The situation of the hospital might well be thought ideal. The

princess had gardens about her lodging, and the whole property was

surrounded by a high wall, along which flowed the branches of a small

stream, which doubtless tempered the atmosphere and served as a

carrier off of much undesirable material. The hospital ward itself was

55 feet wide and 270 feet long and had a high arched ceiling of wood.

It was lighted by large pointed windows high up in the walls. At the

level of the window-sills, some twelve feet from the floor, a narrow

gallery ran along the wall, from which the ventilation through the

windows might be readily regulated and on which convalescent patients

might walk or be seated in the sunshine. The beds were placed each in

a little room formed by low partitions. Privacy was thus secured much

better than in the modern hospital wards, and as there were only forty

beds, the ventilation was abundant.

Mr. Dillon, from the standpoint of the architect, says

of it:

{268}

"It was an admirable hospital in every way, and it is doubtful if we

to-day surpass it. It was isolated, the ward was separated from the

other buildings, it had the advantage we so often lose of being but

one story high, and more space was given to each patient than we can

now afford.

"The ventilation by the great windows and ventilators in the ceiling

was excellent; is was cheerfully lighted, and the arrangement of the

gallery shielded the patients from dazzling light and from draughts

from the windows and afforded an easy means of supervision, while

the division by the roofless, low partitions isolated the sick and

obviated the depression that comes from the sight of others in pain.

"It was, moreover, in great contrast to the cheerless white wards of

to-day. The vaulted ceiling was very beautiful; the woodwork was

richly carved, and the great windows over the altars were filled

with colored glass. Altogether, it was one of the best examples of

the best period of Gothic architecture."

Probably the most interesting feature of the early history of the

hospital movement is the spirit of evolution to meet growing needs and

developing ideals which it manifested. In spite of the judicious

consideration devoted to the establishment of the original hospital of

the Holy Ghost at Rome, it was not long before it proved inadequate

for its purpose. One of the eminently noteworthy things that

constantly repeat themselves in history is that where a social need is

discovered and a remedy found for it, it is not long before the need

increases to such a degree as to outstrip the original remedy. Before

half a century had passed Innocent's successors declared in

unmistakable terms that the original hospital was entirely too cramped

and crowded.

[Illustration: Hospital Ward of Tonnerre, France (_Viollet-le-Duc,

Dictionnaire de l' Architecture Francaise, XI au XVI Siecle_). This

was built by the sister of Louis IX of France, Marguerite of

Bourgogne, who retired to it herself to spend her life caring for the

ailing poor.]

{269}

Accordingly, a much larger and handsomer building was erected.

Visitors to Rome admired the new building, and it proved an incentive

for larger plans for hospitals in other important cities. At the end

of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth centuries some

really imposing edifices were erected as hospitals, especially in

towns of Italy. It was at this time that the artistic Italian mind

seems to have realized the truth, which has only come to be recognized

again in quite recent times, that a hospital building should be as

fine a structure as the finances of a city will permit. It was felt

that nothing was too good for the ailing citizens and that the city

honored itself by making its public buildings a monument of artistic

purpose. The earliest example of how well this was accomplished is to

be found at Siena, whose hospital continues to be down to the present

time one of the most interesting objects of admiration for the

visitor. Portions of this Siena hospital as it now exists were built

as early as the last decade of the thirteenth and the first decade of

the fourteenth century. It was during the first half of the fourteenth

century that it was resolved to make the building as beautiful in the

interior by means of great artistic decoration and frescoes as it was

imposing on the exterior. It was not for a century and a half later

that Milan's magnificent hospital took on its modern shape, though the

city had been always famous for its care of the sick. The hospital

movement of the thirteenth century, however, culminated in monuments

as famous and as architecturally beautiful as any that have been built

in recent years.

To take, for example, that of Siena, a good {270} description of which

may be found in The Story of Siena, by G. Gardner. (Dent, London,

1902.) The buildings occupy the whole side of the Piazzo del Duomo,

directly opposite the facade. They constitute almost as striking a bit

of architecture as any edifice of the period, and contain a

magnificent set of frescoes, some of them of the fourteenth century,

many others of later centuries. The Siena school of painting in the

fourteenth century was doing some of the best art work of the time,

and as a consequence the hospital has been of perennial interest.

Artists and amateurs and dilettante visitors have gladly spent time in

studying and admiring its artistic treasures at nearly all times, but

more especially in recent years. The sympathetic admiration for its

art has led to a better appreciation of the motives of the generation

that built it, than even the sublime humanitarian purpose which

dictated it or the work for suffering humanity which it accomplished.

