In the smaller towns in France there was the same hospital movement as

characterized the situation in Germany. In the south, the closeness of

Montpelier made the example of the hospital of the Holy Ghost of that

city especially forceful. In other portions of France it is well known

that the Sisters of the Holy Ghost very early established separate

hospitals from those founded by the Brothers of the Holy Ghost. There

are records of such separate hospitals entirely under the control of

Sisters in Bar-Sur-Aube, in Neuf-Chateau, and, according to Virchow,

at many other places. At the same time, however, there still continued

to be hospitals of the Holy Ghost as at Besancon, where the Brothers

and Sisters of the Holy Ghost had their institutions in common, though

there was a distinct separation of the communities and allotment of

tasks. The Brothers cared rather for the surgical cases, while the

care of the children and the pregnant women was confided to the

Sisters. This of itself was rather an advantage, since the separation

of the women and the children from the ordinary hospital patients,

must have proved an important preventive of infection and an

ameliorating factor as regards that hospital atmosphere especially

likely to be unfavorable to these delicate, sensitive cases. We know

now what hospitalism means for them.

That the influence of the movement initiated by Innocent III. was felt

even in distant England is very clear, from the fact that practically

all of the famous old {255} British hospitals date their existence as

institutions for the care of the ailing from the thirteenth century.

The famous St. Bartholomew's Hospital in London had been a priory

founded at the beginning of the twelfth century, which took care of

the poor and the destitute sick, but at the beginning of the

thirteenth century it became, in imitation of the Hospital of the Holy

Spirit at Rome, frankly a hospital in the modern sense of the word.

St. Thomas's Hospital, which continues to be down to the present time

one of the great medical institutions of London, was founded by

Richard, Prior of Bermondsey, in 1213. Bethlehem, or as the name was

softened in the English speech of the people, Bedlam, was founded

about the middle of the thirteenth century. Originally it was a

general hospital for the care of the sick of all kinds, though in

later times it became, as its name has come to signify in modern

English, a place exclusively for the care of the insane. Bedlam, in

the fourteenth century, and probably also in the later years of the

thirteenth, made provision for a certain number of the insane in

addition to other patients, so that it presented the accomplishment of

that desideratum for which we are striving in the twentieth century--a

city general hospital with psychopathic wards. This arrangement, as we

have said in the chapter on the Church and the Mentally Afflicted, has

many advantages over the special hospital for the insane, entrance to

which, as a rule, requires tedious formalities.

Bridewell and Christ's Hospital, the other two of the institutions

long known as the five royal hospitals of London, were either actually

founded or received a great stimulus and a thorough reorganization

during the thirteenth century. In the succeeding centuries Bridewell

{256} ceased to be a hospital and became a prison, while Christ's

Hospital, though retaining its name, became a school. With some of

these institutions the name of Edward VI. has become associated, but,

as pointed out by Gairdner, the English historical writer, without any

due warrant. Gairdner says in his History of the English Church in the

Sixteenth Century, "Edward has left a name in connection with

charities and education which critical scholars find to be little

justified by fact." The supposed foundation of St. Thomas's Hospital,

as he points out, was only the re-establishment of this institution,

"and even when it was granted by Edward to the citizens of London, it

was not without their paying for it." Many institutions, charitable

and educational, had been destroyed by Henry VIII., and the crying

need for them became so great under Edward's reign that the government

was compelled to provide for their re-establishment.

It is no wonder, with all this activity of the hospital foundation

movement, that Virchow should have been unstinted in his praise of the

Pontiff and of the Church responsible for the great charity. He said:

"It may be recognized and admitted that it was reserved for the Roman

Catholic Church, and above all for Innocent III., not only to open the

bourse of Christian charity and mercy in all its fulness, but also to

guide the life-giving stream into every branch of human life in an

ordered manner. For this reason alone the interest in this man and in

this time will never die out."

Even this was not all that he felt bound to say, and in his admiration

he quite forgot the constant opposition he manifested toward the

Papacy on all other occasions. This happened to be the one feature of

Papal influence {257} and endeavor that he had investigated most

thoroughly, and one is tempted to wonder if like investigation in

other directions would not have shown him the error of prejudiced

views he harbored with regard to other phases of the beneficent

influence of the Popes in history. More knowledge is all that is

needed, as a rule, to overcome all the anti-Papal prejudices founded

on supposed historical grounds.

