those of the northern parts of New Holland. Though some of the
circumstances mentioned by Dampier, relative to those he met with on the
western coast of this country, such as their defective sight, and want
of fore-teeth, are not found here; and though Hawkesworth’s account of
those met with by Captain Cook on the east side, shows also that they
differ in many respects; yet still, upon the whole, I am persuaded that
distance of place, entire separation, diversity of climate, and length
of time, all concurring to operate, will account for greater
differences, both as to their persons and as to their customs, than
really exist between our Van Diemen’s Land natives, and those described
by Dampier, and in Captain Cook’s first voyage. This is certain, that
the figure of one of those seen in Endeavour River, and represented in
Sidney Parkinson’s Journal of that voyage, very much resembles our
visitors in Adventure Bay. That there is not the like resemblance in
their language, is a circumstance that need not create any difficulty.
For though the agreement of the languages of people living distant from
each other, may be assumed as a strong argument for their having sprung
from one common source; disagreement of language is by no means a proof
of the contrary.[154]
“However, we must have a far more intimate acquaintance with the
languages spoken here and in the more northern parts of New Holland,
before we can be warranted to pronounce that they are totally different.
Nay, we have good grounds for the opposite opinion; for we found that
the animal called _kangooroo_ at Endeavour River, was known under the
same name here; and I need not observe that it is scarcely possible to
suppose that this was not transmitted from one another, but accidentally
adopted by two nations, differing in language and extraction. Besides,
as it seems very improbable that the Van Diemen’s Land inhabitants
should have ever lost the use of canoes or sailing vessels, if they had
been originally conveyed thither by sea, we must necessarily admit that
they, as well as the _kangooroo_ itself, have been stragglers by land
from the more northern parts of the country. And if there be any force
in this observation, while it traces the origin of the people, it will,
at the same time, serve to fix another point, if Captain Cook and
Captain Furneaux have not already decided it, that New Holland is no
where totally divided by the sea into islands, as some have
imagined.[155]
“As the New Hollanders seem all to be of the same extraction, so neither
do I think there is any thing peculiar in them. On the contrary, they
much resemble many of the inhabitants whom I have seen at the islands
Tanna and Manicola. Nay, there is even some foundation for hazarding a
supposition, that they may have originally come from the same place with
all the inhabitants of the South Sea. For, of only about ten words which
we could get from them, that which expresses _cold_, differs little from
that of New Zealand and Otaheite; the first being _Mallareede_, the
second _Makka’reede_, and the third _Ma’reede_. The rest of our very
scanty Van Diemen’s Land Vocabulary is as follows:
Quadne, _A woman._
Eve’rai, _The eye._
Muidje, _The nose._
Ka’my, _The teeth, mouth, or tongue._
Lae’renne, _A small bird, a native of the woods here._
Koy’gee, _The ear._
No’onga, _Elevated scars on the body._
Teegera, _To eat._
Toga’rago, _I must be gone_, or _I will go_.
“Their pronunciation is not disagreeable, but rather quick; though not
more so than is that of other nations of the South Sea; and, if we may
depend upon the affinity of languages as a clue to guide us in
discovering the origin of nations, I have no doubt but we shall find, on
a diligent inquiry, and when opportunities offer to collect accurately a
sufficient number of these words, and to compare them, that all the
people from New Holland, eastward to Easter Island, have been derived
from the same common root.”[156]
CHAP. VII.
THE PASSAGE FROM VAN DIEMEN’S LAND TO NEW ZEALAND.—EMPLOYMENTS IN QUEEN
CHARLOTTE’S SOUND.—TRANSACTIONS WITH THE NATIVES THERE.—INTELLIGENCE
ABOUT THE MASSACRE OF THE ADVENTURE’S BOAT’S CREW.—ACCOUNT OF THE
CHIEF WHO HEADED THE PARTY ON THAT OCCASION.—OF THE TWO YOUNG MEN WHO
EMBARK TO ATTEND OMAI.—VARIOUS REMARKS ON THE INHABITANTS.—
ASTRONOMICAL AND NAUTICAL OBSERVATIONS.
At eight o’clock in the morning of the 30th of January, a light breeze
springing up at W., we weighed anchor, and put to sea from Adventure
Bay. Soon after, the wind veered to the southward, and increased to a
perfect storm. Its fury abated in the evening, when it veered to the E.
and N. E.
This gale was indicated by the barometer, for the wind no sooner began
to blow, than the mercury in the tube began to fall. Another remarkable
thing attended the coming on of this wind, which was very faint at
first. It brought with it a degree of heat that was almost intolerable.
The mercury in the thermometer rose, as it were instantaneously, from
about 70° to near 90°. This heat was of so short a continuance, that it
seemed to be wafted away before the breeze that brought it; so that some
on board did not perceive it.
We pursued our course to the eastward, without meeting with any thing
worthy of note, till the night between the 6th and 7th of February, when
a marine belonging to the Discovery fell over board, and was never seen
afterward. This was the second misfortune of the kind that had happened
to Captain Clerke since he left England.
On the 10th, at four in the afternoon, we discovered the land of New
Zealand. The part we saw proved to be Rock’s Point, and bore S. E. by
S., about eight or nine leagues distant. During this run from Van
Diemen’s Land, the wind, for the first four or five days, was at N. E.,
N., and N. N. W., and blew, for the most part, a gentle breeze. It
afterward veered to S. E., where it remained twenty-four hours. It then
came to W. and S. W.; in which points it continued, with very little
deviation, till we reached New Zealand.
After making the land, I steered for Cape Farewell, which at day-break,
the next morning, bore S. by W., distant about four leagues. At eight
o’clock, it bore S. W. by S., about five leagues distant; and, in this
situation, we had forty-five fathoms’ water over a sandy bottom. In
rounding the Cape we had fifty fathoms, and the same sort of bottom.
I now steered for Stephen’s Island, which we came up with at nine
o’clock at night; and at ten, next morning, anchored in our old station,
in Queen Charlotte’s Sound.[157] Unwilling to lose any time, our
operations commenced that very afternoon, when we landed a number of
empty water-casks, and began to clear a place where we might set up the
two observatories, and tents for the reception of a guard, and of such
of our people whose business might make it necessary for them to remain
on shore.
We had not been long at anchor before several canoes, filled with
natives, came along-side of the ships; but very few of them would
venture on board; which appeared the more extraordinary, as I was well
known to them all. There was one man in particular amongst them, whom I
had treated with remarkable kindness, during the whole of my stay when I
was last here. Yet now, neither professions of friendship, nor presents,
could prevail upon him to come into the ship. This shyness was to be
accounted for only upon this supposition, that they were apprehensive we
had revisited their country, in order to revenge the death of Captain
Furneaux’s people. Seeing Omai on board my ship now, whom they must have
remembered to have seen on board the Adventure when the melancholy
affair happened, and whose first conversation with them, as they
approached, generally turned on that subject, they must be well assured
that I was no longer a stranger to it. I thought it necessary,
therefore, to use every endeavour to assure them of the continuance of
my friendship, and that I should not disturb them on that account. I do
not know whether this had any weight with them; but certain it is, that
they very soon laid aside all manner of restraint and distrust.
On the 13th we set up two tents, one from each ship; on the same spot
where he had pitched them formerly. The observatories were at the same
time erected; and Messrs. King and Bayly began their operations
immediately, to find the rate of the time-keeper, and to make other
observations. The remainder of the empty water-casks were also sent on
shore, with the cooper to trim, and a sufficient number of sailors to
fill them. Two men were appointed to brew spruce beer; and the carpenter
and his crew were ordered to cut wood. A boat, with a party of men,
under the direction of one of the mates, was sent to collect grass for
our cattle; and the people that remained on board were employed in
refitting the ship, and arranging the provisions. In this manner, we
were all profitably busied during our stay. For the protection of the
party on shore, I appointed a guard of ten marines, and ordered arms for
all the workmen; and Mr. King, and two or three petty officers,
constantly remained with them. A boat was never sent to any considerable
distance from the ships without being armed, and under the direction of
such officers as I could depend upon, and who were well acquainted with
the natives. During my former visits to this country, I had never taken
some of these precautions; nor were they, I firmly believe, more
necessary now than they had been formerly. But after the tragical fate
of the Adventure’s boat’s crew in this Sound, and of Captain Marion du
Fresne, and of some of his people, in the Bay of Islands[158], it was
impossible totally to divest ourselves of all apprehension of
experiencing a similar calamity.