It is typical of the times in many ways. We have only just begun again

in very modern times, as we have already said, to consider that some

of the best of our buildings in any large city should be those

intended for the sick and the poor of the community. The city must

respond nobly to its civic duties. The idea, however, came so

naturally to the medieval mind that apparently there was no question

about it. Only in very recent years has come the additional thought

that these buildings must be appropriately decorated, and that the

work of the greatest artists of the time can have no better place for

its display than the walls of a hospital or a great charitable

institution. Bartolo's frescoes, on the walls of the hospital at

Siena, tell the story of the work that was done for foundlings and

pilgrims as well as for {271} the sick in the early days of its

establishment. The first picture of the series represents the baptism

of the children that had been picked up and brought to the hospital.

It is characteristic of the times, too, that one of the greatest

pictures on the hospital walls is not something that makes for the

glory of the trustees or the founders, nor that is some fancy of the

painter, some study of myth or landscape, in which he might have been

especially interested. Probably the masterpiece of the old painters is

the Scala del Paradiso (the stairs to heaven), by Vecchietta. The

picture was evidently painted for the department of the foundlings,

and its subject is the ascent of these little children to heaven and

their welcome by the angels and saints and by the Heavenly Father. A

more inspiring vision to be impressed upon the minds of these growing

children who had been abandoned by their own, and who must have felt

all of their loneliness in spite of their favorable surroundings,

could scarcely have been imagined.

The dedication of the hospital is expressed in terms very typical of

the Middle Ages, or as they might better be called, "The Ages of

Faith." It reminds one of the formal terms of wills, as they used to

be worded in olden times: "In the Name of God, Amen. To the honor,

praise and reverence of God and of His Mother, Madonna, Holy Mary

Virgin, and of all the saints of God, and to the honor and exaltation

of Holy Mother Church and of the Commune and of the people of the city

of Siena, and to its good and pacific state, and to the increase of

the Hospital of Madonna, Holy Mary Virgin, of Siena, which is placed

in front of the chief church of the city, and to the recreation of the

sick and {272} the foundlings of the said hospital." This dedication

is to be found at the beginning of the statutes of the hospital as

they were formulated in 1305.

The hospital did excellent service, and most of the original building

has remained down to our own day. It has seen many times of trial for

the citizens of Siena, and has proved its usefulness. Twice during the

fourteenth century it saw the coming of the Black Death, and its wards

and corridors and every room were filled with the dead and the dying.

During the fourteenth century St. Catherine of Siena spent much of her

time in the hospital, and it was her work here that gave her the

glorious prestige that came so unlooked for. The special confraternity

with which she was associated met in one of the smaller rooms of the

hospital. Attached to the hospital there was a special house for

lepers, and this was one of the favorite places for St. Catherine's

visitations. It is not surprising to find that she was, at the

beginning at least, very much opposed by her family in her choice of

such an occupation as this personal devotion to the poor and the sick.

In reading the story, one is reminded of the opposition that is

sometimes evoked at the present time when young women feel the

necessity for some occupation other than so-called social duties, and

take to slum visiting, or the care of the cancer poor, or some other

form of practical aid for the needy, apart from the giving of money,

or of doing a little sewing in a Lenten class, supposed to be the

limit of their charitable work in their special social circle.

[Illustration: HOSPITAL, MEXICO (FOUNDED BEFORE 1524) This hospital

was founded by Cortez prior to 1524 "in recognition of the graces and

mercies that God had bestowed upon him by the discovery and conquest

of New Spain and as an exoneration or satisfaction for any forgotten

fault or load which might weigh on his conscience and for which he

could not make special or particular atonement." After his death the

endowment was administered by a superintendent and has continued to be

under private management. It now belongs to the Dukes of Terranova y

Montaleone, Cortez' Italian descendants, who nominate and maintain an

agent to supervise the hospital (_A History of Nursing, Nutting and

Dock_).]

It is of curious interest, though not surprising, to find that in the

midst of the organization of new hospitals and reorganization of old

hospital foundations in the thirteenth century, attempts were made to

correct {273} abuses which still continue to be some of the thorny

problems of hospital management. For instance, the danger was

recognized of having the expenses of administration outrun those of

the hospital proper, and of having the number of attendants, or at

least of persons living upon the hospital revenues, greater than was

absolutely needed for the care of patients. There are various Papal

decrees and decisions of diocesan synods in this matter. Pope Honorius

III., who occupied the Papal See from 1216 to 1227, and must be

considered as a very worthy successor of the first great Pope of the

century, Innocent III., in approving the union of two hospital

foundations at Ghent, required that only a certain limited number of

Brothers and Sisters for nursing purposes should be received, in order

that the community expenses proper might not impair to too great a

degree the resources of the hospital for its real purpose of taking

care of patients. Previously, he had insisted by a decree that the

number of Brothers and Sisters in the hospital community at Louvain

should not exceed the proportion of more than one to nine of the

patients. Synodal decrees in various bishoprics allowed only board and

clothing, but nothing more, to attendants in hospitals. In the

thirteenth century the personal satisfaction of accomplishing a

charitable work in attendance upon the sick was expected to make up

for any further remuneration.

