yet Napoleon was capable of taking it, if the peace and happiness of
France could have been purchased by this new sacrifice. He would again
have devoted himself for the French people, from whom, as he wishes
to declare in the face of all Europe, he makes it his glory to hold
every thing, to whom he refers every thing, and to whom alone he will
hold himself responsible for his actions and devote his life.
"It was for France alone, and to save her from the calamities of an
intestine war, that he abdicated the crown in 1814. He restored to the
French people the rights he held from them; he left them free to
choose a new master, and to found their liberty and happiness on
institutions, that would protect both.
"He hoped, that the nation would preserve all it had acquired by five
and twenty years of glorious fighting; and the exercise of its
sovereignty in the choice of a dynasty, and in stipulating the
conditions, on which it should be called to the throne.
"He expected from the new government respect for the glory of the
armies, and for the rights of the brave; the guaranty of all the new
interests, interests generated and maintained during a quarter of a
century, resulting from all the civil and political laws, observed and
revered during that time, because they are identified with the
manners, habits, and wants of the nation.
"Far from all this, every idea of the sovereignty of the people has
been discarded.
"The principle, on which all public and civil legislation has been
founded since the revolution, has been equally discarded.
"France has been treated as a revolted country, reconquered by the
armies of its ancient masters, and subjugated anew to a feudal
domination.
"A constitutional law has been imposed on France, as easy to be eluded
as revoked; and in the form of royal ordinances simply, without
consulting the nation, without even hearing those bodies, become
illegal, the phantoms of national representation.
"The violation of this charter has been checked only by the timidity
of the government; the extent of the abuses of its authority has been
limited only by its weakness.
"The disjointing of the army, the dispersion of its officers, the
exile of several, the debasement of the soldiers, the suppression of
their endowments, the privation of their pay or pensions; the
reduction of the pay of the legionaries, the despoiling them of their
honours, the pre-eminence given to the decorations of the feudal
monarchy, the contempt of the citizens, designated anew under the name
of _tiers-etat_ (third estate); the spoliation of the purchasers of
national property, prepared and already begun, the actual diminution
of value of such as was obliged to be sold; the return of the feudal
system in its titles, privileges, and useful rights, the
re-establishment of tramontane principles, the abolition of the
liberties of the Gallican church, the annihilation of the Concordat,
the re-establishment of tithes, the reviving intolerance of an
exclusive form of worship; the domination of a handful of nobles over
a people accustomed to equality: are what the ministers of the
Bourbons have done, or wished to do, for the people of France.
"It was under such circumstances, that the Emperor Napoleon quitted
the island of Elba: such were the motives of the resolution he took,
and not the consideration of his own personal interests, so trivial in
his opinion compared with the interests of the nation, to which he has
devoted his existence.
"He has not brought war into the bosom of France: on the contrary, he
has extinguished the war, which the possessors of national property,
constituting four fifths of the landholders throughout France, would
have been compelled to make upon their despoilers; the war, which the
citizens, oppressed, degraded, humiliated by the nobles, would have
been forced to declare against their oppressors; the war, which the
Protestants, the Jews, and the people of different sects, would have
been obliged to maintain against their persecutors.
"He came to deliver France; and as a deliverer he has been received.
"He arrived almost alone; he travelled two hundred and twenty leagues,
without meeting any obstacle, without a battle; and has resumed
without resistance, in the midst of the capital, and of the
acclamations of an immense majority of the citizens, the throne
relinquished by the Bourbons; who, from among the army, their own
household, the national guards, or the people, could not raise a
single person in arms, to endeavour to maintain them in it.
"Yet, replaced at the head of the nation, which had already chosen him
three times, and has just elected him a fourth time by the reception
it gave him on his march, and his triumphant arrival; of that nation,
by which, and for the interest of which, he wishes to reign;
"What is the desire of Napoleon? What the French people desire, the
independence of France, peace within, peace with all nations, the
execution of the treaty of Paris, of the 30th of May, 1814.