If the natives entertained any suspicion of our revenging these acts of
barbarity, they very soon laid it aside. For, during the course of this
day, a great number of families came from different parts of the coast,
and took up their residence close to us; so that there was not a spot in
the cove where a hut could be put up, that was not occupied by them,
except the place where we had fixed our little encampment. This they
left us in quiet possession of; but they came and took away the ruins of
some old huts that were there, as materials for their new erections.
It is curious to observe with what facility they build these occasional
places of abode. I have seen above twenty of them erected on a spot of
ground, that, not an hour before, was covered with shrubs and plants.
They generally bring some part of the materials with them; the rest they
find upon the premises. I was present when a number of people landed,
and built one of these villages. The moment the canoes reached the
shore, the men leaped out, and at once took possession of a piece of
ground, by tearing up the plants and shrubs, or sticking up some part of
the framing of a hut. They then returned to their canoes, and secured
their weapons, by setting them up against a tree, or placing them in
such a position, that they could be laid hold of in an instant. I took
particular notice that no one neglected this precaution. While the men
were employed in raising the huts, the women were not idle. Some were
stationed to take care of the canoes; others to secure the provisions,
and the few utensils in their possession; and the rest went to gather
dry sticks, that a fire might be prepared for dressing their victuals.
As to the children, I kept them, as also some of the more aged,
sufficiently occupied in scrambling for beads, till I had emptied my
pockets, and then I left them.
These temporary habitations are abundantly sufficient to afford shelter
from the wind and rain, which is the only purpose they are meant to
answer. I observed that, generally, if not always, the same tribe or
family, though it were ever so large, associated and built together; so
that we frequently saw a village, as well as their larger towns, divided
into different districts, by low pallisades, or some similar mode of
separation.
The advantage we received from the natives coming to live with us, was
not inconsiderable. For, every day, when the weather would permit, some
of them went out to catch fish; and we generally got, by exchanges, a
good share of the produce of their labours. This supply, and what our
own nets and lines afforded us, was so ample, that we seldom were in
want of fish. Nor was there any deficiency of other refreshments.
Celery, scurvy-grass, and portable soup, were boiled with the peas and
wheat, for both ships’ companies, every day during our whole stay; and
they had spruce-beer for their drink. So that, if any of our people had
contracted the seeds of the scurvy, such a regimen soon removed them.
But the truth is, when we arrived here, there were only two invalids
(and these on board the Resolution) upon the sick lists in both ships.
Besides the natives who took up their abode close to us, we were
occasionally visited by others of them, whose residence was not far off;
and by some who lived more remote. Their articles of commerce were,
curiosities, fish, and women. The two first always came to a good
market; which the latter did not. The seamen had taken a kind of dislike
to these people; and were either unwilling, or afraid, to associate with
them; which produced this good effect, that I knew no instance of a
man’s quitting his station, to go to their habitations.
A connection with women I allow, because I cannot prevent it; but never
encourage, because I always dread its consequences. I know, indeed, that
many men are of opinion, that such an intercourse is one of our greatest
securities amongst savages; and perhaps they who, either from necessity
or choice, are to remain and settle with them, may find it so. But with
travellers and transient visitors, such as we were, it is generally
otherwise; and, in our situation, a connection with their women betrays
more men than it saves. What else can be reasonably expected, since all
their views are selfish, without the least mixture of regard or
attachment? My own experience, at least, which hath been pretty
extensive, hath not pointed out to me one instance to the contrary.
Amongst our occasional visitors, was a chief named Kahoora, who, as I
was informed, headed the party that cut off Captain Furneaux’s people,
and himself killed Mr. Rowe, the officer who commanded. To judge of the
character of Kahoora, by what I heard from many of his countrymen, he
seemed to be more feared than beloved amongst them. Not satisfied with
telling me that he was a very bad man, some of them even importuned me
to kill him; and, I believe, they were not a little surprised that I did
not listen to them; for, according to their ideas of equity, this ought
to have been done. But if I had followed the advice of all our pretended
friends, I might have extirpated the whole race; for the people of each
hamlet or village, by turns, applied to me to destroy the other. One
would have almost thought it impossible, that so striking a proof of the
divided state in which this miserable people live, could have been
assigned. And yet I was sure that I did not misconceive the meaning of
those who made these strange applications to me; for Omai, whose
language was a dialect of their own, and perfectly understood all that
they said, was our interpreter.
On the 15th, I made an excursion in my boat to look for grass, and
visited the Hippah, or fortified village, at the south-west point of
Motuara, and the places where our gardens had been planted on that
island. There were no people at the former; but the houses and
pallisades had been rebuilt, and were now in a state of good repair; and
there were other evident marks of its having been inhabited not long
before. It would be unnecessary, at present, to give a particular
account of this Hippah, sufficient notice having been taken of it in the
Account of my first Voyage, to which I refer.[159]
When the Adventure arrived first at Queen Charlotte’s Sound, in
1773[160], Mr. Bayly, fixed upon this place for making his observations;
and he, and the people with him, at their leisure hours, planted several
spots with English garden seeds. Not the least vestige of these now
remained. It is probable that they had been all rooted out to make room
for buildings, when the village was re-inhabited; for, at all the other
gardens then planted by Captain Furneaux, although now wholly over-run
with the weeds of the country, we found cabbages, onions, leeks,
purslain, radishes, mustard, &c. and a few potatoes. These potatoes,
which were first brought from the Cape of Good Hope, had been greatly
improved by change of soil; and, with proper cultivation, would be
superior to those produced in most other countries. Though the New
Zealanders are fond of this root, it was evident that they had not taken
the trouble to plant a single one (much less any other of the articles
which we had introduced); and if it were not for the difficulty of
clearing ground where potatoes had been once planted, there would not
have been any now remaining.
On the 16th, at day-break, I set out with a party of men, in five boats,
to collect food for our cattle. Captain Clerke, and several of the
officers, Omai, and two of the natives, accompanied me. We proceeded
about three leagues up the Sound, and then landed on the east side, at a
place where I had formerly been. Here we cut as much grass as loaded the
two launches.
As we returned down the Sound, we visited Grass Cove, the memorable
scene of the massacre of Captain Furneaux’s people. Here I met with my
old friend Pedro, who was almost continually with me the last time I was
in this Sound, and is mentioned in my History of that Voyage.[161] He,
and another of his countrymen, received us on the beach, armed with the
pa-too and spear. Whether this form of reception was a mark of their
courtesy or of their fear, I cannot say; but I thought they betrayed
manifest signs of the latter. However, if they had any apprehensions, a
few presents soon removed them, and brought down to the beach two or
three more of the family; but the greatest part of them remained out of
sight.
Whilst we were at this place, our curiosity prompted us to inquire into
the circumstances attending the melancholy fate of our countrymen; and
Omai was made use of as our interpreter for this purpose. Pedro, and the
rest of the natives present, answered all the questions that were put to
them on the subject, without reserve, and like men who are under no
dread of punishment for a crime of which they are not guilty. For we
already knew that none of them had been concerned in the unhappy
transaction. They told us, that while our people were sitting at dinner,
surrounded by several of the natives, some of the latter stole, or
snatched from them, some bread and fish, for which they were beat. This
being resented, a quarrel ensued, and two New Zealanders were shot dead,
by the only two muskets that were fired. For before our people had time
to discharge a third, or to load again those that had been fired, the
natives rushed in upon them, overpowered them with their numbers, and
put them all to death. Pedro and his companions, besides relating the
history of the massacre, made us acquainted with the very spot that was
the scene of it. It is at the corner of the cove on the right hand. They
pointed to the place of the sun, to mark to us at what hour of the day
it happened; and, according to this, it must have been late in the
afternoon. They also showed us the place where the boat lay; and it
appeared to be about two hundred yards distant from that where the crew
were seated. One of their number, a black servant of Captain Furneaux,
was left in the boat to take care of her.
We were afterward told that this black was the cause of the quarrel,
which was said to have happened thus: One of the natives stealing
something out of the boat, the negro gave him a severe blow with a
stick. The cries of the fellow being heard by his countrymen at a
distance, they imagined he was killed, and immediately began the attack
on our people; who, before they had time to reach the boat, or to arm
themselves against the unexpected impending danger, fell a sacrifice to
the fury of their savage assailants.
The first of these accounts, was confirmed by the testimony of many of
the natives, whom we conversed with, at different times, and who, I
think, could have no interest in deceiving us. The second manner of
relating the transaction, rests upon the authority of the young New
Zealander, who chose to abandon his country and go away with us, and
who, consequently, could have no possible view in disguising the truth.
