THE DOGS LET LOOSE
"Just after three o'clock a company, at war strength, from the
'Alexander' regiment marched under the command of a young lieutenant,
down Unter den Linden. Drums were beaten; a huge crowd listened in
solemn silence as the lieutenant read the articles placing the German
Empire under martial law. The crowd was fully alive to the awful
sternness of this historic moment.
"After the proclamation was ended a deep silence ensued, then a loud
voice cried: 'The Kaiser! Hurrah!' Three times the shout rang to the
heavens. 'The German army! Hurrah!' Once more the caps were swung three
times. The boy-like lieutenant, with head erect, sword in hand,
commands: 'Attention! Slope arms!' The regular beat of marching men
follows as they proceed in the direction of the Imperial Residence.
Berlin is under martial law!"[13]
[Footnote 13: _Deutscher Kurier_, July 31st.]
"During the afternoon enormous masses of people collected in the streets
and open spaces of Berlin. Unter den Linden, in expectation of the
Kaiser's return, was overfilled with excited, waiting throngs. Just
before a quarter to four a great movement was seen from the direction of
the Brandenburger Tor, which spread like a wave along the street.
Everybody rushed on to the road, and the police were pushed aside. Then
the suppressed excitement of the last few days gave vent to a hurricane
of hurrahs as the populace greeted their monarch. The Emperor was
wearing the uniform of the _Garde-Kürassiere_; beside him sat the
Empress. His countenance was overshadowed by deep gravity as he returned
the welcome of his subjects. At a quarter to four the Kaiser was in the
royal castle, and immediately the Imperial Standard was fluttering
aloft."[14]
[Footnote 14: _Vossische Zeitung_, July 31st.]
The next twenty-four hours are so full of fateful events that they seem
one big blur on the memory. Although everyone was convinced that an
appeal to the sword was inevitable, there was still a tense feeling of
dread expectation hanging like a cloud over the land. During the whole
of that long night the author was an observer from an overcrowded train
which left Nuremberg at 9 p.m. and rumbled dismally into Cologne the
next morning at ten o'clock. Every station, great and small, was crowded
with anxious, expectant crowds; the smaller stations full of spectators
and relatives bidding farewell to departing soldiers, and the greater
ones crowded with fleeing tourists.
On the platforms at Frankfort and Cologne many tons of luggage were
stacked in huge piles. It would be interesting to know what became of
them.[15] Few Germans could have slept that night; the anxiety was too
great. The whole railway line was guarded by patrols, many of whom were
in civilian attire. Here and there a "field-grey" uniform was visible.
On many stations armed guards awaited the arrival of reservists and gave
them conduct to the barracks.
[Footnote 15: The _Königsberger Hartungsche Zeitung_ contained a
paragraph on August 7th to the effect that 120,000 trunks and
portmanteaux had been collected on Berlin stations alone.]
The Kaiser spoke words of cheer from a window of the royal palace on
Friday evening, after which the restless crowd thronged to the official
residence of the Chancellor to receive as a watchword the words which
Prince Friedrich Karl had spoken on a memorable occasion to his
Brandenburger troops: "Let your hearts beat to God, and your blows on
the enemy."
An ultimatum was despatched to St. Petersburg and presented at midnight
to the Russian Government. The latter was requested to cancel all
mobilization orders within twelve hours, or war would ensue.
Simultaneously the French Government was asked what its attitude would
be in case of a Russo-German war. In these measures it is safe to
conclude that the German nation was heart and soul behind the
Government, otherwise the tremendous outbreak of national enthusiasm
throughout the length and breadth of the land would be entirely
inexplicable.
Throughout the day the nation awaited, under tense strain, an answer
from Russia. "At five o'clock the excitement of the masses in Unter den
Linden had increased to a degree almost beyond endurance. The crowd
surged from side to side when a court carriage or an officer drove by in
a motor-car. Everyone felt that the fateful decision might fall at any
minute, when the German nation would know its fate.
"Suddenly motor-cars full of officers appeared from the gates of the
royal residence. They shouted to the excited crowd that the general
mobilization had been ordered. One officer waved his drawn sword,
another his handkerchief, while others stood up and waved their caps.
Then an indescribable scene of jubilation followed; the parole
'mobilization' was passed on by the police, and in less time than it
takes to write, the hundreds of thousands of human beings surging to and
fro between the monument to 'Old Fritz' and the Lustgarten, knew that
Germany would now speak with her sword."[16]
[Footnote 16: _Berliner Tageblatt_, August 2nd.]