"What is there, then, changed in the future state of Europe, and in
the hope of repose promised it? What voice is raised, to demand those
succours, which, according to the declaration, are to be granted only
when claimed?
"There is nothing changed, if the allied powers recur, as we have a
right to expect from them, to just and temperate sentiments; if they
acknowledge, that the existence of France in a respectable and
independent state, as far from conquering as from being conquered,
from domineering as from being held in subjection, is necessary to the
balance of great realms, as well as to the guaranty of smaller states.
"There is nothing changed, if, not attempting to compel France to
resume with a dynasty, which she can no longer desire, the feudal
chains she has broken, and to submit to the seigneurial or
ecclesiastical pretensions, from which it has emancipated itself,
those powers do not attempt to impose on her laws, to interfere in her
internal concerns, to assign her a particular form of government, to
give her masters suited to the interests and passions of her
neighbours.
"There is nothing changed, if, while France is occupied in preparing
the new social compact, that shall guaranty the liberty of her
citizens, and the triumph of those generous ideas, that prevail in
Europe, and can no longer be stifled; she be not compelled, to call
off her attention from these pacific ideas, and from the means of
domestic prosperity, to which the people and their chief are desirous
of devoting themselves in happy concord, in order to prepare for
battle.
"There is nothing changed, if, while the French nation demands
nothing, but to remain at peace with all Europe, an unjust coalition
do not oblige her to defend, as it did in 1792, her will, and her
rights, and her independence, and the sovereign of her choice."
This eloquent refutation, full of irrefragable facts, and reasonings
not to be refuted, was no longer necessary. French honour had judged
and condemned the Congress of Vienna and its Declaration.
When this declaration appeared, France grew pale: she was astonished,
affrighted at the calamities, which the future boded; and groaned at
the idea of being exposed to a war for the sake of one single man.
This first impression over, her pride, her virtue, felt indignant,
that the allies should dare to conceive the thought, that she would
yield to their menaces, and cowardly consent, to give Napoleon up to
them.
Had Napoleon been no more than a simple citizen, the attempt to
violate by authority the rights of men and nations in his person would
have been sufficient, to induce the French, or at least all worthy of
the name, to think themselves obliged to protect and defend him.
But Napoleon was not merely a simple citizen, he was the head of the
French nation: it was for having aggrandized it by his conquests, and
ennobled it by his victories, that he was proscribed by foreigners;
and the most timid as well as the most generous made it their sacred
duty to place him under the safeguard of the nation, and of French
honour.
Thus the declaration of the Congress, instead of intimidating France,
heightened its courage; instead of separating Napoleon from the
French, drew still more close the bands that united them; instead of
calling down on his head the public vengeance, rendered him more
estimable and more dear in the eyes of the people.
If Napoleon, availing himself of these generous sentiments, had said
to the French: "You have restored to me the crown, foreigners are
desirous of tearing it from me; I am ready, either to defend it, or to
lay it down; say which I shall do:" the whole nation would have
understood Napoleon, and would have risen in a body, to cause the
sovereign of its heart and its choice to be respected.
But Napoleon had other ideas: he considered the declaration of the
Congress merely as a paper adapted to the circumstances of the day,
the object of which was, at the time when it was subscribed by the
allies, to support the courage of the royalists, and to restore to the
Bourbons the confidence and moral strength they had lost.
He thought, that his entrance into Paris, and the entire pacification
of the South, would have completely changed the state of things; and
he hoped, that foreign nations would ultimately acknowledge him, when
they were convinced, that he had been re-established on the throne by
the unanimous consent of the French, and that his ideas of conquest
and dominion had given place to the real desire of respecting the
tranquillity and independence of his neighbours, and of living in
harmony with them.
In fine, he considered, that prudence would induce the allies, as it
was their interest, not to engage in a war, the results of which could
not be favourable to them: "They will feel, that they will not this
time have to do with the France of 1814; and that their successes, if
they gain any, will be no longer decisive, but will merely serve to
render the war more obstinate and bloody; while, if victory favour me,
I may become as formidable as ever. I have for me Belgium and the
Rhenish provinces, and with a tricoloured flag and a proclamation I
could revolutionize them in four-and-twenty hours."