All agreeing that the quarrel happened when the boat’s crew were sitting
at their meal, it is highly probable that both the accounts are true, as
they perfectly coincide. For we may very naturally suppose, that while
some of the natives were stealing from the man who had been left in the
boat, others of them might take the same liberties with the property of
our people who were on shore.
Be this as it will, all agree, that the quarrel first took its rise from
some thefts, in the commission of which the natives were detected. All
agree, also, that there was no premeditated plan of bloodshed, and that,
if these thefts had not been, unfortunately, too hastily resented, no
mischief would have happened. For Kahoora’s greatest enemies, those who
solicited his destruction most earnestly, at the same time confessed
that he had no intention to quarrel, much less to kill, till the fray
had actually commenced. It also appears that the unhappy victims were
under no sort of apprehension of their fate; otherwise they never would
have ventured to sit down to a repast at so considerable a distance from
their boat, amongst people who were the next moment to be their
murderers. What became of the boat I never could learn. Some said she
was pulled to pieces and burnt; others told us that she was carried,
they knew not whither, by a party of strangers.
We stayed here till the evening, when, having loaded the rest of the
boats with grass, celery, scurvy-grass, &c. we embarked to return to the
ships. We had prevailed upon Pedro to launch his canoe, and accompany
us; but we had scarcely put off from the shore, when the wind began to
blow very hard at north-west, which obliged him to put back. We
proceeded ourselves, but it was with a good deal of difficulty that we
could reach the ships; where some of the boats did not arrive till one
o’clock the next morning; and it was fortunate that they got on board
then, for it afterward blew a perfect storm, with abundance of rain, so
that no manner of work could go forward that day. In the evening the
gale ceased, and the wind having veered to the east, brought with it
fair weather.
The next day we resumed our works; the natives ventured out to catch
fish; and Pedro, with all his family, came and took up his abode near
us. This chief’s proper name is Matahouah; the other being given him by
some of my people during my last voyage, which I did not know till now.
He was, however, equally well known amongst his countrymen by both
names.
On the 20th, in the forenoon, we had another storm from the north-west.
Though this was not of so long continuance as the former, the gusts of
wind from the hills were far more violent, insomuch that we were obliged
to strike the yards and top-masts to the very utmost; and, even with all
this precaution, it was with difficulty that we rode it out. These
storms are very frequent here, and sometimes violent and troublesome.
The neighbouring mountains, which at these times are always loaded with
vapours, not only increase the force of the wind, but alter its
direction in such a manner, that no two blasts follow each other from
the same quarter; and the nearer the shore, the more their effects are
felt.
The next day we were visited by a tribe or family, consisting of about
thirty persons, men, women, and children, who came from the upper part
of the Sound. I had never seen them before. The name of their chief was
Tomatongeauooranuc; a man of about forty-five years of age, with a
cheerful open countenance. And, indeed, the rest of his tribe were, in
general, the handsomest of the New Zealand race I had ever met with.
By this time more than two-thirds of the inhabitants of the Sound had
settled themselves about us. Great numbers of them daily frequented the
ships, and the encampment on shore: but the latter became, by far, the
most favourite place of resort, while our people there were melting some
seal blubber. No Greenlander was ever fonder of train-oil, than our
friends here seem to be. They relished the very skimmings of the kettle,
and dregs of the casks; but a little of the pure stinking oil was a
delicious feast, so eagerly desired, that I supposed it is seldom
enjoyed.
Having got on board as much hay and grass as we judged sufficient to
serve the cattle till our arrival at Otaheite, and having completed the
wood and water of both ships, on the 23d we struck our tents, and
carried every thing off from the shore; and next morning we weighed
anchor, and stood out of the cove. But the wind not being very fair, and
finding that the tide of ebb would be spent before we could get out of
the Sound, we cast anchor again a little without the island Motuara, to
wait for a more favourable opportunity of putting into the strait.
While we were unmooring and getting under sail, Tomatongeauooranuc,
Matahouah, and many more of the natives, came to take their leave of us,
or rather to obtain, if they could, some additional present from us
before we left them. These two chiefs became suitors to me for some
goats, and hogs. Accordingly, I gave to Matahouah two goats, a male and
female with kid; and to Tomatongeauooranuc two pigs, a boar, and a sow.
They made me a promise not to kill them; though I must own I put no
great faith in this. The animals which Captain Furneaux sent on shore
here, and which soon after fell into the hands of the natives, I was now
told were all dead; but I could get no intelligence about the fate of
those I had left in West Bay, and in Cannibal Cove, when I was here in
the course of my last voyage. However, all the natives whom I conversed
with agreed, that poultry are now to be met with wild in the woods
behind Ship Cove; and I was afterward informed, by the two youths who
went away with us, that Tiratou, a popular chief amongst them, had a
great many cocks and hens in his separate possession, and one of the
sows.
On my present arrival at this place, I fully intended to have left not
only goats and hogs, but sheep, and a young bull, with two heifers, if I
could have found either a chief powerful enough to protect and keep
them, or a place where there might be a probability of their being
concealed from those who would ignorantly attempt to destroy them. But
neither the one nor the other presented itself to me. Tiratou was now
absent; and Tringoboohee, whom I had met with during my last
voyage[162], and who seemed to be a person of much consequence at that
time, had been killed five months ago, with about seventy persons of his
tribe; and I could not learn that there now remained in our
neighbourhood any tribe, whose numbers could secure to them a
superiority of power over the rest of their countrymen. To have given
the animals to any of the natives who possessed no such power, would not
have answered the intention. For, in a country like this, where no man’s
property is secure, they would soon have fallen a prey to different
parties, and been either separated or killed; but most likely both. This
was so evident, from what we had observed since our arrival, that I had
resolved to leave no kind of animal, till Matahouah and the other chief
solicited me for the hogs and goats. As I could spare them, I let them
go, to take their chance. I have, at different times, left in New
Zealand no less than ten or a dozen hogs, besides those put on shore by
Captain Furneaux. It will be a little extraordinary, therefore, if this
race should not increase and be preserved here, either in a wild or in a
domestic state, or in both.
We had not been long at anchor near Motuara, before three or four
canoes, filled with natives, came off to us from the south-east side of
the Sound; and a brisk trade was carried on with them for the
curiosities of this place. In one of these canoes was Kahoora, whom I
have already mentioned as the leader of the party who cut off the crew
of the Adventurer’s boat. This was the third time he had visited us,
without betraying the smallest appearance of fear. I was ashore when he
now arrived, but had got on board just as he was going away. Omai, who
had returned with me, presently pointed him out, and solicited me to
shoot him. Not satisfied with this, he addressed himself to Kahoora,
threatening to be his executioner, if ever he presumed to visit us
again.
The New Zealander paid so little regard to these threats, that he
returned, the next morning, with his whole family, men, women, and
children, to the number of twenty and upwards. Omai was the first who
acquainted me with his being along-side the ship, and desired to know if
he should ask him to come on board. I told him he might; and accordingly
he introduced the chief into the cabin, saying, “There is Kahoora; kill
him!” But, as if he had forgot his former threats, or were afraid that I
should call upon him to perform them, he immediately retired. In a short
time, however, he returned; and seeing the chief unhurt, he expostulated
with me very earnestly, saying, “Why do you not kill him? You tell me,
if a man kills another in England, that he is hanged for it. This man
has killed ten, and yet you will not kill him; though many of his
countrymen desire it, and it would be very good.” Omai’s arguments,
though specious enough, having no weight with me, I desired him to ask
the chief, why he had killed Captain Furneaux’s people? At this
question, Kahoora folded his arms, hung down his head, and looked like
one caught in a trap; and, I firmly believe, he expected instant death.
But no sooner was he assured of his safety, than he became cheerful. He
did not, however, seem willing to give me an answer to the question that
had been put to him, till I had, again and again, repeated my promise
that he should not be hurt. Then he ventured to tell us, that one of his
countrymen having brought a stone-hatchet to barter, the man to whom it
was offered took it, and would neither return it nor give any thing for
it; on which the owner of it snatched up the bread as an equivalent; and
then the quarrel began.
The remainder of Kahoora’s account of this unhappy affair differed very
little from what we had before learned from the rest of his countrymen.
He mentioned the narrow escape he had during the fray, a musket being
levelled at him, which he avoided by skulking behind the boat; and
another man, who stood close to him, was shot dead. As soon as the
musket was discharged, he instantly seized the opportunity to attack Mr.
Rowe, who commanded the party, and who defended himself with his hanger
(with which he wounded Kahoora in the arm), till he was overpowered by
numbers.