"Our hour of destiny has struck! Germany, the strongest and most
peaceful nation on earth, appeals to the sword. The last call which we
sent across the Eastern frontier has remained unanswered. The enemy is
mute. Now Germany speaks!
"The Kaiser calls the Empire to arms! Our King will lead Bavaria's
armies to him. The nation is ready, armed to the teeth. Challenged by a
dishonest opponent who envies us the fruit of our peaceful toil, the
hands of German men leave their work and grasp the sword. Our enemy
shall learn to his terrible cost, what it means to summon a nation in
arms to the battlefield. The German army goes out to fight for our
country, in a cause which is more stainless and pure than the light of
the sun. The disgraceful Muscovite conspiracy, creeping in the footsteps
of Serbian murderers, believes the moment has arrived in which they will
be able to fall upon, overthrow and plunder us; Russia desires to kindle
a world war.
"We believe that he will not succeed; but should it thus fall out, we
Germans will defend not only our land and ourselves; but, in this war
which has been forced upon us in the basest manner possible, we shall
defend the civilization of the world, the culture of the earth, against
debased 'unculture' and the spreading roots of decay. This is a lofty
and tremendous task. If we are victorious, as we confidently trust, then
the ever-increasing number of civilized peoples honestly toiling in the
blessings of peace, will thank us for centuries to come.
"Brothers! Sisters! such an hour has come that the history of the world
has never witnessed before. In the struggle which now begins--a deadly
grapple frivolously conjured up by Russia's monarch--the whole earth
will groan. The German people, however, will prove that it is worthy to
retain and develop its leading place in the intellectual and cultural
progress of the world. Our enemy envies us this position because in his
land, stupidity and confusion reign supreme; his own uncivilization and
barbarism cannot be rooted out.
"We will prevent him from throwing Europe back to the conditions in
which he and his likes dwell. May God grant that the civilized peoples
of Europe may have true understanding for this historic hour, just as
their heroic ancestors understood the danger when they hurled themselves
against the invasions of the Mongols.
"First of all the German nation will march against the armies of the
East, and, hand in hand with our ally, we hope will so grip the enemy
that he will lose all desire ever to attack us again."[17]
[Footnote 17: _München-Augsburger Abendzeitung_, August 2nd.]
The last lines of this perfervid article, give an instructive clue. A
mere quibble had arisen between the Central Powers and Russia. The
former immediately adopted an arrogant, even threatening, attitude which
thoughtful Germans condemned. Russia's willingness to submit the
question to an arbitration conference consisting of four neutral
ambassadors seems only to have intensified Teutonic lust to humiliate
the opponent. In any case, it is interesting to note that between July
24th and 31st the whole German nation had been converted to the
uncompromising attitude of the Government.
Further, it is evident that the German people believed they were about
to march against Russia. The very last remark which I heard from German
lips as we entered the train to leave Erlangen on July 31st was: "Jetzt
werden die Russen abgeklöpft." ("Now the Russians will get a
whacking.")[18]
[Footnote 18: We left Erlangen at 3.30 p.m. Martial law had been
proclaimed some time previous to that. But the proclamation in Berlin
occurred at 3.30 p.m. on the same day. The _Berliner Abendblatt_
published on the same evening states that the Kaiser had been waiting
and hoping for a peaceful answer from Russia. The Bavarian authorities
could not have taken so serious a step without an order from the Highest
War Lord, which leads to the conclusion that it was a device to get
military preparation well under way.]
The Berlin cabinet mobilized Germany's armed strength, as they alleged,
against Russia, and the Government succeeded in arousing and enlisting
national enthusiasm against the Eastern neighbour. Yet when the time
came to strike, Germany's might was hurled against neutral Belgium and
unwilling France, while Russia was left free to overrun the Eastern part
of Germany. The blood-guilt rests in the first place with the Kaiser and
his Government, and in the second place (although in no less a degree)
with the German people, because they condoned the crime and acquiesced
in the duplicity.
While the war fury seethed through the nation the cry echoed on all
sides: "We want peace! We have worked for a peaceful solution!" Yet a
study of the workings of the national mind as revealed in the German
Press, and of diplomatic doings as shown in the German White Book,
affords not a single instance--excepting the Socialists'
demonstrations--of any tangible, concrete effort made either by the
German people or its representative diplomacy to avoid a catastrophe. On
the other hand it must be said that the latter (German diplomacy)
deliberately baulked the only practical proposal (Sir Edward Grey's)
which could have brought about a solution. The German nation _did_
desire peace, but only on the condition that their opponents granted
Germany and Austria's arrogant claims down to the smallest tittle.