Indeed, Virchow's tribute to Pope Innocent III. as the initiator of

all this humanitarian work is so frank and outspoken that, coming as

it does from a man whose sympathies with the Papacy were well known to

be the slightest, it deserves to be recalled in its completeness, in

order that another factor for the vindication of Innocent's character

may be better known. The great pathologist said: "The beginning of the

history of all of these German hospitals is connected with the name of

that Pope who made the boldest and farthest-reaching attempt to gather

the sum of human interests into the organization of the Catholic

Church. The hospitals of the Holy Ghost were one of the many means by

which Innocent III. thought to hold humanity to the Holy See. And

surely it was one of the most effective. Was it not calculated to

create the most profound impression to see how the mighty Pope, who

humbled emperors and deposed kings, who was the unrelenting adversary

of the Albigenses, turned his eyes sympathetically upon the poor and

sick, sought the helpless and the neglected upon the streets, and

saved the illegitimate children from death in the waters! There is

something at once conciliating and fascinating in the fact, that at

the very time when the fourth crusade was inaugurated through his

influence, the thought of founding a great {258} organization of an

essentially humane character, which was eventually to extend

throughout all Christendom, was also taking form in his soul; and that

in the same year (1204) in which the new Latin Empire was founded in

Constantinople, the newly erected hospital of the Holy Spirit, by the

old bridge on the other side of the Tiber, was blessed and dedicated

as the future centre of this organization." [Footnote 31]

[Footnote 31: Virchow's article on the German hospitals is to be found

in the second volume of his collection of essays on Public Medicine

and the History of Epidemics, which is, unfortunately, not translated

into English, so far as I know, but will have to be consulted in the

original Gesammelte Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiete der Oeffentlichen

Medicin und der Seuchenlehre von Rudolf Virchow, Berlin, 1879. August

Hirschwald.]

The quotation from Virchow gives a good and quite comprehensive idea

of the scope of these institutions. The ailing of all kinds were

received beneath their hospitable roof. In many cases the regulations

for the reception of pregnant women and for the care of the foundlings

are still extant, besides the hospital rules for the care of the

various kinds of patients. The department set aside for the foundlings

was in most places rather an allied institution than an integral part

of the hospital itself. While these were called findel or foundling

houses in Germany, in Italy this harsh name was not used, but the

institutions were termed hospitals for the innocents, thus emphasizing

the most pitiable feature of the cases of the little patients, and not

branding them for life with a name that suggested their having been

abandoned by those who should have cared for them.

The regulations for the admission and care of patients are interesting

as showing how much these medieval institutions tried to fulfill the

ideal of hospital work. The people of the Middle Ages had not as yet

suffered all {259} the disillusionments that come from the abuse of

charity at the hands of those who least deserve help, and besides, the

attendants at the hospitals were expected to do their work for its own

sake and from the highest motives of Christian benevolence rather than

for any lesser reward. At the beginning, at least, there seems to be

no doubt that this lofty purpose was accomplished very satisfactorily;

but men and women are only human, and after a time there was

deterioration. Even Virchow, however, was so struck by the ideal

conditions that existed in these early hospitals that he discussed the

necessity for having in modern times hospital attendants with as

unselfish motives as those of the medieval period. It seems worth

while then to give some of the details of this supremely Christian

management of hospital work.

In an article on the medieval hospitals in the Dublin Review for

October, 1903, Elizabeth Speakman quotes from the statutes of various

hospitals sufficient to show how the internal government of these

charitable institutions was regulated. There was always a porter at

the main door, usually one of the Brothers or Sisters, who had the

power to receive patients applying for admission. At certain places,

however, it seems to have been necessary to inform the superior; and

the statutes of the French Hospital at Angers say, that the prioress

is to go herself without delay to receive patients or to send one of

the Sisters for that purpose, "not severe or hard, but kind of

countenance." At the same place the statutes say, "the number of the

sick is not to be defined, for the house is theirs, and so all

indifferently shall be received as far as the resources of the house

allow."