Mr. Burney, who was sent by Captain Furneaux the next day[163] with an
armed party, to look for his missing people, upon discovering the horrid
proofs of their shocking fate, had fired several vollies amongst the
crowds of natives who still remained assembled on the spot, and were,
probably, partaking of the detestable banquet. It was natural to suppose
that he had not fired in vain; and that, therefore, some of the
murderers and devourers of our unhappy countrymen had suffered under our
just resentment. Upon enquiry, however, into this matter, not only from
Kahoora, but from others who had opportunities of knowing, it appeared
that our supposition was groundless, and that not one of the shot fired
by Mr. Burney’s people had taken effect, so as to kill, or even to hurt,
a single person.
It was evident, that most of the natives we had met with since our
arrival, as they knew I was fully acquainted with the history of the
massacre, expected I should avenge it with the death of Kahoora. And
many of them seemed not only to wish it, but expressed their surprise at
my forbearance. As he could not be ignorant of this, it was a matter of
wonder to me, that he put himself so often in my power. When he visited
us while the ships lay in the Cove, confiding in the number of his
friends that accompanied him, he might think himself safe. But his two
last visits had been made under such circumstances, that he could no
longer rely upon this. We were then at anchor in the entrance of the
Sound, and at some distance from any shore; so that he could not have
any assistance from thence, nor flatter himself he could have the means
of making his escape, had I determined to detain him. And yet, after his
first fears, on being interrogated, were over, he was so far from
entertaining any uneasy sensations, that, on seeing a portrait of one of
his countrymen hanging up in the cabin, he desired to have his own
portrait drawn; and sat till Mr. Webber had finished it, without marking
the least impatience. I must confess, I admired his courage, and was not
a little pleased to observe the extent of the confidence he put in me.
For he placed his whole safety in the declarations I had uniformly made
to those who solicited his death, that I had always been a friend to
them all, and would continue so, unless they gave me cause to act
otherwise; that as to their inhuman treatment of our people, I should
think no more of it, the transaction having happened long ago, and when
I was not present; but that, if ever they made a second attempt of that
kind, they might rest assured of feeling the weight of my resentment.
For some time before we arrived at New Zealand, Omai had expressed a
desire to take one of the natives with him to his own country. We had
not been there many days, before he had an opportunity of being
gratified in this; for a youth about seventeen or eighteen years of age,
named Taweiharooa, offered to accompany him; and took up his residence
on board. I paid little attention to this at first, imagining that he
would leave us when we were about to depart, and after he had got what
he could from Omai. At length, finding that he was fixed in his
resolution to go with us, and having learnt that he was the only son of
a deceased chief, and that his mother, still living, was a woman much
respected here, I was apprehensive that Omai had deceived him and his
friends, by giving them hopes and assurances of his being sent back. I
therefore caused it to be made known to them all, that if the young man
went away with us, he would never return. But this declaration seemed to
make no sort of impression. The afternoon before we left the Cove,
Tiratoutou, his mother, came on board, to receive her last present from
Omai. The same evening, she and Taweiharooa parted, with all the marks
of tender affection that might be expected between a parent and a child,
who were never to meet again. But she said she would cry no more; and,
sure enough, she kept her word. For when she returned the next morning,
to take her last farewell of him, all the time she was on board she
remained quite cheerful, and went away wholly unconcerned.
That Taweiharooa might be sent away in a manner becoming his birth,
another youth was to have gone with him as his servant; and, with this
view, as we supposed, he remained on board till we were about to sail,
when his friends took him ashore. However, his place was supplied, next
morning, by another, a boy of about nine or ten years of age, named
Kokoa. He was presented to me by his own father, who, I believe, would
have parted with his dog with far less indifference. The very little
clothing the boy had, he stripped him of, and left him as naked as he
was born. It was to no purpose that I endeavoured to convince these
people of the improbability, or rather of the impossibility, of these
youths ever returning home. Not one, not even their nearest relations,
seemed to trouble themselves about their future fate. Since this was the
case, and I was well satisfied that the boys would be no losers by
exchange of place, I the more readily gave my consent to their going.
From my own observations, and from the information of Taweiharooa and
others, it appears to me that the New Zealanders must live under
perpetual apprehensions of being destroyed by each other; there being
few of their tribes that have not, as they think, sustained wrongs from
some other tribe, which they are continually upon the watch to revenge.
And, perhaps, the desire of a good meal may be no small incitement. I am
told that many years will sometimes elapse before a favourable
opportunity happens, and that the son never loses sight of an injury
that has been done to his father. Their method of executing their
horrible designs is by stealing upon the adverse party in the night; and
if they find them unguarded, (which, however, I believe, is very seldom
the case,) they kill every one indiscriminately, not even sparing the
women and children. When the massacre is completed, they either feast
and gorge themselves on the spot, or carry off as many of the dead
bodies as they can, and devour them at home, with acts of brutality too
shocking to be described. If they are discovered before they can execute
their bloody purpose, they generally steal off again; and sometimes are
pursued and attacked by the other party, in their turn. To give quarter,
or to take prisoners, makes no part of their military law; so that the
vanquished can only save their lives by flight. This perpetual state of
war, and destructive method of conducting it, operates so strongly in
producing habitual circumspection, that one hardly ever finds a New
Zealander off his guard, either by night or by day. Indeed no other man
can have such powerful motives to be vigilant, as the preservation both
of body and of soul depends upon it. For, according to their system of
belief, the soul of the man whose flesh is devoured by the enemy is
doomed to a perpetual fire, while the soul of the man whose body has
been rescued from those who killed him, as well as the souls of all who
die a natural death, ascend to the habitations of the gods. I asked,
whether they ate the flesh of such of their friends as had been killed
in war, but whose bodies were saved from falling into the enemy’s hands?
They seemed surprised at the question, which they answered in the
negative, expressing some abhorrence at the very idea. Their common
method of disposing of their dead is by depositing their bodies in the
earth; but if they have more of their slaughtered enemies than they can
eat, they throw them into the sea.
They have no such thing as _morais_, or other places of public worship;
nor do they ever assemble together with this view. But they have
priests, who alone address the gods in prayers for the prosperity of
their temporal affairs; such as an enterprise against a hostile tribe, a
fishing party, or the like.
Whatever the principles of their religion may be, of which we remain
very ignorant, its instructions are very strongly inculcated into them
from their very infancy. Of this I saw a remarkable instance, in the
youth who was first destined to accompany Taweiharooa. He refrained from
eating the greatest part of the day, on account of his hair being cut;
though every method was tried to induce him to break his resolution, and
he was tempted with the offer of such victuals as he was known to esteem
the most. He said, if he ate any thing that day, the _Eatooa_ would kill
him. However, towards evening, the cravings of nature got the better of
the precepts of his religion, and he ate, though but sparingly. I had
often conjectured, before this, that they had some superstitious notions
about their hair, having frequently observed quantities of it tied to
the branches of trees near some of their habitations; but what these
notions are, I never could learn.
Notwithstanding the divided and hostile state in which the New
Zealanders live, travelling strangers, who come with no ill design, are
well received and entertained during their stay; which, however, it is
expected, will be no longer than is requisite to transact the business
they come upon. Thus it is that a trade for _poenammoo_, or green talc,
is carried on throughout the whole northern island. For they tell us,
that there is none of this stone to be found, but at a place which bears
its name, somewhere about the head of Queen Charlotte’s Sound, and not
above one or two days’ journey, at most, from the station of our ships.
I regretted much that I could not spare time sufficient for paying a
visit to the place; as we were told a hundred fabulous stories about
this stone, not one of which carried with it the least probability of
truth, though some of their most sensible men would have us believe
them. One of these stories is, that this stone is originally a fish,
which they strike with a gig in the water, tie a rope to it, and drag it
to the shore, to which they fasten it, and it afterward becomes stone.
As they all agree, that it is fished out of a large lake, or collection
of waters, the most probable conjecture is, that it is brought from the
mountains, and deposited in the water, by the torrents. This lake is
called by the natives _Tavai Poenammoo_; that is, the water of Green
Talc; and it is only the adjoining part of the country, and not the
whole southern island of New Zealand, that is known to them by the name
which hath been given to it on my chart.
Polygamy is allowed amongst these people; and it is not uncommon for a
man to have two or three wives. The women are marriagable at a very
early age; and it should seem that one who is unmarried is but in a
forlorn state. She can with difficulty get a subsistence; at least she
is, in a great measure, without a protector, though in constant want of
a powerful one.