Exactly at six minutes to one (midday) on August 1st, a telegram left
Berlin instructing the German Ambassador in St. Petersburg to declare
war on Russia at 5 p.m. if the latter State had not given a satisfactory
answer to Germany's ultimatum by that time. Count Pourtalès performed
this duty, and therewith the sands of fate ran out.
On the previous day summonses had been issued calling a meeting of the
Reichstag for Tuesday, August 4th. The opening ceremony took place at 1
p.m. and all the political parties were present, except the Social
Democrats, who, according to their traditions, did not appear, and thus
escaped the famous hand-shaking scene. The Kaiser and two of his sons
appeared in field-grey uniform. His theatrical appeal for the leaders of
each party to swear fidelity to the national cause by shaking hands with
him, as well as his saying that "Now there are only Germans," may have
been spontaneous; but it is far more probable that they were meant to be
a diplomatic appeal to the sentimental vanity of the German nation.
It would be superfluous to deal with the speech from the throne in this
place, but at the close of the ceremony an incident occurred which
deserves mention. "After taking leave of the Reichstag's representatives
the Kaiser stretched out his hand to the famous professor of
jurisprudence in Strasbourg University, Dr. van Calker. The Kaiser
looked steadily at Professor van Calker for a moment, then, after the
handshake, clenched his fist and struck downwards uttering these words:
'Nun aber wollen wir sie dreschen!'[19] ('Now we will jolly well thrash
them!'); nodded to the professor and walked away."[20]
[Footnote 19: This utterance has since become a common theme for
composition exercises in German schools.]
[Footnote 20: _Tägliche Rundschau_, August 5th.]
The sitting in the Reichstag was a solemn event. On that occasion the
Chancellor expressed himself at length in defining Germany's position.
"A tremendous fate has fallen upon Europe. While we have endeavoured to
maintain the prestige of the German Empire in the eyes of the world, we
have lived for forty-four years in peace and protected European peace.
In this work of peace we have become strong and mighty--therefore we are
envied. We have suffered with long-enduring patience; while in the East
and West, under the excuse that Germany is lusting for war, hatred for
us has been nourished and fetters wrought where-with to bind us. The
wind which blows there has now become a storm.
"We desired nothing but to live on in peaceful toil, content with an
unspoken oath that was echoed from the Emperor down to the youngest
recruit. Our sword shall only leap from its sheath in defence of a just
cause. (Loud applause.) The day on which we must draw it, has dawned
against our will and contrary to our honest endeavours. Russia has set a
burning torch to the house of peace. (Loud cries of 'Quite true.') We
stand to-day in a forced war with Russia and France.
"Gentlemen, a number of documents, collected in the haste caused by
these overwhelming events, have been laid before you. Permit me to
emphasize the facts which characterize our attitude.
"From the moment that the Austrian conflict broke out we have striven
and worked to limit the quarrel to Austria-Hungary and Serbia. All the
cabinets, in particular England, accept this view; only Russia has
declared that in the settlement of this conflict, she must be allowed to
express her wishes. Therewith the danger of European complications
raised its threatening countenance.
"As soon as the first certain news of Russian military preparations
reached us, we caused it to be made known in St. Petersburg, in a
friendly but unmistakable manner, that warlike measures and military
preparations would compel us also to take corresponding steps. But
mobilization is next to war. Russia assured us in a friendly tone (cries
of indignation) that she was making no military preparations against us.
"Meanwhile England tried to mediate between Vienna and St. Petersburg
and was warmly supported by us. On July 28th the Kaiser telegraphed to
the Czar begging him to remember that it was Austria-Hungary's right and
duty to stop the Greater-Serbian agitation, as this threatened to
undermine Austria's existence. (Cries of indignation.) The Kaiser
pointed out to the Czar the gulf between monarchical interests and the
outrage at Serajewo; he begged him to give his personal support to the
Kaiser's endeavour to smooth out the antithesis between Vienna and St.
Petersburg.
"Just before this telegram came into the Czar's hands, the Czar, on his
side, begged the Kaiser for his help: the Kaiser should advise Vienna to
be more moderate. The Kaiser undertook the task of mediator, but the
action ordered by him was hardly in motion, when Russia began to
mobilize all her forces against Austria-Hungary. (Excited shouts of
indignation and disgust.) But Austria had only mobilized certain army
corps against Serbia, besides which she had only two corps, and these
were far from the Russian frontier.
