Marshal Soult, who had been appointed Major-General of the French

armies, a short time before the battle of Ocaña, seized the opportunity,

which was offered by the destruction of the central army of Spain, to

detach a considerable corps against the Duke del Parque, who had lately

succeeded in occupying Salamanca. The French were fortunate enough to

bring his army to action at Alba de Tormes, and, in spite of the good

conduct of some of his troops, entirely to disperse it. The defeat of

this corps laid the north of Portugal open to the incursions of the

French; the whole of Castile fell into their possession; Salamanca

became a depôt, from whence they could prepare the means of a powerful

attack; and there no longer remained a force that could oppose or delay

their operations.

Lord Wellington saw the absolute necessity of removing his army to the

north of the Tagus, to oppose the invasion which was thus preparing. He

had no longer any Spanish armies that he could co-operate with; the only

two, of any considerable force, with which he was in communication, had

brought destruction upon themselves, without either listening to his

counsels, or communicating to him their movements; they were now no

longer in a state to be of any assistance to him, nor could he protect

them against the powerful reinforcements which were arriving from

Germany to the French, and which bid fair to over-run the whole of the

Peninsula. The system of war was now to be completely changed. When Lord

Wellington entered Spain, the Spaniards had an army of considerable

strength, with which he had hoped to co-operate with effect against a

comparatively small and extended force of French. The tables were now

reversed; the Spanish armies could scarcely be said to have any military

existence; they had proved that, while in strength, they were not to be

depended upon, much less were they to be looked to for any assistance in

their present state. The French were marching an army of more than

100,000 men into the country; so that a defensive war was the only one

which could be carried on against them. Lord Wellington was convinced

that the hostility of the Spaniards to the French was not to be

overcome: although their armies were beaten from the field, yet the

determined opposition of the people repelled the yoke which was

attempted to be forced upon them. The nature of the country was

favourable to a protracted, desultory warfare; and its extent and

poverty seemed to bid defiance to a subjection, which, to be made

complete, would require a more considerable force than France seemed

able to afford, or Spain could produce the means of supporting. As far

as experience could lead to any conclusion as to the future, in the new

warfare which the Spanish nation was waging against its invaders, there

appeared no advantage to the enemy from the occupation of any part of

the country, for any period of time. The moment a province was

evacuated, it rose in more determined hostility, than it had shewn

before its invasion. No advantage accrued to the French from either

violent or conciliating measures; they were always looked upon as

enemies; and, after months of peaceable occupation, if they exposed

themselves unprotected by numbers in the provinces which they had

considered as subdued, they were sure of meeting with the same hostility

they had from the first experienced.

With this state of things to direct Lord Wellington in the system of

warfare upon which he was called upon to decide, he felt no hesitation

in prescribing to himself, and to the allies, a conduct which should

protract the war; should lead the enemy to extend his forces; should

encourage the whole people of the Peninsula to intercept his

communications; and should give the governments of the countries engaged

in the contest, the opportunity of increasing and improving the more

regular means of resistance or attack.

Lord Wellington moved his army in the beginning of December, from the

neighbourhood of Badajos to the North of the Tagus. It arrived, in the

first weeks of January, in the new cantonments which had been prepared

for it; they extended from Coimbra to Pinhel, while a corps, under

Lieutenant General Hill, was left at Abrantes. In this position the army

went into winter-quarters: it was abundantly supplied, and was employed

only in recruiting itself from the dreadful effects of the preceding

campaign, and the sickness which had followed it. Head-quarters were

placed at Viseu.

While Lord Wellington was employed in this movement, Marshal Soult

concentrated the French armies in La Mancha; for the purpose of making

an irruption into the southern provinces of Spain.

The British officers who had been at the Carolina were satisfied, that,

notwithstanding the boasted impossibility of forcing the Spanish army at

the pass of Des Peña Perros, there was in reality nothing easier. The

pass itself was strong, but no fortifications, which deserved that name,

had been thrown up to defend it. The old road from Madrid, by the Puerto

del Rey, was almost unobserved; and the force which was employed to

defend the position of the Sierra Morena, which was fifty leagues in

extent, did not exceed 25,000 men, most of them the unfortunate

fugitives from the battle of Ocaña. With such an army, it would have

been impossible for the most able commander to have defended the entry

into Andalusia; but even that chance was denied the Spaniards, for they

still had General Arisaga at their head. The Junta Suprema was urged to

make some exertion to recruit the Spanish forces, and to prepare for the

struggle which was fast approaching; but that body could only prove its

patriotism by echoing the national cry, that Spaniards were invincible.

