you will kindly excuse me, if I endeavour to speak to you
_as_ soldiers. Do you know, gentlemen, what is the finest speech I
ever heard or read? It is the address of Garibaldi to his Roman soldiers
in the last war, when he told them:--"Soldiers, what I have to offer you
is fatigue, danger, struggling, and death--the chill of the cold night,
the open air, and the burning sun--no lodgings, no munitions, no
provisions--but forced marches, dangerous watchposts, and continual
struggling with bayonets against batteries. Let those who love freedom
and their country, follow me." That is the most glorious speech I ever
heard in my life. But, of course, that is no speech for to-day. I will
speak so, when I again meet the soldiers of Hungary, to fight once more
the battle of freedom and independence. [After various compliments to
General Sandford on the appearance of his soldiers, and the good order
of the republic, Kossuth continued as follows:] I thank you for the
explanation of the organization and discipline of this gallant division.
Europe has many things to learn from America. It has to learn the value
of free institutions--the expansive power of freedom--the practical
value of local self-government, as opposed to centralization. But one of
the most important lessons you give to Europe, is in the organization of
the militia of the United States. You have the best organized army in
the world, and yet you have scarcely a standing army at all. That is a
necessary thing for Europe to learn from America---that great standing
armies must cease. But they can cease, only _then_, when the nations
are free; for great standing armies are not national institutions, they
are the instruments of dynastic violence or foreign despotism. The
existence of tyranny imposes on Europe great standing armies. When the
nations once become free, they will not want them, because they will not
war with each other. Freedom will become a friendly link among nations.
But as far as they may want them, your example shows that a popular
militia, like yours, is the mightiest national Defence. Thirty-seven
years ago a great battle was fought at New Orleans, which showed what a
defence your country has in its militia. Nay more, your history proves
that this institution affords the most powerful means of Offensive war,
should war become indispensable. I am aware, gentlemen, that your war
with Mexico was chiefly carried on by volunteers. I know what a
distinguished part the volunteers of New York took in that war. And who
were these volunteers? Who were those from New York city, and of other
regiments? They were of your militia, the source of that military spirit
which is the glory of your country, and its safety when needed in time
of war or social disorder. I learned all this from the United States,
and it was my firm intention to carry out this militia organization in
Hungary. My idea was and still is to do so, and I will endeavour, with
the help of God, to carry it out.
My idea is, there are duties towards one native land common to every
citizen, and public instruction and education must have such a direction
as to enable every citizen to perform them. One of these duties is to
defend it in time of danger, to take up arms for its freedom and
independence and security. My idea is to lay such a foundation for
public instruction, in the schools, that every boy in Hungary shall be
educated in military skill, so much as is necessary for the defence of
his native land, and those who feel inclined to adopt the profession of
arms, might complete their education in higher public schools and
universities, as is the case in the professions of the bar, and physic,
and the pulpit. But I would have no distinction among the citizens. To
defend our country is a common duty, and every one must know how to
perform it. Taking the basis of your organization as an example for
Hungary, Hungary would have at least one million of men ready to defend
it against the oppression of any power whatever. That the militia of
Hungary, thus developed, would be the most solid guardian of my
country's freedom and independence, we have shown in our past struggles.
The glorious deeds which the unnamed heroes of the people achieved,
proves what with previous preparation they could do in defence of their
native land. Often they have gone into battle without knowing how to
fire or cock a musket; but they took batteries by their bayonets, and
they achieved glorious deeds like those that are classed among the deeds
of immortality. We have not either wish or inclination for conquest. We
are content with our native land if it be independent and free. For the
maintenance of that independence and freedom, we established by law the
institution of the National Guard. It is like your militia. I consider
the organization to be like a porcupine, which moves on its own road
quietly, but when attacked or when danger approaches, stretches forth
its thorns. May God Almighty grant that I may soon see developed in my
native land, the great institution of a National Guard!