"At this juncture the Kaiser informed the Czar that the mobilization of
his armies against Austria would increase the difficulties of mediation,
a task which he had undertaken at the Czar's express wish, and perhaps
render it impossible. Nevertheless, we continued our mediatory action in
Berlin, and indeed in a form which went to the limits permitted by our
alliance. (Great excitement.) During this time Russia renewed her
assurances that she was taking no military measures against us.
"We come to July 3ist. In Vienna a decision was to be arrived at on that
day. By our representations we had already brought it about that Vienna,
which for a time was not in direct communication with St. Petersburg,
had commenced direct discussion again. But before Vienna could come to a
final decision, the news came that Russia was mobilizing--_i.e._,
against us too--her whole forces. (Cries of indignation.) The Russian
Government, although fully aware from our repeated representations what
a mobilization on our frontiers means, did not notify this step to us,
and gave us no explanations concerning it.
"As late as the afternoon of July 31st a telegram came from the Czar to
the Kaiser in which the former pledged himself that his army should take
up no provocative attitude against us. (Great excitement.) But the
hostile mobilization on the Russian frontier was in full swing during
the night July 30th-31st. While we were mediating in Berlin the Russian
armies appeared on our long and almost entirely open frontier. France
was not yet mobilizing, but, as she admits, was already taking
precautionary measures.
"And we? Up till then we had not--the Imperial Chancellor spoke with
great emotion and repeatedly struck the table while uttering these
words--called up a single reservist, out of a loving regard for the
peace of Europe. (Loud cries of 'Bravo!') Were we then to wait on in
patience till the Powers between which we are wedged should choose their
moment to strike? (A hurricane of voices, 'No!') To expose Germany to
this danger would be a crime. (Stormy, general and long continued cries
of 'Quite true!' and 'Bravo!' in which the Social Democrats joined too.)
"Therefore on July 31st we requested Russia to demobilize as the only
measure which could save the European peace. (Loud applause.) The
Imperial Ambassador in St. Petersburg further received instructions to
inform the Russian Government, that in case our demand was rejected, we
should consider ourselves in a state of war with Russia. The Imperial
Ambassador has carried out these instructions.
"What answer Russia accorded to our demand for demobilization we do not
know even to-day. Telegraphic announcements on this point have not
reached us, although matters of far less importance have been sent over
the wires. Hence, long after the expiration of the stated time, the
Kaiser saw himself compelled to mobilize our forces at 5 o'clock on
August 1st.
"Simultaneously, it was necessary for us to inquire regarding France's
attitude. In answer to our definite question whether, in case of a
Russo-German war, France would remain neutral, the French Government has
replied that they will act as their interests dictate. (Laughter.) This
was at least an evasion, if not a negative answer to our question.
"In spite of this, the Kaiser ordered that the French frontier should be
respected. This order was strictly obeyed with one single exception.
France, who mobilized at the same time as ourselves, declared that she
would respect a ten-kilometre zone along her frontiers. (Cries of
indignation.) And what happened in reality? Their airmen have thrown
bombs, cavalry patrols have violated our territory, and companies have
broken into Alsace-Lorraine. (Indignation.) Therewith, France, although
war has not yet been declared, has attacked our territories.
"As regards the single exception which I have referred, I have received
the following report from the Chief of the General Staff: In respect to
French complaints of violations of her frontiers, only one case is
admitted. Against express orders an officer with a patrol from the 14th
Army Corps crossed the French frontier on August 2nd. Apparently they
were shot down; only one man has returned. But long before this single
instance occurred, French airmen had penetrated into Southern Germany
and dropped bombs, and French troops had attacked our
frontier-protection-troops in the Schlucht Pass. Up till now our
soldiers have confined themselves entirely to protecting the frontier.
"So far the report from the Chief of the General Staff.
"We are now in a position of self-defence, and necessity knows no
law![21] (Cries of 'Quite right!') Our troops have occupied Luxembourg,
perhaps they have already entered Belgium. (Loud applause.) That is a
breach of international law. The French Government, it is true, had
declared in Brussels that they would respect Belgian neutrality so long
as their opponent respected it. But we knew that France stood ready to
invade it. (Cries of indignation.)
[Footnote 21: This sentence seems so important that I give the original:
"Wir sind jetzt in der Notwehr, und Not kennt kein Gebot!"]