The New Zealanders seem to be a people perfectly satisfied with the
little knowledge they are masters of, without attempting, in the least,
to improve it; nor are they remarkably curious, either in their
observations or their enquiries. New objects do not strike them with
such a degree of surprise as one would naturally expect; nor do they
even fix their attention for a moment. Omai, indeed, who was a great
favourite with them, would sometimes attract a circle about him; but
they seemed to listen to his speeches like persons who neither
understood, nor washed to understand, what they heard.
One day, on our enquiring of Taweiharooa how many ships, such as ours,
had ever arrived in Queen Charlotte’s Sound, or in any part of its
neighbourhood? he began with giving an account of one absolutely unknown
to us. This, he said, had put into a port on the north-west coast of
Teerawitte, but a very few years before I arrived in the Sound in the
Endeavour, which the New Zealanders distinguish, by calling Tupia’s
ship. At first, I thought he might have been mistaken as to the time and
place; and that the ship in question might be either Monsieur
Surville’s, who is said to have touched upon the north-east coast of
Eaheinomauwe, the same year I was there in the Endeavour, or else
Monsieur Marion du Fresne’s, who was in the Bay of Islands, on the same
coast, a few years after; but he assured us that he was not mistaken,
either as to the time or as to the place of this ship’s arrival; and
that it was well known to every body about Queen Charlotte’s Sound and
Teerawitte. He said, that the captain of her, during his stay here,
cohabited with a woman of the country; and that she had a son by him
still living, and about the age of Kokoa; who, though not born then,
seemed to be equally well acquainted with the story. We were also
informed by Taweiharooa, that this ship first introduced the venereal
disease amongst the New Zealanders. I wish that subsequent visitors from
Europe may not have their share of guilt, in leaving so dreadful a
remembrance of them amongst this unhappy race. The disorder now is but
too common here, though they do not seem to regard it, saying, that its
effects are not near so pernicious at present as they were at its first
appearance. The only method, as far as I ever heard, that they make use
of as a remedy, is by giving the patient the use of a sort of hot bath,
which they produce by the steam of certain green plants laid over hot
stones.
I regretted much that we did not hear of this ship while we were in the
Sound; as, by means of Omai, we might have had full and correct
information about her from eye-witnesses. For Taweiharooa’s account was
only from what he had been told, and therefore liable to many mistakes.
I have not the least doubt, however, that his testimony may so far be
depended upon, as to induce us to believe that a ship really had been at
Teerawitte prior to my arrival in the Endeavour, as it corresponds with
what I had formerly heard. For in the latter end of 1773, the second
time I visited New Zealand, during my last voyage, when we were
continually making enquiries about the Adventure, after our separation,
some of the natives informed us of a ship’s having been in a port on the
coast of Teerawitte. But, at that time, we thought we must have
misunderstood them, and took no notice of the intelligence.
The arrival of this unknown ship has been marked by the New Zealanders
with more cause of remembrance than the unhappy one just mentioned.
Taweiharooa told us, their country was indebted to her people for the
present of an animal, which they left behind them. But as he had not
seen it himself, no sort of judgment could be formed, from his
description, of what kind it was.
We had another piece of intelligence from him, more correctly given,
though not confirmed by our own observations, that there are snakes and
lizards there of an enormous size. He described the latter as being
eight feet in length, and as big round as a man’s body. He said, they
sometimes seize and devour men; that they burrow in the ground; and that
they are killed by making fires at the mouths of the holes. We could not
be mistaken as to the animal; for with his own hand he drew a very good
representation of a lizard on a piece of paper; as also of a snake, in
order to show what he meant.
Though much has been said, in the narratives of my two former voyages,
about this country and its inhabitants, Mr. Anderson’s remarks, as
serving either to confirm or to correct our former accounts, may not be
superfluous. He had been three times with me in Queen Charlotte’s Sound,
during my last voyage; and, after this fourth visit, what he thought
proper to record, may be considered as the result of sufficient
observation. The reader will find it in the next chapter; and I have
nothing farther to add, before I quit New Zealand, but to give some
account of the astronomical and nautical observations made during our
stay there.
The longitude of the Observatory in Ship
Cove, by a mean of 103 sets of
observations, each set consisting of
six or more observed distances, was 174° 25ʹ 15ʺ east.
By the time-keeper, at Greenwich rate,
it was 175 26 30
By ditto, at the Cape rate, it was 174 56 12
Variation of the compass, being the mean
of six needles, observed on board the
ship 12 40 0 east.
By the same needles on shore, it was 13 53 0
The dip of the south end, observed on
shore, was 63 42 0
By a mean of the results of eleven days observations, the time-keeper
was too slow for mean time, on February 22. at noon, by 11^h 50ʹ 37ʺ,
396; and she was found to be losing, on mean time, at the rate of 2ʺ,
913 _per_ day. From this rate the longitude will be computed, till some
other opportunity offers to ascertain her rate anew. The astronomical
clock, with the same length of pendulum as at Greenwich, was found to be
losing on sidereal time 40ʺ, 239 _per_ day.
It will not be amiss to mention, that the longitude, by lunar
observations, as above, differs only 6ʹ 45ʺ from what Mr. Wales made it
during my last voyage; his being so much more to the W., or 174° 18ʹ
30ʺ.
The latitude of Ship Cove is 41° 6ʹ 0ʺ, as found by Mr. Wales.
CHAP. VIII.
MR. ANDERSON’S REMARKS ON THE COUNTRY NEAR QUEEN CHARLOTTE’S SOUND.—THE
SOIL.—CLIMATE.—WEATHER.—WINDS.—TREES.—PLANTS.—BIRDS.—FISH.—OTHER
ANIMALS.—OF THE INHABITANTS.—DESCRIPTION OF THEIR PERSONS.—THEIR
DRESS.—ORNAMENTS.—HABITATIONS.—BOATS.—FOOD AND COOKERY.—ARTS.—
WEAPONS.—CRUELTY TO PRISONERS.—VARIOUS CUSTOMS.—SPECIMEN OF THEIR
LANGUAGE.
The land every where about Queen Charlotte’s Sound is uncommonly
mountainous, rising immediately from the sea into large hills with
blunted tops. At considerable distances are valleys, or rather
impressions on the sides of the hills, which are not deep; each
terminating toward the sea in a small cove, with a pebbly or sandy
beach; behind which are small flats, where the natives generally build
their huts, at the same time hauling their canoes upon the beaches. This
situation is the more convenient, as in every cove a brook of very fine
water (in which are some small trout) empties itself into the sea.
The bases of these mountains, at least toward the shore, are constituted
of a brittle, yellowish sand-stone, which acquires a bluish cast, where
the sea washes it. It runs, at some places, in horizontal, and, at other
places, in oblique _strata_; being frequently divided, at small
distances, by thin veins of coarse _quartz_, which commonly follow the
direction of the other, though they sometimes intersect it. The mould,
or soil, which covers this, is also of a yellowish cast, not unlike
marl; and is commonly from a foot to two, or more, in thickness.
The quality of this soil is best indicated by the luxuriant growth of
its productions. For the hills (except a few toward the sea, which are
covered with smaller bushes) are one continued forest of lofty trees,
flourishing with a vigour almost superior to any thing that imagination
can conceive, and affording an august prospect to those who are
delighted with the grand and beautiful works of nature.
The agreeable temperature of the climate, no doubt, contributes much to
this uncommon strength in vegetation. For at this time, though answering
to our month of August, the weather was never disagreeably warm; nor did
it raise the thermometer higher than 66°. The winter, also, seems
equally mild with respect to cold: for in June, 1773, which corresponds
to our December, the mercury never fell lower than 48°; and the trees,
at that time, retained their verdure, as if in the summer season; so
that, I believe, their foliage is never shed, till pushed off by the
succeeding leaves in spring.
The weather, in general, is good, but sometimes windy, with heavy rain;
which, however, never lasts above a day, nor does it appear that it is
ever excessive. For there are no marks of torrents rushing down the
hills, as in many countries; and the brooks, if we may judge from their
channels, seem never to be greatly increased. I have observed, in the
four different times of my being here, that the winds from the S.
eastward are commonly moderate, but attended with cloudy weather, or
rain. The S. W. winds blow very strong, and are also attended with rain;
but they seldom last long. The N. W. winds are the most prevailing; and
though often pretty strong, are almost constantly connected with fine
weather. In short, the only obstacle to this being one of the finest
countries upon earth is its great hilliness, which, allowing the woods
to be cleared away, would leave it less proper for pasturage than flat
land, and still more improper for cultivation, which could never be
effected here by the plough.