The treaty of the 25th of March, by which the great powers, renewing
the arrangements of the treaty of Chaumont, engaged themselves anew
not to lay down their arms, as long as Napoleon should be on the
throne, appeared to him merely the natural consequence of the act of
the 13th of March, and of the erroneous opinions the allies had formed
of France. He thought, that it would not alter the state of the
question; and resolved, notwithstanding this treaty, and the
affronting manner in which his first overtures were received, to
endeavour repeatedly to make the voice of truth, of reason, and of
peace, heard at Vienna.
Baron de Stassart, late auditor to the council of state and prefect,
had been made chamberlain of Austria, or of Bavaria, since the
restoration. He was at Paris. The Emperor, hoping he might be able to
reach Vienna under favour of his quality of chamberlain, charged him
with a mission for the Empress Marie Louise, and fresh despatches for
the Emperor of Austria. Napoleon at the same time had recourse to
other means: he was aware of the intimacy and connexions of MM. D. de
St. L** and de Mont** with Prince Talleyrand; and persuaded, that M.
de Talleyrand would procure for them authority to repair to Vienna, he
resolved, to send them thither. He did not deceive himself with the
idea, that they would accept their mission for any other purpose than
that of more easily serving the royal cause; but he paid little regard
to their intrigues with the King, provided they delivered and brought
back with exactness the despatches, that should be entrusted to
them[95].
[Footnote 95: It was a laughable singularity, that,
of all the double-faced men employed by the
Emperor, there was no one, in whom he had more
confidence, than he had in M. de Mont**. He had
formerly ill-treated, persecuted, and banished him:
he knew, that he detested him, and was the most
intimate, the most devoted friend of M. de
Talleyrand: but he knew also the bent of M. de
Mont**'s mind; and he thought, that he would feel
an infinite pleasure, in executing his mission
well, and _humming_ [_rouer_] M. de Talleyrand, who
flattered himself, that he had never been hummed by
any person. I know not whether M. de Mont** found
it pleasant, or not, to take in M. de Talleyrand;
what I know is, that he justified the expectations
of Napoleon, and brought back to him intact the
letters, that were delivered to him by M. de
Mont**.]
About the King, however, and what passed at Ghent, he took little
concern: his anxious eyes were turned to Vienna; and convinced of the
influence, that M. de Talleyrand might exert there, he particularly
directed M. ****, to offer him his favour, and money also, if he would
abandon the Bourbons, and employ his talents and experience for the
benefit of the imperial cause.
The Emperor, who did not cease to hope, that his exertions, time, and
reflection, might effect some changes in the resolutions of the
allies, heard with extreme displeasure, that the King of Naples had
commenced hostilities.
This prince had long been dissatisfied with the complaisance, with
which the allied sovereigns listened to the protests of France, Savoy,
and Spain: and, though his crown had been guarantied to him by a
solemn compact with Austria, and by the formal declarations of Russia
and England, he foresaw, that the doctrine of legitimacy would carry
the point against the faith of treaties, and that Austria, though
interested in not allowing another crown to be transferred to the
house of Bourbon, would be obliged to submit to the unanimous will of
the other powers.
Thus the fear of being driven from the throne, and the resolution to
maintain himself in it, possessed Joachim, when the news of the
successful landing of Napoleon reached Naples.
The horror with which the Austrian sway inspired the Italians, the
attachment they retained to Napoleon, and the joy they displayed on
hearing of his departure from the island of Elba, persuaded the King,
that he should find no difficulty in raising Italy; and he flattered
himself with bringing the allies, either by force of arms, or by way
of negotiation, to guaranty to him irrevocably the possession of his
kingdom.
Desirous on the other hand of securing the protection of Napoleon, in
case of failure of success, he secretly despatched an emissary to
congratulate him; and announce, that, with a view of seconding his
operations, he was about to attack the Austrians, and, if his wishes
were answered by victory, he would soon join him with a formidable
army: "in fine," he wrote, "the moment of atoning for the wrong I have
done your Majesty, and of proving my attachment, is now arrived; I
will not let it escape."
