[_Speech to the New York Militia, December 16th._]
The First Division, consisting of four brigades, was presented to
Kossuth in the Castle Garden. Major-General Sandford then proceeded to
address Kossuth as follows:--
Governor Kossuth:--It is with no ordinary feeling of gratification that
I have this opportunity of addressing you, in the name and on behalf of
the citizen soldiers of the city of New York. With an unbounded
admiration of your devotion to the great cause of constitutional
liberty, and of that indomitable firmness with which you have persevered
under all circumstances in sustaining it, they were most happy to
testify, upon your arrival in our city, their sense of your services in
that cause which they are organized to sustain, and now they are again
assembled to greet you with a heart-felt welcome, and to listen to the
voice of one whom they have learned to respect, to love, and to
venerate. The body of men now presented to you, about five thousand in
number, represents the First Division of New York State Militia. The
division enrols about fifty thousand men in this city and upon Staten
Island, and the law of our State only imposes upon the general body the
duty of appearing armed and equipped once in each year, at an annual
parade appointed for that purpose. But out of this large number the law
provides for the organization of those who are willing and desirous to
acquire that degree of military science, to fit them, upon any sudden
emergency of domestic insurrection or of foreign aggression, to sustain
the laws and support the institutions of our country. They uniform and
equip themselves at their own expense, and they serve without pay,
satisfied with the consciousness that they are discharging a duty to
their country, and qualifying themselves to sustain the honour of our
flag and the freedom won by our fathers. They represent fairly all
classes of our citizens. Our hard-working and ingenious mechanic--our
enterprising and energetic merchant--our intelligent professional
men--our grocers, butchers, bakers, and cartmen, are all to be found in
our ranks, exhibiting in public spirit, energy, and intelligence, a body
of men not to be surpassed, even in this country of active enterprise
and widely diffused intelligence. It is amongst such men, devoted to
such a service, that, you may feel well assured, the intelligence of the
noble struggle of the Hungarian people for their rights and liberties
was received with the deepest feeling, and the progress of your contest
watched with the most earnest solicitude. They exulted in your
victories as the triumph of freedom over oppression and despotism--they
saw in your almost superhuman energies and dauntless courage the hearts
of a people determined to be free. They rejoiced that a great nation,
with kindred principles and institutions, was established as an
independent republic amidst the despotisms of Europe. But, alas! all
their hopes and anticipations were blasted. Such an example amidst the
down-trodden subjects of the arbitrary governments of Europe, was viewed
with alarm by their despotic rulers, and the enslaved hordes of the
imperial Russian were hurled upon the free sons of Hungary. Even with
such mighty odds, we should not have despaired for Hungary, had she been
afforded but one year of peaceful preparation to complete her
organization and develop her resources. Her gallant sons upon her own
soil, and battling for their homes, their altars, and their
independence, would have been unconquerable. But treason and despotism
combined, triumphed over freedom. Then commenced a scene of horrors and
cruelty, such as despots only and the minions of despots can perpetrate.
Hungarian liberty may be cast down, but cannot be destroyed. The sacred
flame burns unquenched in the hearts of the people, and will again burst
forth, a glorious light to enlighten the nation--but a consuming fire to
their oppressors. But when? and how shall this be accomplished? Sir, we
believe and feel with you that this will be accomplished whenever the
free people of America, uniting with those kindred nations of Europe
which sustain and shall secure free institutions, will support and
insist upon that great moral principle of international law which you
have recently so eloquently and ably expounded--that one nation should
not interfere with the domestic concerns of another. Establish this
great and just principle, and Hungary would again assume her station
among the nations of the earth--free and independent. Establish this
great principle, and Germany and Italy would also soon be free. Sir, we
believe in this great principle; we believe it to be a principle of
justice and humanity; we believe it to be the inalienable right of every
people to establish such forms of government as are best adapted to
their condition, and as they may deem best calculated to ensure their
own rights, liberties, and pursuit of happiness. And we believe that
this great principle of international law should be the basis of the
intercourse of nations, and that we have no more right to make free with
the forms of government of other nations, than with their forms of
religion. But this principle being conceded and established, how is it
to be enforced? How are the despotic dynasties of Europe to be prevented
from lending their combined energies to crush every germ of freedom
amongst those who, if left to themselves, would, like Hungary, be free
and independent. Solely by the method which you have so ably developed.
Solely by inducing those nations which are strong enough to maintain the
principles of international law--to unite in their support, and by such
union, effectually to guarantee the peace of the world. To effect this
most desirable object, you have adopted the true method. You would
operate upon the public opinion, and public opinion operating upon free
government, creates and establishes public and international law. But
when we see this great principle of non-intervention violated--when we
see a free and united people crushed and trampled upon by foreign
despots, because they have dared to proclaim and establish equal rights
and privileges as the basis of their own institutions, must we look
tamely on and see the life-blood of freedom crushed out by the iron heel
of barbaric despotism, and hear the death-groans of the brave and free
without daring to express our feelings or to extend the hand of sympathy
and comfort to the suffering sons of liberty? No! in the name of
outraged justice and humanity, no! We will openly, warmly, and freely
express our sympathy in the cause of freedom, and our approbation of the
devotion, the endurance, and the gallantry of her sons. We will, by all
constitutional modes, endeavour to sustain those principles, which will
terminate this outrage upon the sacred laws of justice and humanity. We
will further aid this cause by contributing our share to the
contributions offered by our people to enable you to advance the
establishment of those principles so important to the emancipation of
your beloved Hungary, and so essential to the preservation of civil and
religious liberty. And now upon this interesting occasion, I hail the
presence of this noble company of faithful and devoted sons of Hungary,
your companions in exile and in prison, and present them to this
division; men, who, like our fathers, pledged their sacred honours "to
sustain the independence of their country." [Here there was an outburst
of cheering, and Colonel Berczenszy and the other Hungarians, companions
in arms of Kossuth, all rose, and were again greeted with another burst
of enthusiastic cheering.] We receive them as friends and brothers, and
as martyrs in the same holy cause of constitutional liberty in which our
fathers fought and bled, and suffered, and triumphed; and in which, we
trust and believe, you will also live to triumph and rejoice, in the
bosom of your own, your native land.
Loud applause followed the conclusion of this address.