The power of Hungary, thus established, is a basis indispensable to the
freedom of Europe. I will prove this in a few words. The enemy of
European freedom is Russia. Now, can Hungary be a barrier to secure
Europe against this power of Russia? I answer: yes. You are a nation of
twenty-four millions, and you have an organized militia of some three
millions; Hungary is a nation of fifteen millions, and at least can have
one million of brave citizen soldiers. I hope this may be regarded,
then, as a positive proof of what I say about the ability of Hungary to
resist the power of despotism, and defend Europe against Russian
encroachments. Another thing is, the weakness of Russia herself; for she
is not so strong as people generally believe. It has taken her whole
power to put down Hungary, and all she can raise consists of 750,000
men. Then you must consider that the Russian territory is of immense
extent, and that its population is oppressed; tranquillity and the order
of the grave,--not the order of contentment,--is kept in Russia itself,
only by the armed soldiery of the Czar. Now, it is not much when I say
that 250,000 men are indispensable to keep tranquillity in the interior
of that empire; 100,000 men are necessary to guard its frontiers
extending from Siberia to Turkey; 100,000 to keep down the heroic spirit
of oppressed Poland, Take all this together, and you will see that
Russia scarcely can, at the utmost, employ 300,000 men in a foreign war,
and, really, it had not more engaged, as history will prove, in the
greatest struggle it made for existence--it could not bring more into
the field. The million of citizen soldiers would not require to be so
brave as they are, to be a match for those 300,000 men; and, therefore,
the first result of restored independence in Hungary would be--should
the Czar once more have the arrogant intention to put his foot upon
mankind's neck, as he blasphemously boasted he had the authority of God
to do--the repression of his power by Hungary. Not only would it be
repressed, but Hungary could assault him in a quarter where she would
find powerful allies. His financial embarrassments are very great, for
you know that even in the brief war in Hungary he was necessitated to
raise a loan in England. We should have for our allies the oppressed
people, and our steps would be marked by the liberation of all who are
now enslaved. First among our allies would be the Polish nation, which
is not restricted to the Poland of the maps, but extends through the
wide provinces of Gallicia, Lithuania, &c. These are proofs that the
might of Russia is not so immense that it should intimidate a nation
fighting in a just cause. With Hungary once free, Russia would never
dare to threaten European liberty again.
But if Russia is so weak as I have shown her to be, why, you may say, do
I ask your support and aid against her interference? Because Russia is
only thirty hours' distance from Hungary, and one of her large armies
stands prepared to move at any time against the liberties of our people,
before we could have time to develop our resources. This is the motive
why I ask, in the name of my country, the great and beneficial support
of the United States to check and prevent Russian interference in
Hungary, so that we may have _time_ to erect it into an
insurmountable barrier and impregnable fortress against the despotism of
the Czar. This, I say, is the reason why I claim aid from the United
States, and ask it to assume its rightful executive in the police of
nations. That is the only glory which is wanting to the lustre of your
glorious stars. The militia of the United States having been the
assertors of the independence and liberties of this country and the
guardians of its security, have now scarcely any other calling; and I
confidently hope, that being your condition, you will not deny your
generous support to the great principle of non-interference, in the next
struggle which Hungary will make for freedom and independence, which
even now is felt in the air, and is pointed out by the finger of God
himself. My _second_ earnest wish and hope is, that the people will
see that their commerce with other people, whether in revolution or not,
shall be secured. It is not so much my interest as it is your right; and
I hope the militia of the United States will ever be ready to protect
oppressed humanity. My _third_ humble claim is, that this great
republic shall recognize the legitimate independence of Hungary. The
militia of this country fought and bled for that principle upon your own
soil; so, by the glory of your predecessors--by all the blessings which
have flowed from your struggle, which make your glory and happiness--you
will feel inclined to support this my humble claim for the recognition
of the legitimate independence of my fatherland.
I thank you for the generous sympathy, and for the reception and welcome
of my companions, the devoted sons of Hungary, who were ready to
sacrifice life and fortune to the independence of their native land.
There are several among them who were already soldiers before our
struggle, and they employed their military skill in the service of their
country. But there were others who were not soldiers, yet whose
patriotism led them to embrace the cause of their native land, and they
proved to be brave and efficient supporters of the freedom for which
they fought. Thanking you for the sympathy you have expressed for them,
I promise you, gentlemen, that they will prove themselves worthy of it.
I will point out to them the most dangerous places, and I know they will
acquit themselves honourably and bravely. As to myself, I have here a
sword on my side given to me by an American citizen. This being a gift
from a citizen of the United States, I take it as a token of
encouragement to go on in that way by which, with the blessing of
Almighty God, I shall yet be enabled again to see my fatherland
independent and free. I swear here before you, that this American sword
in my hand shall be always faithful in the cause of freedom--that it
shall be ever foremost in the battle--and that it shall never be
polluted by ambition or cowardice.
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