This letter, which I deciphered, reached the Emperor at Auxerre; and
he immediately enjoined the King, to continue his preparations, but
wait for his giving him the signal, before he commenced hostilities.
The natural impetuosity and impatience of this Prince did not allow
him, to wait for the answer of Napoleon, and when his despatches
arrived, the gauntlet had been thrown down.
The better to disguise his intentions, Joachim had summoned the
ambassadors of Austria and England, immediately on hearing of the
landing of Napoleon, and had assured them, that he would remain
faithful to his engagements. When he had assembled his army (put in
motion under pretence of reinforcing his troops in the March of
Ancona), he fell unexpectedly on the Austrians; and announced to the
Italians, by a proclamation dated at Rimini the 31st of March, that he
had taken up arms to liberate Italy from a foreign yoke, and restore
its ancient freedom and independence.
"Italians," said he to them, "the moment is arrived, when the great
decrees of destiny are to be fulfilled. Providence at length calls
you, to become an independent people: one cry resounds from the Alps
to the straits of Scylla, the independence of Italy. By what right
would foreigners rob you of your independence, the first right, and
the first good, of all nations?
"Formerly masters of the world, you have expiated this fatal glory by
an oppression of twenty centuries. Let your glory now be, to have no
more masters.
"Fourscore thousand Italians hasten to you under the command of their
king. They swear not to rest, till Italy is free. Italians of all
countries, second their magnanimous efforts ... let those, who have
borne arms, resume them, let the unpractised youth exercise themselves
in the use of them, let all the friends of their country raise up one
generous voice for liberty.
"Can England refuse you her suffrages, she whose noblest claim to
glory is to spend her blood and treasure for the independence and
freedom of nations?
"I call on all the brave, to come and fight with me; I call on all men
of enlightened understandings, to prepare, while the passions are
silent, the constitution and laws, that ought henceforward to govern
happy and independent Italy."
This proclamation, to the great astonishment of Italy and France, did
not once mention the name of Napoleon. It kept the most profound
silence respecting his return, his intercourse with Joachim, and the
hopes their combined efforts must inspire.
Joachim however was not ignorant of the ascendancy, which the name of
Napoleon had on the spirit and courage of the Italians. But he knew
also, that this name was odious to the English, and dared not invoke
it, for fear of displeasing them. He thought he was sufficiently
powerful of himself, to act independently of the Emperor; and that it
would be enough, if he showed himself in arms to the Italian nation,
and offered it independence, to raise it at his pleasure. He deceived
himself: all his strength was borrowed from Napoleon: personally he
enjoyed no weight, no influence, in Italy. The Italians could not
forgive him for having betrayed his brother-in-law and benefactor in
1814, or for having revealed to Austria the patriotic conspiracy of
Milan in 1815[96].
[Footnote 96: I know not whether the fact be true:
but, true or false, it had the same effect on the
minds of the Italians.]
Thus prejudiced, they durst not confide in him; his intentions
appeared doubtful, his promises vague, his resources uncertain; and
they remained quiet spectators of the combat.
It is not, in fact, by concealments, that people are reduced or
hurried away: to subjugate them, it is necessary, to convince their
hearts and their understandings; and the heart and the understanding
comprehend no language but the straight forward voice of truth.
Unhappily this language was no longer known to Murat. Since his
accession to the throne, he had adopted the system of dissimulation
and duplicity, which pretty generally characterise Italian politics.
These narrow politics, which support themselves by cunning and
temporizing, were incompatible with the French blood, that circulated
in his veins; and the continual conflicts, that arose between his
novel inclinations and his natural petulance, were incessantly
rendering his words and actions at variance, and leading him into
devious paths, where he could not fail, to go astray and meet his
ruin.