Several nuns, who believed themselves inspired prophetesses, were

produced to the loyal inhabitants of Seville, to assure them, that if

ever the French should see the walls of that town, the fire of heaven

would fall upon them, before they should reach its gates. In many other

towns the same prophetic inspiration descended upon the nuns; they

foretold in every instance the destruction which awaited the invaders;

but the misfortunes they were themselves to suffer, appear not to have

been so correctly foreseen by them. The preparations of the French in La

Mancha seemed, however, at last to have roused the Junta from its state

of apathy; Seville and the world were called as witnesses of its new

vigour, by a decree for the fabrication of 100,000 _knives_, to be

distributed amongst the voluntary defenders of the country. This piece

of absurdity will hardly be credited by those who were not at Seville at

the moment; yet it is a fact which stands recorded amongst the vigorous

measures of the Junta, and will hereafter be a standard to judge of the

hands to which the defence of Spain was at that time intrusted. The

credit of the Junta, which had been fast declining, was completely

destroyed by the promulgation of this decree; to raise itself again in

the estimation of the public, it published an order for the assembling

of the Cortes; but its race was nearly run, all confidence in it was

gone, and a few days more completed the term of its existence.

Marshal Soult had terminated his preparations for the invasion of

Andalusia, towards the end of December; he had collected a force of

50,000 men, and commenced his movements in two columns; the more

considerable one, with the whole of his artillery, he destined to the

attack of the principal pass by the Carolina; the other was directed to

move by the mountain-road upon Cordova; neither of these corps

experienced any resistance: the much-talked-of pass of Des Peña Perros

was abandoned without a shot, and the Spanish army which was to defend

it, retired toward Jaen. The corps which moved upon Cordova was equally

successful. Marshal Soult directed a part of his army to pursue the

Spaniards upon Jaen, which had been fortified at very great expense, but

which surrendered a few hours after it was summoned. With the remainder

of his army he moved with great rapidity upon Seville.

When the Junta Suprema was made acquainted with the successful irruption

of the French, its first object was to escape to a place of safety, and

it made choice of Cadiz for this object; but its members had

considerable apprehensions, lest the populace, who were enraged against

them, should impede their flight. They fell, however, upon a most

extraordinary expedient to save themselves:—A bulletin was published by

authority, and distributed throughout Seville, stating, that a courier

to the British Minister had arrived, bringing dispatches from Lord

Wellington, who was moving with the British army upon Salamanca, and was

left with his advance within a few leagues of that place; that the

courier, had passed through the armies of the Dukes del Parque and

Albuquerque, who were within a short distance of each other, and were

about to fall upon the flank of Marshal Soult. Under cover of this

communication (the whole of which was false, for no courier whatsoever

had arrived at the British Minister’s, nor were any of the movements

making by any of the corps which were mentioned), the individuals who

composed the Junta, began to escape to Cadiz; the populace of Seville

were not long, however, in discovering the imposition which had been

practised upon them; and a pursuit of the Junta immediately commenced;

many of its members were seized upon the road to Cadiz, and imprisoned

in the convent of the Cartjuo, near _Xeres_; they were afterwards

carried to the Isla de Leon, where they were required to abdicate their

authority, and appoint a Regency. They concurred in these directions,

and named General Castanos (who was but just released from the

confinement in which they had placed him) the president of a board of

Regents, who were to govern the country in the name of Ferdinand the

Seventh.

While these changes were effecting, the people of Seville reinstated the

former Junta of their province, and added the Marquis of Romana, the

Duke of Albuquerque, and some English to its number; but this body had

not time to act; Marshal Soult was already within a few days’ march of

the town: it constituted, however, the Marquis of Romana Captain-General

of Estremadura; and directed the Duke of Albuquerque, who had brought

his corps with him from Estremadura, to take up a position at Carmona,

to defend the approach to Seville. The army which the duke commanded

was, however, too weak to resist the French; he therefore fell back upon

their approach; and, in spite of their efforts to prevent it, retired to

the Isla de Leon. To this place Marshal Soult pursued him, and thus, in

one movement, without a single action, reduced the whole of the southern

provinces of Spain to the subjection of France. He extended his army to

the walls of Gibraltar; he occupied Malaga, Granada, Jaen, Cordova, and

Seville, and he prepared for the siege of Cadiz, which was the only bar

to the complete reduction of Andalusia.