The other serious problem of hospital management was to keep those not

really suffering from serious disease, malingerers of various kinds,

from occupying beds and claiming attention, to the deprivation of

those who were genuinely ill. Various regulations were made looking to

the careful examinations of such persons, {274} though in most places

with the affirmation of a standing rule, that all those complaining of

illness were to be received into the hospital for at least one day,

until their cases could be examined with sufficient care to decide how

much of reality and how much of simulation there might be in their

pretended symptoms. The tramp, of course, has always been in the

world, and probably always will be, and so what are called the sturdy

vagrants (validi vagrantes) received the special attention of those

wishing to eliminate hospital abuses, and various decrees were made in

order to prevent them from receiving sustenance from the hospitals, or

in any other way abusing the privileges of these charitable

institutions.

A hospital movement, quite distinct from that of Innocent III., which

attracted so much attention shortly after the general hospital became

common as to deserve particular consideration, was the erection of the

leproseries or special institutions for the care of lepers. Leprosy

had become quite common in Europe during the Middle Ages, and the

continued contact of the West with the East during the crusades had

brought about a notable increase of the disease. It is not definitely

known how much of what was called leprosy at that time, really

belonged to the specific disease now known as lepra. There is no doubt

that many affections, which have since come to be considered as quite

harmless and non-contagious, were included under the designation

leprosy by the populace and even physicians incapable as yet of making

a proper differential diagnosis. Probably severe cases of eczema and

other chronic skin diseases, especially when complicated by the

results of wrongly directed treatment or of lack of cleansing, were

not infrequently pronounced to be true leprosy.

{275}

There is no doubt at all, however, of the occurrence of real leprosy

in many of the towns of the West from the twelfth to the fifteenth

centuries, and the erection of these hospitals proved the best

possible prophylactic against the further spread of the disease.

Leprosy is contagious, but only mildly so. Years of intimate

association with a leper may, and usually do, bring about the

communication of the disease to those around them, especially if they

do not exercise rather carefully, certain precise precautions as to

cleanliness after personal contact or after the handling of things

which have previously been in the leper's possession. As the result of

the existence of these houses of segregation, leprosy disappeared

during the course of the next three centuries, and thus a great

hygienic triumph was obtained by sanitary regulation.

This successful sanitary and hygienic work, which brought about

practically the complete obliteration of leprosy in the Middle Ages,

furnished the first example of the possibility of eradicating a

disease that has once become a serious scourge to mankind. That this

should have been accomplished by a movement that had its greatest

source in the thirteenth century is all the more surprising, since we

are usually accustomed to think of the people of the times as sadly

lacking in any interest in sanitary matters. The role of the Popes in

the matter is another striking feature well worthy of note. The

significance of the success of this segregation method was lost upon

men down almost to our own time. This was unfortunately because it was

considered that most of the epidemic diseases were conveyed by the

air. They were thought infectious and due to a climatic condition

rather than contagious, that is, conveyed by actual {276} contact with

the person having the disease or something that had touched him, which

is the view now held. With the beginning of the crusade against

tuberculosis in the later nineteenth century, however, the most

encouraging factor for those engaged in it was the history of the

success of segregation methods and careful prevention of the spread of

the disease, which had been pursued against leprosy. In a word, the

lessons in sanitation and prophylaxis of the thirteenth century are

only now bearing fruit because the intervening centuries did not have

sufficient knowledge to realize their import and take advantage of

them.

Pope Innocent III. was not the only occupant of the Papal throne whose

name deserves to be remembered with benedictions in connection with

the hospital movement of the thirteenth century. His successor took up

the work of encouragement where Innocent had left it at his death, and

did much to bring about the successful accomplishment of his

intentions in the ever wider spheres. Honorius III. is distinguished

by having made into an order the Antonine Congregation of Vienna,

which was especially devoted to the care of patients suffering from

the "holy fire" and from various mutilations. The disease known as the

holy fire seems to have been what is called in modern times

erysipelas. During the Middle Ages it received various titles, such as

St. Anthony's fire, St. Francis's fire, and the like, the latter part

of the designation evidently being due to the striking redness which

characterizes the disease, and which can be compared to nothing better

than the intense erythema consequent upon a rather severe burn. This

affection was much more common in the Middle Ages than in later times,

though it must not be forgotten that its {277} disappearance has come

mainly in the last twenty-five years. It is now known to be a

contagious disease, and indeed, as Oliver Wendell Holmes pointed out

over half a century ago, may readily be carried from place to place by

the physician in attendance. It does not always manifest itself as

erysipelas when thus carried, however, and the merit of Dr. Holmes's

work was in pointing out the fact that physicians who attended

patients suffering from erysipelas and then waited on obstetrical

cases, were especially likely to carry the affection, which manifested

itself as puerperal fever. A number of cases of this kind were

reported and discussed by him, and there is no doubt that his warning

served to save many precious lives.