Nevertheless, such is the magic power of the sacred words of liberty
and our country, that Murat did not utter them in vain. Bologna and a
few cities declared for him; and a number of young Italians ran to
enlist under his standards. Victory favoured their first steps; but
Napoleon did not deceive himself: the moment had been ill-chosen, he
foresaw the defection or ruin of Murat, and what passed beyond the
Alps no longer inspired him with any thing but disgust. From that time
he turned his attention with more ardor than ever to the means of
struggling alone against his adversaries, whose proceedings began to
assume a threatening appearance.
The royal government, partly through fear, partly from economy, had
disorganized the army, reduced the regiments one half, changed their
denominations, and dispersed the soldiers among new battalions.
Napoleon re-established the regiments on their ancient footing;
restored to them their glorious surnames of Invincible, Incomparable,
Terrible, One to Ten, &c. &c., which they had acquired and merited in
the field of battle. He recalled to their standards the brave men who
had been banished from them; and the army, which was scarcely
fourscore thousand strong, soon reckoned on its lists near two hundred
thousand fighting men.
The marines[97] and guards of the coasts, who so brilliantly
signalized their courage in the plains of Lutzen and Bautzen, were
united under the command of their officers, and formed a body of
fifteen or eighteen thousand men, who were appointed to protect our
maritime establishments, or, in case of necessity, reinforce the
active army.
[Footnote 97: _Les marins._ Properly, perhaps, the
seamen, whom Napoleon took from the ships of war,
and converted into soldiers.--_Tr._]
The cavalry of the imperial guard and the old grenadiers opened their
ranks to ten thousand soldiers selected from the flank companies; the
light artillery was re-organized; and the young guard received an
addition of several regiments.
But it was not sufficient to restore to the army the forces, of which
it had been deprived; it was equally necessary, to repair its
destitution: the foot wanted arms and clothing, the cavalry had
neither saddles nor horses.
The Emperor looked to all these things.
Levies and purchases of horses were made at once in all the
departments.
The gendarmerie, by giving up the ten thousand horses belonging to it,
which it replaced immediately, supplied the heavy cavalry with so many
horses already trained, which in ten days rendered its numerous
squadrons complete.
Spacious manufactories of clothing, arms, and equipage, were opened at
once in all parts.
The Emperor caused an account of the number of workmen, and the
produce of their labour, to be delivered to him every morning. He knew
how long it took a tailor to finish a soldier's dress, a wheelwright
to construct a carriage, or an armourer to fit up a musket. He knew
the quantity of arms, in a good or bad state, contained in the
arsenals. "You will find," he wrote to the minister at war, "in such
an arsenal, so many old muskets, and so many broken up. Set a hundred
men at work there, and arm me five hundred men a week." Such was the
extent and variety of Napoleon's genius, that he soared without effort
to the loftiest abstractions of the art of governing, and descended
with the same facility to the minutest details of management.
Extraordinary commissioners were employed at the same time to direct
the repairing and fortifying of the frontier towns. They employed
themselves day and night on this important business. But the slightest
delay appeared to the Emperor an age of expectation, and frequently he
put his hand to the work himself. He was perfectly acquainted with the
nature of the fortifications of every place, the number of men it
ought to contain, and the approaches necessary to be defended; and in
a few hours he settled what the most experienced engineer would have
found it difficult to conceive and determine in several days. And let
it not be supposed, that the works he thus ordered bore any marks of
precipitancy. At the head of his topographical cabinet he had one of
the first engineer officers in France, General Bernard; and this
general, too brave, too loyal, to be a flatterer, could never enough
admire the profound knowledge the Emperor possessed of the art of
fortification, and his happy and prompt application of it.
The zeal and joint efforts of these committees, and of the Emperor,
produced, in a short time, effects truly miraculous. All France seemed
an intrenched camp. Napoleon, in the articles he wrote[98],
frequently gave an account of the progress of his armament, of the
fortified places, and of the works of defence. I will transcribe here
one of these articles, which, exclusive of the merit of depicting the
aspect of France at that period, in a better manner than I could,
appears to me well adapted to convey an idea of the fervid activity of
Napoleon, and the immensity of the objects his eye embraced.
[Footnote 98: For the Moniteur, I presume.--_Tr._]