The large trees which cover the hills are chiefly of two sorts. One of
them, of the size of our largest firs, grows much after their manner;
but the leaves, and small berries on their points, are much liker the
yew. It was this which supplied the place of spruce in making beer;
which we did with a strong decoction of its leaves, fermented with
treacle or sugar. And this liquor, when well prepared, was acknowledged
to be little inferior to the American spruce-beer, by those who had
experience of both. The other sort of tree is not unlike a maple; and
grows often to a great size; but it only served for fuel, as the wood,
both of this and of the preceding, was found to be rather too heavy for
masts, yards, and other similar repairs.
There is a greater variety of trees on the small flat spots behind the
beaches. Amongst these are two that bear a kind of plum of the size of
prunes, the one yellow, called _karraca_; and the other black, called
_maitao_; but neither of them of a very agreeable taste, though the
natives ate both, and our people did the same. Those of the first sort
grow on small trees, always facing the sea; but the others belong to
larger trees that stand farther within the wood, and which we frequently
cut down for fuel.
A species of _Philadelphus_ grows on the eminences which jut out into
the sea; and also a tree bearing flowers almost like myrtle, with
roundish-spotted leaves of a disagreeable smell. We drank the leaves of
the _Philadelphus_ as tea; and found that they had a pleasant taste and
smell, and might make an excellent substitute for the oriental sort.
Among other plants that were useful to us, may be reckoned wild celery,
which grows plentifully in almost every cove; especially if the natives
have ever resided there before; and one that we used to call
scurvy-grass, though entirely different from the plant to which we give
that name. This, however, is far preferable to ours for common use; and
may be known by its jagged leaves, and small clusters of white flowers
on the top. Both sorts were boiled every morning, with wheat ground in a
mill, and with portable soup, for the people’s breakfast, and also
amongst their pease-soup, for dinner. Sometimes they were used as salad,
or dressed as greens. In all which ways they are good; and together with
the fish, with which we were constantly supplied, they formed a sort of
refreshment, perhaps little inferior to what is to be met with in places
most noted by navigators for plentiful supplies of animal and vegetable
food.
Amongst the known kinds of plants met with here, are common and rough
bindweed; night-shade and nettles, both which grow to the size of small
trees; a shrubby speedwell, found near all the beaches; sow-thistles,
virgin’s bower, vanelloe, French willow, euphorbia, and crane’s bill;
also cudweed, rushes, bull-rushes, flax, all-heal, American night-shade,
knot-grass, brambles, eye-bright, and groundsel; but the _species_ of
each are different from any we have in Europe. There is also polypody,
spleenwort, and about twenty other different sort of ferns, entirely
peculiar to the place; with several sorts of mosses, either rare, or
produced only here; besides a great number of other plants, whose uses
are not yet known, and subjects fit only for botanical books.
Of these, however, there is one which deserves particular notice here,
as the natives make their garments of it; and it produces a fine silky
flax, superior in appearance to any thing we have, and, probably, at
least as strong. It grows every where near the sea, and in some places a
considerable way up the hills, in bunches or tufts, with sedge-like
leaves, bearing, on a long stalk, yellowish flowers, which are succeeded
by a long roundish pod, filled with very thin shining black seeds. A
species of long pepper is found in great plenty; but it has little of
the aromatic flavour that makes spices valuable; and a tree much like a
palm at a distance, is pretty frequent in the woods, though the deceit
appears as you come near it. It is remarkable that, as the greatest part
of the trees and plants had, at this time, lost their flowers, we
perceived they were generally of the berry-bearing kind; of which, and
other seeds, I brought away about thirty different sorts. Of these, one
in particular, which bears a red berry, is much like the supple jack,
and grows about the trees, stretching from one to another, in such a
manner as to render the woods almost wholly impassable.
The birds, of which there is a tolerable stock, as well as the vegetable
productions, are almost entirely peculiar to the place. And though it be
difficult to follow them, on account of the quantity of underwood and
the climbing plants, that render travelling, for pleasure alone,
uncommonly fatiguing, yet a person, by remaining in one place, may shoot
as many in a day as would serve six or eight others. The principal sorts
are, large brown parrots, with white or greyish heads; green paroquets
with red foreheads; large wood pigeons, brown above, with white bellies,
the rest green, and the bill and feet red. Two sorts of cuckoos, one as
large as our common sort, of a brown colour, variegated with black; the
other not larger than a sparrow, of a splendid green cast above, and
elegantly varied with waves of golden, green, brown, and white colours
below. Both these are scarce; but several others are in greater plenty;
one of which, of a black colour, with a greenish cast, is remarkable for
having a tuft of white curled feathers hanging under the throat, and was
called the _Poy_ bird by our people. Another sort, rather smaller, is
black, with a brown back and wings, and two small gills under the root
of the bill. This we called the small wattle-bird, to distinguish it
from another, which we called the large one, of the size of a common
pigeon, with two large yellow and purple membranes also, at the root of
the bill. It is black, or rather blue, and has no resemblance of the
other but in name; for the bill is thick, short, and crooked, and has
altogether an uncommon appearance. A gross-beak, about the size of a
thrush, of a brown colour, with a reddish tail, is frequent; as is also
a small greenish bird, which is almost the only musical one here, but is
sufficient by itself to fill the woods with a melody, that is not only
sweet, but so varied, that one would imagine he was surrounded by a
hundred different sorts of birds, when the little warbler is near. From
this circumstance we named it the mocking-bird. There are likewise three
or four sorts of smaller birds; one of which, in figure and tameness,
exactly resembles our robin, but is black where that is brown, and white
where that is red. Another differs but little from this, except in being
smaller; and a third sort has a long tail, which it expands as a fan on
coming near, and makes a chirping noise when it perches. King-fishers
are seen, though rare, and are about the size of our English ones, but
with an inferior plumage.
About the rocks are seen black sea-pies with red bills; and crested
shags of a leaden colour, with small black spots on the wings and
shoulders, and the rest of the upper part of a velvet black tinged with
green. We frequently shot both these, and also a more common sort of
shags, black above and white underneath, that build their nests upon
trees, on which sometimes a dozen or more sit at once. There are also,
about the shore, a few sea-gulls; some blue herons; and sometimes,
though very rarely, wild ducks; a small sandy-coloured plover, and some
sand-larks; and small penguins, black above, with a white belly, as well
as numbers of little black divers, swim often about the Sound. We
likewise killed two or three rails of a brown or yellowish colour,
variegated with black, which feed about the small brooks, and are nearly
as large as a common fowl. No other sort of game was seen, except a
single snipe, which was shot, and differs but little from that of
Europe.
The principal fish we caught by the seine were mullets and elephant
fish, with a few soles and flounders; but those that the natives mostly
supplied us with, were a sort of sea-bream of a silver colour with a
black spot on the neck, large conger-eels, and a fish in shape much like
the bream, but so large as to weigh five, six, or seven pounds. It is
blackish with thick lips, and called _Mogge_ by the natives. With hook
and line we caught chiefly a blackish fish of the size of a haddock,
called cole-fish by the seamen, but differing much from that known by
the same name in Europe; and another of the same size, of a reddish
colour with a little beard, which we called night-walkers, from the
greatest number being caught in the night. Sometimes we got a sort of
small salmon, gurnards, skate, and nurses; and the natives, now and
then, brought hake, paracutas, a small sort of mackerel, parrot-fish,
and leather-jackets; besides another fish which is very rare, shaped
almost like a dolphin, of a black colour, with strong bony jaws, and the
back-fin, as well as those opposite to it, much lengthened at the end.
All these sorts, except the last, which we did not try, are excellent to
eat; but the _Mogge_, small salmon, and cole-fish, are superior to the
rest.
The rocks are abundantly furnished with great quantities of excellent
muscles; one sort of which, that is not very common, measures above a
foot in length. There are also cockles buried in the sand of the small
beaches; and in some places oysters, which, though very small, are well
tasted. Of other shell-fish, there are ten or twelve sorts, such as
periwincles, wilks, limpets, and some very beautiful sea-ears; also
another sort which stick to the weeds; with some other things, as
sea-eggs, star-fish, &c. several of which are peculiar to the place. The
natives likewise sometimes brought us very fine cray-fish, equal to our
largest lobsters, and cuttle-fish, which they eat themselves.