Of course nothing of this was known in the thirteenth century; yet the

encouragement given to this religious order which devoted itself

practically exclusively to the care in special hospitals of

erysipelas, must have had no little effect in bringing about a

limitation of the spread of the disease. In such hospitals patients

were not likely to come in contact with many persons, and consequently

the contagion-radius of the disease was limited. In our own time,

immediate segregation of cases when discovered has practically

eradicated it, so that many a young physician, even though ten years

in practice, has never seen a case of it. It was so common during the

Civil War and for half a century before that here in America, that

there were frequent epidemics of it in hospitals, and it was generally

recognized that the disease was so contagious, that when it once

gained a foothold in a hospital ward nearly every patient suffering

from an open wound was likely to be affected by it.

It is interesting then to learn that these people of the {278} Middle

Ages attempted to control the disease by erecting special hospitals

for it, though unfortunately we are not in a position to know just how

much was accomplished by these means. A congregation devoted to the

special care of the disease had been organized, as we have said, early

in the thirteenth century. At the end of this century this was given

the full weight of his amplest approval by Pope Boniface VIII., who

conferred on it the privilege of having priests among its members It

will be remembered that Pope Boniface VIII. is said to have issued the

bull which forbade the practice of dissection. That bull only

regulated, as I have shown, the abuse which had sprung up of

dismembering bodies and boiling them in order to be able to carry them

to a distance for burial, which was in itself an excellent hygienic

measure. His encouragement of the special religious order for the care

of erysipelas must be set down to his credit as another sanitary

benefit conferred on his generation.

Many orders for the care of special needs of humanity were established

during the thirteenth century. It is from this period that most of the

religious habits worn by women originate. They used to be considered

rather cumbersome for such a serious work as the nursing and care of

the sick, but in recent years quite a different view has been taken.

The covering of the head, for instance, and the shearing of the hair

must have been of distinct value in preventing the communication of

contagious diseases. There has been a curious assimilation in the last

few years of the dress required to be worn by nurses in operating

rooms to that worn by most of the religious communities. The head must

be completely covered and the garments worn are of material that can

be washed. {279} It will be recalled that the head-dress of religious

being, as a rule, of white, on which the slightest speck shows, must

be renewed frequently, and therefore must be kept in a condition of

what is practically surgical cleanliness. While this was not at all

the intention of those who adopted the particular style of head-dress

worn by religious, yet their choice has proved, in what may well be

considered a Providential way, an excellent protective for the

patients on whom they waited, against certain dangers that would

inevitably have been present, if their dress had been the ordinary one

of the women of their class, during these many centuries of hospital

nursing by religious women.

In a word, then, all the features which characterize our modern

hospitals, found a place in the old-time institutions for the care of

the ailing, which we owe to the initiative of the Church and religious

orders, and above all, the Popes. While we are accustomed to hear

these old-time institutions spoken of slightingly, that is because our

knowledge of them was not as detailed as it should be, until the

recent interest in things medieval revealed many details previously

misunderstood. The hospitals of the thirteenth, fourteenth and

fifteenth centuries were much better than those of subsequent

centuries down practically to our own time. The reason for this

decadence is rather complex, but it evidently occurred in spite of the

Church and the Popes. Much of it was due to the fact that,

particularly in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the political

governments interfered in the work of charity and hospital management,

and always to the detriment of it. The greatest triumph of the Church

during the earlier centuries is to be found in the magnificent

organization of the {280} hospital system and the anticipation of so

many things in the organization of hospital work, the care of patients

and even the prevention of contagious disease, that we are apt to

think of as essentially modern.

{281}

THE CHURCH AND THE EXPERIMENTAL METHOD.

There is a very generally accepted false impression with regard to the

attitude maintained by the Church during the Middle Ages, especially

toward what is known as the experimental method in the gaining of

knowledge, or as we would now say, in the study of science. It is

commonly supposed that at least before the sixteenth century, though

of course in modern times it has had to change its attitude to accord

with the advances of modern science, the Church was decidedly opposed

to the experimental method, and that the great ecclesiastical scholars

of the wonderful period of the rise of the universities were all

absolute in their confidence in authority and their dependence on the

deductive method as the only means of arriving at truth. This

widespread false impression owes its existence and persistence to many

causes.

The Popes and Science The History of the Papal Relations to Science During the Middle Ages and Down to Our Own Time · 第 21 / 44 段