"France could wait, we could not; and a French attack in our flank on
the Lower Rhine might have been disastrous for us. Thus we were
compelled to ignore the protests of the Luxembourg and Belgian
Governments.
"The injustice which we commit thereby, we shall try to make good again
as soon as our military goal is attained. Anyone who fights for the
highest, as we do now, may only think of how he may hack his way
through. (Hurricanes of applause; long continued hand-clapping in the
whole house and on the tribune.)
"Gentlemen, we are standing shoulder to shoulder with Austria-Hungary.
Concerning England's attitude, the declaration made by Sir Edward Grey
in the House of Commons yesterday has made the standpoint which the
English Government takes up quite clear.
"We have declared to the English Government that as long as England
remains neutral, our fleet shall not attack the North Coast of France.
Further, that we shall not disturb the integrity and independence of
Belgium. I repeat this declaration before the whole world and I may add
that if England will remain neutral, we are prepared--assuming mutual
treatment--to undertake no hostile operations against France's
commercial marine. (Applause.)
"Gentlemen, so much for events up till now! I repeat the words of the
Kaiser: 'We enter the struggle with a clear conscience!' (Great
enthusiasm.) We are fighting for the fruits of our labours in peace, for
the heritage of a great past, and for our future. The fifty years are
not yet ended within which Moltke said we should stand at arms to defend
the heritage and the achievements of 1870. The hour of great trial has
struck for our nation. But we look forward to it with absolute
confidence. (Tremendous applause.)
"Our army is in the field, our fleet is ready, and behind them the
entire German nation (roars of never-ending applause and hand-clapping
in the whole house)--the whole German nation! (These words were
accompanied by a gesture towards the Social Democrats.--Renewed outburst
of applause, in which the Social Democrats also joined.)
"Gentlemen, you know your duty in its entirety. The vote of credit
requires no further argument, I beg you to pass it quickly. (Loud
applause.)"[22]
[Footnote 22: _Berliner Tageblatt_, August 5th.]
Unfortunately this eloquent exposition of Germany's case contains
inaccuracies which can only be described as conscious untruths. I have
already made myself responsible for the statement: "Lying has always
been the foundation stone of German policy."[23] Earl Cromer, in
commenting on this, gives additional evidence of its veracity.[24]
[Footnote 23: "Soul of Germany," p. 192.]
[Footnote 24: _The Spectator_, August 7th, 1915, p. 169.]
The German Chancellor, when he justified his policy by the dictum:
"Necessity knows no law," evidently meant that necessity also recognizes
no law of truth. In any case, he remained faithful to the traditions of
his country. Although the German Press is both venal and supine, we
shall see that it has done the world a service and played its own
Government a foul trick. (Der deutschen Regierung einen bösen Streich
gespielt.)
When Bethmann-Hollweg was thumping the table before him, and assuring
his immediate hearers and the world in general that the Berlin cabinet
had not called up a single reservist before five o'clock on Saturday,
August 1st, he was guilty of a deliberate falsehood. On July 31st, I
left Erlangen by the 3.31 train for Nuremberg; travelling in the same
train was Dr. Haack, professor of the history of art in Erlangen
University. He was accompanied by his wife and various colleagues,
including Professor Busch, who bade him farewell on the platform. Dr.
Haack is an artillery reserve officer, and he was then going to join his
regiment. At 8.30 p.m. on the same day, we spoke to Frau Haack on
Nuremberg station. The lady's face was very tear-stained and she was
about to return to Erlangen alone. She told us in a broken voice that
her husband had been called up.
In "The Soul of Germany" I have given names and dates of other cases. I
do not propose to disgrace my word of honour by playing it off against
the German Chancellor. But acting on the principle of "Set a thief to
catch a thief," I shall adduce some instances from German newspapers.
The Paris correspondent of the _Kölnische Zeitung_ travelled home via
Brussels; his adventures are related at length in the _K.Z._ for August
4th. On August 1st he was in Brussels and complained bitterly, in his
article, about the hotel service, and excuses it by writing: "The German
waiters had all left Brussels the day before (July 31st) to join the
army."
An article dated Strasbourg, August 3rd, was published in the
_Frankfurter Zeitung_ on the 6th of the same month. The writer describes
the martial scenes which he had witnessed during the preceding week, and
mentions that the officers in the garrison had received a special order
to send their wives and children away from the city several days before
martial law was proclaimed. Friday, presumably, the order came for the
garrison to march to the French frontier, for on Saturday the regiments
were entrained and left Strasbourg. Our good German friend describes the
scene in the streets: "Alongside the ranks were the wives and children
of the called-up reservists, trying to keep step with the quickly moving
troops. Before sunset the regiments, all on a war-footing, had left the
city."