Insects are very rare. Of these, we only saw two sorts of dragon flies,
some butterflies, small grashoppers, several sorts of spiders, some
small black ants, and vast numbers of scorpion flies, with whose
chirping the woods resound. The only noxious one is the sand-fly, very
numerous here, and almost as troublesome as the musquitoe; for we found
no reptile here, except two or three sorts of small harmless
lizards.[164]
It is remarkable, that, in this extensive land, there should not even be
the traces of any quadruped, only excepting a few rats, and a sort of
fox-dog, which is a domestic animal with the natives.
Neither is there any mineral worth notice, but a green jasper or
serpent-stone, of which the New Zealanders make their tools and
ornaments. This is esteemed a precious article by them; and they have
some superstitious notions about the method of its generation, which we
could not perfectly understand. It is plain, however, that wherever it
may be found (which, they say, is in the channel of a large river far to
the southward), it is disposed in the earth in thin layers, or, perhaps,
in detached pieces, like our flints; for the edges of those pieces,
which have not been cut, are covered with a whitish crust like these. A
piece of this sort was purchased, about eighteen inches long, a foot
broad, and near two inches thick; which yet seemed to be only the
fragment of a larger piece.
The natives do not exceed the common stature of Europeans; and, in
general, are not so well made, especially about the limbs. This is,
perhaps, the effect of sitting, for the most part, on their hams; and of
being confined, by the hilly disposition of the country, from using that
sort of exercise which contributes to render the body straight and
well-proportioned. There are, however, several exceptions to this; and
some are remarkable for their large bones and muscles; but few that I
have seen are corpulent.
Their colour is of different casts, from a pretty deep black to a
yellowish or olive tinge; and their features also are various, some
resembling Europeans. But, in general, their faces are round, with their
lips full, and also their noses towards the point; though the first are
not uncommonly thick, nor the last flat. I do not, however, recollect to
have seen an instance of the true aquiline nose amongst them. Their
teeth are commonly broad, white, and well set; and their eyes large,
with a very free motion, which seems the effect of habit. Their hair is
black, straight, and strong, commonly cut short on the hind part, with
the rest tied on the crown of the head: but some have it of a curling
disposition, or of a brown colour. In the young, the countenance is
generally free or open; but in many of the men it has a serious cast,
and sometimes a sullenness or reserve, especially if they are strangers.
The women are, in general, smaller than the men; but have few peculiar
graces, either in form or features, to distinguish them.
The dress of both sexes is alike; and consists of an oblong garment
about five feet long, and four broad, made from the silky flax already
mentioned. This seems to be their most material and complex manufacture,
which is executed by knotting; and their work is often ornamented with
pieces of dog-skin, or chequered at the corners. They bring two corners
of this garment over the shoulders, and fasten it on the breast with the
other part, which covers the body; and about the belly, it is again tied
with a girdle made of mat. Sometimes they cover it with large feathers
of birds (which seem to be wrought into the piece of cloth when it is
made), or with dog-skin; and that alone we have seen worn as a covering.
Over this garment, many of them wear mats, which reach from the
shoulders to near the heels. But the most common outer-covering is a
quantity of the above sedgy plant, badly dressed, which they fasten on a
string to a considerable length, and, throwing it about the shoulders,
let it fall down on all sides, as far as the middle of the thighs. When
they sit down with this upon them, either in their boats, or upon the
shore, it would be difficult to distinguish them from large grey stones,
if their black heads, projecting beyond their coverings, did not engage
one to a stricter examination.
By way of ornament, they fix in their heads feathers, or combs of bone,
or wood, adorned with pearl shell, or the thin inner skin of some leaf.
And in the ears, both of men and women, which are pierced, or rather
slit, are hung small pieces of jasper, bits of cloth, or beads when they
can get them. A few also have the _septum_ of the nose bored in its
lower part; but no ornament was worn there that we saw; though one man
passed a twig through it, to show us that it was sometimes used for that
purpose. They wear long beards, but are fond of having them shaved.
Some are punctured or stained in the face with curious spiral and other
figures, of a black or deep blue colour; but it is doubtful whether this
be ornamental, or intended as a mark of particular distinction; and the
women, who are marked so, have the puncture only on their lips, or a
small spot on their chins. Both sexes often besmear their faces and
heads with a red paint, which seems to be a martial ochre mixed with
grease; and the women sometimes wear necklaces of shark’s teeth, or
bunches of long beads, which seem to be made of the leg-bones of small
birds, or a particular shell. A few also have small triangular aprons
adorned with the feathers of parrots, or bits of pearl shells, furnished
with a double or treble set of cords to fasten them about the waist. I
have sometimes seen caps or bonnets made of the feathers of birds, which
may be reckoned as ornaments; for it is not their custom to wear any
covering on their heads.
They live in the small coves formerly described, in companies of forty
or fifty, or more; and sometimes in single families, building their huts
contiguous to each other; which, in general, are miserable
lodging-places. The best I ever saw was about thirty feet long, fifteen
broad, and six high, built exactly in the manner of one of our country
barns. The inside was both strong and regularly made of supporters at
the sides, alternately large and small, well fastened by means of
withes, and painted red and black. The ridge pole was strong; and the
large bull-rushes, which composed the inner part of the thatching, were
laid with great exactness parallel to each other. At one end was a small
square hole, which served as a door to creep in at; and near it another
much smaller, seemingly for letting out the smoke, as no other vent for
it could be seen. This, however, ought to be considered as one of the
best, and the residence of some principal person; for the greatest part
of them are not half the above size, and seldom exceed four feet in
height; being, besides, indifferently built, though proof against wind
and rain.
No other furniture is to be seen in them, than a few small baskets or
bags, in which they put their fishing-hooks, and other trifles; and they
sit down in the middle round a small fire, where they also probably
sleep, without any other covering than what they wear in the day, or
perhaps without that; as such confined places must be very warm, though
inhabited but by a few persons.
They live chiefly by fishing, making use either of nets of different
kinds, or of wooden fish-hooks pointed with bone; but so oddly made,
that a stranger is at a loss to know how they can answer such a purpose.
It also appears, that they remove their habitations from one place to
another when the fish grow scarce, or for some other reason; for we
found houses now built in several parts, where there had been none when
we were here during our last voyage, and even these have been already
deserted.
Their boats are well built, of planks raised upon each other, and
fastened with strong withes, which also bind a long narrow piece on the
outside of the seams to prevent their leaking. Some are fifty feet long,
and so broad as to be able to sail without an outrigger; but the smaller
sort commonly have one; and they often fasten two together by rafters,
which we then call a double canoe. They carry from five to thirty men or
more; and have often a large head ingeniously carved, and painted with a
figure at the point, which seems intended to represent a man, with his
features distorted by rage. Their paddles are about four or five feet
long, narrow, and pointed; with which, when they keep time, the boat is
pushed along pretty swiftly. Their sail, which is seldom used, is made
of a mat of a triangular shape, having the broadest part above.
The only method of dressing their fish, is by roasting, or rather
baking, for they are entirely ignorant of the art of boiling. In the
same manner they dress the root, and part of the stalk, of the large
fern-tree, in a great hole dug for that purpose, which serves as an
oven. After which they split it, and find within a fine gelatinous
substance, like boiled sago-powder, but firmer. They also use another
smaller fern root, which seems to be their substitute for bread, as it
is dried and carried about with them, together with dried fish in great
quantities, when they remove their families, or go far from home. This
they beat with a stick till it becomes pretty soft, when they chew it
sufficiently, and spit out the hard fibrous part, the other having a
sweetish mealy taste not at all disagreeable.
When they dare not venture to sea, or perhaps from choice, they supply
the place of other fish with muscles and sea-ears; great quantities of
the shells of which lie in heaps near their houses. And they sometimes,
though rarely, find means to kill rails, penguins, and shags, which help
to vary their diet. They also breed considerable numbers of the dogs,
mentioned before, for food; but these cannot be considered as a
principal article of diet. From whence we may conclude, that as there is
not the least sign of cultivation of land, they depend principally for
their subsistence on the sea, which, indeed, is very bountiful in its
supply.
Their method of feeding corresponds with the nastiness of their persons,
which often smell disagreeably from the quantity of grease about them,
and their clothes never being washed. We have seen them eat the vermin,
with which their heads are sufficiently stocked.
They also used to devour, with the greatest eagerness, large quantities
of stinking train oil, and blubber of seals, which we were melting at
the tent, and had kept near two months; and, on board the ships, they
were not satisfied with emptying the lamps, but actually swallowed the
cotton and fragrant wick with equal voracity. It is worthy of notice,
that though the inhabitants of Van Diemen’s land appear to have but a
scanty subsistence, they would not even taste our bread, though they saw
us eat it; whereas these people devoured it greedily, when both mouldy
and rotten. But this must not be imputed to any defect in their
sensations; for I have observed them throw away things which we eat,
with evident disgust, after only smelling to them.