This operation was as rapid and as successful, as it was possible to

execute. The great resources of the Spanish monarchy were reduced at one

blow; the riches of Andalusia were abandoned to the enemy without a

struggle; and the great nursery of the Spanish armies, the provinces

from which innumerable bands of patriots might have been drawn, were at

once delivered into the hands of the invader. Some persons thought,

that, in the tame relinquishment of these treasures, they perceived a

readiness in the Spaniards to abandon the cause for which they had, till

that moment, so gloriously been struggling; but the fallacy of that

opinion has since been proved. The revolution in Spain had found that

country merged in all the vices of its former weak and imbecile

governments. Spain had not for many years been called into any extensive

warfare; it was without any military organization; it was unused to

great exertions; yet the people were proud of their former exploits;

and, without adverting to the changes which had taken place, believed

themselves and their armies as invincible, as they had been during the

most brilliant periods of their history. The nation had been long sunk

in ignorance and oppression; it had no military science, no commanders

to whom it could look for assistance, no army that could defend it; yet

it had universally risked a contest with the greatest military power the

world had ever seen; and which had armies, more powerful than any the

nation could oppose to them, within its territory. Elated by the first

successes at Baylen and Saragossa, the Spaniards afterwards sunk into

their former habits of indolence. Pride dictated to them a feeling of

security, which reason would have made them doubt; but their succeeding

reverses never changed their first opinions; although the total want of

confidence, in their generals or their governments, made them little

anxious to place themselves under their directions. The Supreme Junta,

which had been established to rule the country in circumstances of the

greatest difficulty, was totally unable to call forth the energies of

the nation. The same intrigues, which had existed under the long reign

of the Prince of the Peace, continued under its auspices. The want of

money was soon felt throughout the country, the Junta was unacquainted

with the means of obtaining it, and was not very scrupulous in the

application of the sums it received. The army was unpaid, and was

consequently without discipline. The generals were unsupported by the

government, which was too weak to uphold them in the execution of their

duty. The Juntas of the different provinces yielded but a limited

obedience to the central one; they were composed of persons who looked

most to their own advantage in the high situations to which they had

been called, and who were unwilling to make exertions, the burthen of

which would fall upon themselves. In this state of things, the

declaration that Spain was invincible, was the readiest mode of

abstaining from those efforts which were necessary to make her so, but

which accorded too little with the character of the people who were to

make them. Andalusia was in consequence totally unprepared for the blow

which was struck at her, her population however was not the less hostile

to the invaders; there was no point round which it could rally in the

hour of danger, the people sunk under the power of their enemies, but

they still were Spaniards; they moaned the cruel fate which had attended

them, but they remained steadfast through all their misery to the great

cause of their nation and their independence.

While Marshal Soult was employed in overrunning the southern provinces

of Spain, General Suchet (who in the month of June had defeated the army

of General Blake on the heights of Santa Maria), marched with a

considerable corps to reduce the kingdom of Valencia. He reached, with

little opposition, the walls of that capital; but the resistance of the

people was there so determined, and the means he brought with him so

inadequate to the task imposed upon him, that he retired from the

country without having effected any object for which he had commenced

his operation; he resumed his position in Arragon, and afterwards

employed himself in the siege of the fortresses of Catalonia.

The first act of the new regency of Spain was to request Lord Wellington

to afford some assistance from his army, for the garrison and defence of

Cadiz. Lord Wellington, in compliance, detached to that place a force of

3,000 men, which arrived there after a short passage from Lisbon, and

which contributed materially to its defence. The siege was begun under

the directions of Marshal Soult, in the end of January, 1810; and it

lasted almost without interruption till August 1812.

The great body of reinforcements that about this time arrived to the

French armies in Spain took the direction of Salamanca: it became

therefore evident that an attack on Portugal was determined upon.

Marshal Ney placed the advance of his corps upon the Agueda, and

threatened to invest Ciudad Rodrigo; but the difficulty of obtaining

provisions in the winter season prevented him from undertaking that

operation till later in the year. A detachment from the French army

attacked a part of the British rifle corps, under Colonel Beckwith, at

Barba del Puerco, but was repulsed with considerable loss. This was the

first affair which took place between the army, which was entitled that

of Portugal, and the British corps destined to defend that kingdom; it

was a sample of what its whole body was afterwards to meet with. Marshal

Ney, commanded in chief at Salamanca; General Junot was second to him.

These officers were anxious to engage Lord Wellington to break up from

his winter-quarters, and, if possible, to draw him into the open country

of Castile. With this view General Junot was detached to Astorga, to

undertake the siege of that town. Lord Wellington was not induced to

depart from the system which he had prescribed to himself, by the

movements of the enemy; he felt, that however important the possession

of Astorga might be to the cause he was employed in defending, yet it

was more essential to maintain his army in the positions it occupied,

and to preserve it unbroken for the great contest which, he foresaw, it

would soon be called upon to maintain. He remained, therefore, in

perfect quiet, recruiting his army, and giving the Portuguese the

opportunity of forming and improving their troops. Astorga was taken

after a defence of five weeks, and Junot returned with his corps to the

neighbourhood of Salamanca. Marshal Soult detached General Regnier with

his corps to operate in Estremadura against the Spanish troops, of which

the Marquis of Romana had the command. Lieutenant General Hill, who had

been left at Abrantes with a corps of 13,000 men, British and

Portuguese, advanced to Portalegre, to co-operate with them, and to

prevent the investment of Elvas or Badajos. He was directed, however,

not to engage in offensive operations. General Regnier effected little.