Every layman knows that a reservist cannot enter a barracks in civilian
attire, and emerge five minutes later in full war-kit ready for the
march. The German Imperial Chancellor affirms that not one of them had
been called up before five o'clock in the afternoon of that day. It is
true that neither the age of miracles nor the age of lies has passed
away. Perhaps Herr Bethmann-Hollweg could explain why it was impossible
to send trunk-messages on Germany's telephone system during the last
three days of July, 1914. At least, the local papers in Bavaria asserted
that that was the case.
The _Elbinger Zeitung_, August 13th, contained a reservist's letter with
this illuminating passage: "During the last few days everybody was in
readiness; our linen, etc., had been packed and sent off in advance. On
Friday, July 31st, the order arrived that I should present myself;
mobilization had begun. With feelings of joy I changed into my uniform
and rushed to join my company. The streets were full of frightened
people with tears in their eyes. We officers pressed each others' hands
and with ardent glances exclaimed: 'At last it has come!'"
The Chancellor based his assertion that French troops had crossed the
German frontier, on the report from the Chief of the General Staff. This
authority admitted that German soldiers on August 2nd (Sunday) had
violated the French frontier and continues with these words: "But long
before that French airmen had dropped bombs in Southern Germany, and
French soldiers had attacked our frontier-guards in the Schlucht Pass."
The _Frankfurter Zeitung_, July 31st, gives Bethmann-Hollweg and the
Chief of the General Staff the lie direct. The paragraph is dated July
30th, Kolmar, and runs: "The Schlucht Pass has just been barricaded by
German frontier guards. This is to prevent motor-lorries and such-like
vehicles from entering French territory without our permission. Several
papers have announced the alleged occupation of the Schlucht (gorge) by
French troops. The report is an absolute invention. (Die Meldung ist
völlig aus der Luft gegriffen.) I have taken the trouble to look round,
and may say that the usual tourist traffic is going on as usual."
The remainder of the charge is that "long before August 2nd," French
airmen had dropped bombs on South German towns. The towns in question
are Frankfort and Nuremberg. The _Kölnische Zeitung_ contained this
paragraph on August 2nd: "A military report has just come in, stating
that French airmen dropped bombs in the neighbourhood of Nuremberg this
morning. As war has not yet been declared between France and Germany,
this is a breach of international law."
Two remarks are necessary to supplement the above "news." Firstly, in
the Reichstag, the Chancellor said this attack had occurred "long before
August 2nd." Secondly, the _Cologne Gazette_ received the report from
the _military authorities_. That betrays the source from which all these
lies emanated.
The author has in his possession a Nuremberg paper (_Fränkische
Tagepost_) for the whole of August, 1914. It contains absolutely no
mention of any air raid on or near Nuremberg. If bombs had been dropped
in the vicinity, it is quite unthinkable that the local papers should
contain no report of the affair.
President Poincaré, on July 15th, 1915, declared the Nuremberg flight to
be a fable. The _Fränkischer Kurier_ (a Nuremberg newspaper) on August
1st, 1915, contains an article which states that the news of these
alleged airmen, whom nobody saw, was spread throughout the length and
breadth of the German Empire. This same paper ridicules the whole
affair.
Another extract gives the key to the whole mystery. "Yesterday (Monday,
August 3rd), at 8 p.m., the following official announcement was given
out for publication.
"Up till now, the German troops, in obedience to orders given, have not
crossed the French frontier. In contrast to this _since_ yesterday
(August 2nd) French troops have attacked our frontier posts without any
declaration of war. They have crossed the German frontier at several
points, although only a few days ago the French Government assured us
that they would keep a zone ten kilometres wide free from their troops.
_Since_ last night French troops hold German places in occupation.
_Since_ yesterday bomb-dropping airmen have come into Baden and Bavaria;
further, by violating Belgian neutrality, they have fled over Belgian
territory into the Rhine province and tried to destroy our railways.
Thus France has begun an attack upon us, and thereby created a state of
war. The safety of the Empire compels us to take defensive measures. The
Kaiser has given the necessary orders. The German Ambassador in Paris
has been instructed to demand his passports."[25]
[Footnote 25: From the _Berliner Lokal Anzeiger_ of August 4th.]
