CLAIMS ON ENGLAND,--INDIVIDUAL AND NATIONAL.

SPEECH ON THE JOHNSON-CLARENDON TREATY, IN EXECUTIVE SESSION OF THE

SENATE, APRIL 13, 1869.

MR. PRESIDENT,--A report recommending that the Senate do not advise

and consent to a treaty with a foreign power, duly signed by the

plenipotentiary of the nation, is of rare occurrence. Treaties

are often reported with amendments, and sometimes without any

recommendation; but I do not recall an instance, since I came into the

Senate, where such a treaty has been reported with the recommendation

which is now under consideration. The character of the treaty seemed to

justify the exceptional report. The Committee did not hesitate in the

conclusion that it ought to be rejected, and they have said so.

I do not disguise the importance of this act; but I believe that in the

interest of peace, which every one should have at heart, the treaty

must be rejected. A treaty, which, instead of removing an existing

grievance, leaves it for heart-burning and rancor, cannot be considered

a settlement of pending questions between two nations. It may seem to

settle them, but does not. It is nothing but a snare. And such is the

character of the treaty now before us. The massive grievance under

which our country suffered for years is left untouched; the painful

sense of wrong planted in the national heart is allowed to remain.

For all this there is not one word of regret, or even of recognition;

nor is there any semblance of compensation. It cannot be for the

interest of either party that such a treaty should be ratified. It

cannot promote the interest of the United States, for we naturally seek

justice as the foundation of a good understanding with Great Britain;

nor can it promote the interest of Great Britain, which must also seek

a real settlement of all pending questions. Surely I do not err, when

I say that a wise statesmanship, whether on our side or on the other

side, must apply itself to find the real root of evil, and then, with

courage tempered by candor and moderation, see that it is extirpated.

This is for the interest of both parties, and anything short of it

is a failure. It is sufficient to say that the present treaty does

no such thing, and that, whatever may have been the disposition of

the negotiators, the real root of evil remains untouched in all its

original strength.

I make these remarks merely to characterize the treaty and prepare the

way for its consideration.

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