He had several engagements with parts of the Marquis of Romana’s corps,

but none of them were productive of any decisive results.

In the beginning of May, Lord Wellington was apprized of some movements

in the French army, which indicated an advance in strength upon Ciudad

Rodrigo; he lost not a moment in putting his army in motion, and placing

it on the frontiers of Portugal. He established his head-quarters at

Celorico, and his divisions at Pinhel, Alverca, Guarda, Trancoso, and

along the valley of the Mondego, as far as Cea, and upon the opposite

bank of that river at Fornos, Mangualde, and Viseu. He determined in

this position to await the movements of the enemy; he could decide from

it, in security, either to co-operate in the defence of Ciudad Rodrigo,

or to attack the French army if an opportunity was given him. Marshal

Ney moved, however, but a small corps to the neighbourhood of Ciudad

Rodrigo; the roads from Salamanca were still extremely bad, and

impracticable for a train of artillery; he gave up therefore any further

object. Marshal Massena was at this time sent by Buonaparte to take the

command of the army of Portugal, and he arrived at Salamanca in the end

of May. The corps of General Regnier was added to his army, which was

now composed of the 6th corps under Ney, the 8th corps under Junot, and

the second corps under Regnier. Massena brought this latter corps from

the south of the Tagus to the neighbourhood of Coria, from which place

it was in communication with him; and Lieutenant General Hill, who had

been directed to observe it, made a corresponding movement, crossed the

Tagus at Villa Velha, and established his head-quarters at Sarzedas.

Marshal Mortier was detached by Soult to supply the place of Regnier in

Estremadura; and the Marquis of Romana remained in observation of the

corps which that officer had brought with him. A reinforcement of some

regiments which had returned from the Walcheren expedition, was sent

about this time, under Major General Leith, from England. As the men

were extremely sickly, Lord Wellington did not choose to bring them to

the army; they were embodied with some regiments of Portuguese; and

placed upon the Zezere, where General Leith commanded the whole corps.

The force of the allied army destined for the defence of Portugal, may

be computed at the following amount:—

Men.

The Corps with Lord Wellington 30,000

The Corps with Lieutenant General Hill 14,000

The Corps with Major General Leith 10,000

——————

54,000

In co-operation with this force was a corps of Portuguese

Militia 10,000

The corps under the Marquis Romana 12,000

——————

Making a total of 76,000

The French force under Massena was

Men.

The Infantry of the 2d, 6th and 8th corps 62,000

The Cavalry 6,000

The Artillery, &c. 4,000

——————

Total 72,000

To this were afterwards joined two Divisions of

The 9th corps under Count Erlon 10,000

The remaining division of this corps under General Claparede 8,000

The corps of Marshal Mortier which cooperated to the south of

the Tagus, 13,000

———

Making a total of 103,000

These numbers are the very lowest at which the French army can be

calculated. Buonaparte always called the force under Massena alone

100,000 men; and the French officers, before the invasion of Portugal,

gave the same account of the numbers with which they were to overwhelm

us.

In comparing the amount of the two armies, the description of force of

which they were composed should be taken into consideration. The

Portuguese had as yet been perfectly untried; and their militia was so

defective in organization as to be evidently unfit for the operations of

a campaign. Yet Lord Wellington was not alarmed at the disparity of

numbers, or the superior organization of the troops of the enemy; he

relied upon his own genius to baffle their efforts, and combined his

plans with reference to the troops he had to command.

In the latter part of the year 1809, while Lord Wellington was still at

Badajos, he had contemplated the possibility of his being attacked in

Portugal by a superior force; he had considered the nature of the

country he should have to defend, as well as the system of warfare which

would most tend to support the contest in the Peninsula: he looked upon

the preservation of his own army as the guarantee of the future triumph

of the cause he was to maintain: the extension of the enemy, in the

occupation of distant provinces, must be a source of weakness to him;

the lengthening his communications must add considerably to his

embarrassments. Lord Wellington, therefore, fixed upon the heights of

Sobral and Torres Vedras, as the best positions in which he could

collect his army, and offer battle to the superior forces of his enemy.

Memoir of the early campaigns of the Duke of Wellington, in Portugal and Spain, By an officer employed in his army · 第 5 / 11 段