Germany had no earthly excuse to begin war on France, and imitating the
noble example of Bismarck in forging the notorious Ems telegram which
precipitated the 1870 war, the German military authorities forged the
"news" of alleged attacks by French airmen and French troops. The German
Official Press Bureau completed this vile, criminal work.
Although the point is proved, a few more examples of the "airmen" legend
will be of interest. "Berlin, August 2nd. _Last night_ a hostile airship
was observed flying from Kerprich to Andernach. Hostile aeroplanes were
observed flying from Düren to Cologne. A French aeroplane was shot down
by Wesel." (From the _München-Augsburger Abendzeitung_, August 3rd.)
The _Frankfurter Zeitung_, August 4th, contains three separate detailed
accounts of French airmen dropping bombs on Frankfort railway station
during the previous night. The third account will suffice.
"The military authorities in Frankfort were informed last night that a
hostile airman was flying in the direction from Darmstadt to Frankfort.
At ten minutes past one the noise of the propellers as well as bursting
bombs was heard by those standing on the command-bridge of the Central
Station. In the dark night it was impossible to see the flying-machine.
As it approached the station, where all lights were out, fifty to sixty
soldiers stationed on the command-bridge fired at the aeroplane, which
soon moved off in the direction of the Southern Station. There, too, it
came under a heavy fire from soldiers and policemen. Nothing whatever
has been found on the ground or at the station, not even parts of the
bombs. It is assumed that the hand-bombs exploded in the air."[26]
[Footnote 26: Yes, they burst in the air, _aus der sie gegriffen worden
sind!_ Author.]
In peace times no German editor would dare to refuse any contribution
sent to him by the military authorities. The above airman-story
sufficiently illustrates the state of affairs in war time.
"Chemnitz, August 4th. During the past night, between 3 and 4 a.m., a
French airman dropped bombs on Chemnitz. Bombs exploded in the streets
without, however, doing any damage. Apparently the shots fired at the
aeroplane were unfortunately without result." _Magdeburgische Zeitung_,
August 5th.
This is an excellent example of how the Press trick is worked. A lying
report is published in a city hundreds of miles away from the scene of
the alleged occurrence. The extract where it was alleged that a French
airman was shot down at Wesel, on the Dutch frontier, was published in a
Munich paper, four hundred miles away.
The last and supreme lie in Bethmann-Hollweg's speech is the most
insidious of all. The Chancellor sketched a truly moving picture of
Germany beseeching Austria to find a _modus vivendi_ between herself and
Russia. Germany claims that up to the last minute of the last fatal week
she was working for peace. Bethmann-Hollweg insinuates that on July 31st
a last decision was to have fallen in Vienna; he does not tell us what
that decision would have been, but he maintains that Russia's military
preparations forestalled it and so the decision was never arrived at.
Thus Russia destroyed the last hope of peace; the Chancellor falsely led
his hearers to believe that it was a certain hope and that the European
peace would have been saved.
It is useless to choose one's words in writing of German diplomacy. This
is a base lie. Austria arrived at her decision previous to sending her
ultimatum to Serbia. This momentous decision was, that Russia had no
right to intervene in the quarrel, which means, in other words, that
Russia had absolutely no right to speak or use her influence in a crisis
affecting the destiny of the Slavonic peoples, neither had Russia any
right to move in a crisis which would disturb the balance of power in
the Balkans and in Europe. It was merely these rights which Russia
throughout the crisis endeavoured to establish; if they had been
recognized there would have been no war.
In order to prove what the Austro-German standpoint was, and that from
first to last never changed, reference must be made to the Austrian Red
Book.[27] On page 24: Sir Edward Grey was informed by Count Mensdorf on
July 24th, "and I (Mensdorf) repeated to him (Grey) many times, that we
should stick to that view."
[Footnote 27: Oesterreichisch-ungarisches Rotbuch. Vienna, 1915.]
Page 25. Count Czécsen in Paris informed French Minister: "It is a
question which can only be settled between Serbia and ourselves," on
July 24th.
On the same day the Austrian Ambassador emphasized the same point in an
interview with the Russian Foreign Minister--pp. 27-8.
During the evening Monsieur Sasonow had interviews with both the German
and Austrian Ambassadors. The latter telegraphed to Vienna: "My German
colleague at once pointed out to M. Sasonow that Austria would not
accept any interference in her differences with Serbia and that Germany
would also not permit it."--p. 29.