They show as much ingenuity, both in invention and execution, as any
uncivilized nations under similar circumstances. For, without the use of
any metal tools, they make every thing by which they procure their
subsistence, clothing, and warlike weapons, with a degree of neatness,
strength, and convenience, for accomplishing their several purposes.
Their chief mechanical tool is formed exactly after the manner of our
adzes; and is made, as are also the chissel and goudge, of the green
serpent-stone or jasper already, mentioned; though sometimes they are
composed of a black, smooth, and very solid stone. But their
master-piece seems to be carving, which is found upon the most trifling
things; and, in particular, the heads of their canoes are sometimes
ornamented with it in such a manner, as not only shows much design, but
is also an example of their great labour and patience in execution.
Their cordage for fishing-lines is equal, in strength and evenness, to
that made by us; and their nets not at all inferior. But what must cost
them more labour than any other article, is the making the tools we have
mentioned; for the stone is exceedingly hard, and the only method of
fashioning it, we can guess at, is by rubbing one stone upon another,
which can have but a slow effect. Their substitute for a knife is a
shell, a bit of flint, or jasper. And, as an auger, to bore holes, they
fix a shark’s tooth in the end of a small piece of wood. It is true,
they have a small saw made of some jagged fishes’ teeth, fixed on the
convex edge of a piece of wood nicely carved. But this, they say, is
only used to cut up the bodies of their enemies whom they kill in
battle.
No people can have a quicker sense of an injury done to them, and none
are more ready to resent it. But, at the same time, they will take an
opportunity of being insolent when they think there is no danger of
punishment; which is so contrary to the spirit of genuine bravery, that,
perhaps, their eagerness to resent injuries is to be looked upon rather
as an effect of a furious disposition than of great courage. They also
appear to be of a suspicious or mistrustful temper (which, however, may
rather be acquired than natural), for strangers never came to our ships
immediately, but lay in their boats at a small distance, either to
observe our motions, or consult whether or no they should risk their
safety with us. To this they join a great degree of dishonesty; for they
steal every thing they can lay their hands on, if there be the least
hope of not being detected; and, in trading, I have little doubt but
they would take advantages, if they thought it could be done with
safety; as they not only refuse to trust a thing in one’s hand for
examination, but exult, if they think they have tricked you in the
bargain.
Such conduct, however, is in some measure to be expected where there
appears to be but little subordination, and consequently few, if any
laws, to punish transgressions. For no man’s authority seems to extend
farther than his own family; and when, at any time, they join for mutual
defence, or any other purpose, those amongst them who are eminent for
courage or prudence, are directors. How their private quarrels are
terminated is uncertain; but, in the few we saw, which were of little
consequence, the parties concerned were clamorous and disorderly.
Their public contentions are frequent, or rather perpetual; for it
appears, from their number of weapons, and dexterity in using them, that
war is their principal profession. These weapons are spears, _patoos_
and halberts, or sometimes stones. The first are made of hard wood
pointed, of different lengths, from five to twenty, or even thirty feet
long. The short ones are used for throwing as darts. The _patoo_ or
_emeete_ is of an elliptical shape, about eighteen inches long, with a
handle made of wood, stone, the bone of some sea animal, or green
jasper, and seems to be their principal dependance in battle. The
halbert, or long club, is about five or six feet long, tapering at one
end with a carved head, and at the other, broad or flat, with sharp
edges.
Before they begin the onset, they join in a war-song, to which they all
keep the exactest time, and soon raise their passion to a degree of
frantic fury, attended with the most horrid distortion of their eyes,
mouths, and tongues, to strike terror into their enemies; which, to
those who have not been accustomed to such a practice, makes them appear
more like demons than men, and would almost chill the boldest with fear.
To this succeeds a circumstance, almost foretold in their fierce
demeanor, horrid, cruel, and disgraceful to human nature; which is,
cutting in pieces, even before being perfectly dead, the bodies of their
enemies, and, after dressing them on a fire, devouring the flesh, not
only without reluctance, but with peculiar satisfaction.
One might be apt to suppose, that people, capable of such excess of
cruelty, must be destitute of every humane feeling, even amongst their
own party. And yet we find them lamenting the loss of their friends,
with a violence of expression which argues the most tender remembrance
of them. For both men and women, upon the death of those connected with
them, whether in battle or otherwise, bewail them with the most doleful
cries; at the same time cutting their foreheads and cheeks, with shells
or pieces of flint, in large gashes, until the blood flows plentifully
and mixes with their tears. They also carve pieces of their green stone,
rudely shaped as human figures, which they ornament with bright eyes of
pearl shell, and hang them about their necks, as memorials of those whom
they held most dear; and their affections of this kind are so strong,
that they even perform the ceremony of cutting, and lamenting for joy,
at the return of any of their friends, who have been absent but for a
short time.
The children are initiated, at a very early age, into all the practices,
good or bad, of their fathers; so that you find a boy or girl, nine or
ten years old, able to perform all the motions, and to imitate the
frightful gestures, by which the more aged use to inspire their enemies
with terror, keeping the strictest time in their song. They likewise
sing, with some degree of melody, the traditions of their forefathers,
their actions in war, and other indifferent subjects; of all which they
are immoderately fond, and spend much of their time in these amusements,
and in playing on a sort of flute.
Their language is far from being harsh or disagreeable, though the
pronunciation is frequently guttural; and whatever qualities are
requisite in any other language to make it musical, certainly obtain to
a considerable degree here, if we may judge from the melody of some
sorts of their songs. It is also sufficiently comprehensive, though, in
many respects, deficient, if compared with our European languages, which
owe their perfection to long improvement. But a small specimen is here
subjoined, from which some judgment may be formed. I collected a great
many of their words, both now and in the course of our former voyage;
and being equally attentive, in my inquiries, about the languages of the
other islands throughout the South Sea, I have the amplest proof of
their wonderful agreement, or rather identity. This general observation
has indeed been already made in the accounts of the former voyages.[165]
I shall be enabled, however, to confirm and strengthen it, by a fresh
list of words, selected from a large vocabulary in my possession; and by
placing in the opposite column, the corresponding words as used at
Otaheite, the curious reader will, at one view, be furnished with
sufficient materials for judging by what subordinate changes the
difference of dialect has been effected.
English. _New Zealand._ _Otaheite._
_Water_, Ewy, Evy.
_A tail of a dog_, Wyeroo, Ero.
_Death, dead_, Kaoo, matte, Matte, roa.
_To fly_, Ererre, Eraire.
_A house_, Ewharre, Ewharre.
_To sleep_, Moea, Moe.
_A fish-hook_, Makoee, Matou.
_Shut_, Opanee, Opanee.
_A bed_, Moenga, Moera.
_A butterfly_, Epaipe, Pepe.
_To chew_ or _eat_, Hekaee, Ey.
_Cold_, Makkareede, Mareede.
_To-day_, Agooanai, Aooanai.
_The hand_, Reenga, Ereema.
_Large_, Keeerahoi, Erahoi.
_Red_, Whairo, Oora, oora.
_We_, Taooa, Taooa.
_Where is it?_ Kahaia, Tehaia.
_A stone_, Powhy, Owhy.
_A man_, Tangata, Taata.
_Black_, Purra, purra, Ere, ere.
_White_, Ema, Ooama.
_To reside_, or Nohoanna, Nohonoa.
_dwell_,
_Out, not within_, Woho, Woho.
_Male kind_ (of any Toa, Etoa.
animal),
_Female_, Eoowha, Eooha.
_A shark_, Mango, Mao.
_To understand_, Geetaia, Eetea.
_Forgot_, Warre, Ooaro.
_Yesterday_, Taeninnahoi, Ninnahoi.
_One_, Tahaee, Atahay.
_Two_, Rooa, Erooa.
_Three_, Toroo, Toroo.
_Four_, Faa, Ahaa.
_Five_, Reema, Ereema.
_Six_, Ono, Aono.
_Seven_, Heetoo, Aheitoo.
_Eight_, Waroo, Awaroo.
_Nine_, Eeva, Aeeva.
_Ten_, Angahoora, Ahooroo.
The New Zealanders to these numerals prefix _Ma_; as,
_Eleven_, Matahee.
_Twelve, &c. &c._ Marooa, &c. &c.
_Twenty_, Mangahoora.