That gives the situation in its simplest form, and without making
further quotations, it will suffice to cite the dates on which it was
re-emphasized:
July 25th in St. Petersburg, p. 89
" 27th " " " p. 101
" 28th " Berlin by Germany, p. 116
" " " London by Austria, p. 123
" 29th " St. Petersburg, " p. 128
" 30th " Berlin, " p. 130
" 30th " St. Petersburg, " p. 131
" 31st " Vienna, " p. 133
August 1st " St. Petersburg, " p. 136
Moreover, no less a personage than the Kaiser's brother confirmed this
view. In Prince Heinrich's telegram to the King of England, July 30th,
the following passage occurs: "If you really and sincerely wish to
prevent this terrible misfortune (a European war), may I propose that
you should exercise your influence on France and Russia to keep them
both neutral (in the Austro-Serbian quarrel). In my opinion this would
be of the greatest service. I consider this a certain means and perhaps
_the only possibility of preserving European peace_."
Prince Heinrich expressed no hope that Austria could be persuaded to
make any concession, but merely requested King George to exercise his
influence to get Russia to accept a position impossible to herself and
incompatible with the balance of power in Europe.
The rock of Germanic obstinacy was seated in Vienna, whether Germany was
the prime mover in erecting it remains to be proved. Germany knew full
well that European peace would be shattered on that rock, yet there is
no fragment of evidence to show that she tried to remove it; but there
is overwhelming proof that she encouraged Austria to stand by it, thus
causing a European conflagration.
And as if the above were insufficient to prove that the German Imperial
Chancellor was guilty of conscious falsification, Austria put one more
nail in the coffin of European peace on September 24th, 1914, when it
issued an official communication to the Press, reiterating that Austria
had never dreamed of departing from the attitude which she first took
up.[28]
[Footnote 28: "Die Schuld am Weltkriege" ("The Guilt for the World
War"), by an Austrian. Vienna, 1915, p. 59.]
Germany's aim was to employ the Serajewo crime as a lever to put Russia,
as a vital force, out of the domain of European politics. In spite of
denials, there is reason to believe that Austria was inclined to listen
to reason, but Germany forestalled and prevented this by despatching an
ultimatum to Russia and then declaring war.
A few other points in Bethmann-Hollweg's speech deserve brief notice. He
quotes Germany's threats, but not one word from the peaceful overtures
which were so often mentioned. He fails to cite any single point which
Austria had yielded at Germany's advice. Further, no proof of Germany's
vaunted "mediatory action" is discoverable either in the speech or the
diplomatic documents published by the Central Powers.
In regard to his justification of the violation of Belgian neutrality,
the civilized world has already passed judgment, and in this place it
only remains to point out that the four hundred members of the Reichstag
cheered the Chancellor's announcement. This alone is a sufficiently
severe comment on the conceptions of right and justice which direct the
proceedings of Germany's highest legislative body.
It evidently did not occur to the Reichstag or Germany's Imperial
Chancellor that, if necessity knows no law which respects a neutrality
guaranteed by Germany, then at a later date necessity would also
recognize no law which protected Belgian territory after Germany had
conquered it. A lamb in the jaws of a lion is in a truly dangerous
position, and although the outlook may be black, it is still wiser for
the lamb to try and avoid the lion's jaws.
Bethmann-Hollweg saw the mote of Greater-Serbianism in Serbia's eye, but
he was peculiarly anxious not to perceive the beam of Pan-Germanism
which has blinded Germany's vision for a generation, and is the one and
only cause for the rapid increase in European armaments.
Before consigning the German Chancellor's Pecksniffian oration to
well-deserved oblivion, there is one other fact to state, because it is
of immediate interest to Great Britain. In the person of
Bethmann-Hollweg the German Government stood before the world on August
4th, 1914, and endeavoured to prove that Germany was attacked, and that
her conscience was clear. There are even Britons who have got stuck in
Bethmann-Hollweg's peace-lime. Yet it would be interesting if the German
Government would explain why the civilian population was ordered to
leave Heligoland on the afternoon of Friday, July 31st. They were
allowed twenty-four hours within which to leave the island, and one who
was in the exodus describes the scene in the _Leipziger Neueste
Nachrichten_ for August 12th. Early on Saturday morning the civilians
proceeded on to the landing-stage, where several steamers were waiting.
"Suddenly the _Königin Luise_ started off without taking any passengers
on board, and soon disappeared under full steam."
This was the boat which laid mines round the mouth of the Thames.
Although the German Chancellor protested his desire for peace with
England as late as August 4th, it seems quite evident from the events in
Heligoland that war with this country had been decided upon on July
31st.