From many of the hospitals members of the community were sent out from

day to day to find out if there {260} were any lying sick who needed

care and who should be sent to the hospital. They were expected also

to pick up any of the infirm whom they might find along the streets

and bring them to the hospital. The attitude which the religious

attendants at the hospitals were to assume toward the patients upon

whom they wait is clearly stated. In nearly all of the French

hospitals of the thirteenth century, at least, the statutes in this

matter do not differ much from this specimen:

"When the patient arrives he shall be received thus: First, having

confessed his sins to the priest, he shall be communicated religiously

and afterward be carried to bed and treated there as our Lord,

according to the resources of the house; each day, before the repast

of the brethren, he shall be given food with charity, and each Sunday

the epistle and gospel shall be read and aspersion with holy water

made with procession."

As is noted by Miss Speakman, all through the hospital statutes of

these times the name of Masters or Lords is applied to the patients.

The expression in Old French is Les Seignors Malades. The ordinary

name for hospital was Maison Dieu, which has been well translated

"God's Hostelry." It is evident, then, though the origin of the phrase

"Our Lords the Poor," as applied to hospital patients, has been said

to be obscure, that it is only a re-echo of the scriptural expression,

"Whatsoever ye shall do, even to the least of these, behold ye do it

unto Me." A quotation which was emphasized in the old rule of St.

Benedict, promulgated for the treatment of those received into the

hospitality of the Benedictine monasteries, "All guests shall be

received as Christ, who Himself has said, 'I was a stranger and ye

took Me in.'"

{261}

In modern times, the necessity for providing for patients whatever

within reason they may long for has often been insisted on. It is

curiously interesting to find a striking anticipation of this very

modern rule in the customs of these old-time hospitals. As a result of

the attitude of supreme good will toward patients, there is an

injunction in many hospital statutes, that whatever the patient may

desire, if it can be obtained and is not bad for him, shall be given

to him until he is restored to health. The Knights Hospitalers of St.

John of Jerusalem followed the injunction so carefully and endeavored

to satisfy even whims of their patients that might seem unreasonable

to such an extent, that their conduct in the matter became proverbial

and gave rise to at least one pretty legend, the hero of which is no

less a personage than the famous Eastern Sultan of the later Crusade

period.

"Saladin desiring to prove for himself this reputed indulgence of

the knights to their patients, disguised himself as a pilgrim and

was received among the sick in the hospital in Jerusalem. He refused

all food, declaring that there was only one thing that he fancied,

and that he knew they would not give him. On being pressed, he

confessed that it was one of the feet of the horse of the Grand

Master. The latter, on being acquainted with this fact, ordered that

the noble animal should be killed and the sick stranger's desire

satisfied. Saladin at this point, thinking the experiment had gone

far enough, declared himself taken with a repugnance to it, so the

animal was spared."

Virchow studied very faithfully the management of these medieval

hospitals, and was evidently quite impressed with the success with

which difficulties had been {262} met and overcome. None knew better

than he all the difficulties there were in hospital management, for

during nearly fifty years he had been identified with many hospitals,

from city charity institutions to the various kinds needed for war and

those erected in connection with universities for teaching purposes.

He had very little patience with religious formulas, and was indeed a

typical agnostic. Notwithstanding this, he has been perfectly frank in

confessing how much is accomplished by the religious management of the

hospitals, and even did not hesitate to declare that if hospitals for

the poor particularly, are to be successfully managed, there must be a

change in the view-point of those who take up the work of hospital

nursing, and the attendants must come from better social classes than

is at present the custom. (This is of course for Germany.)

The question as to whether secular or religious management of

hospitals shall prevail has not been as yet absolutely decided, and

this adds to the value of Virchow's opinion. No one knew better than

he of the many sacrifices required if the patients are to be properly

cared for. Himself, as I have said, utterly without religion, it is

curious to see how he recognizes the benefit that religious motives

confer upon the management of a hospital, and how much better the work

is likely to be done by those who give themselves up to the care of

the sick as a Christian duty. He says:

"The general hospital is the real purpose of our time, and anyone

who takes up service in it must give himself up to it from the

purest of humanitarian motives. The hospital attendant must, at

least morally and spiritually, see in the patient only the helpless

and suffering man, his brother and his neighbor; and in order to be

able to {263} do this he must have a warm heart, an earnest

devotion, and a true sense of duty. There is in reality scarcely any

human occupation that brings so immediately with it its own reward,

or in which the feeling of personal contentment comes from thorough

accomplishment of purpose.

"But so far as the accomplishment of the task set one is concerned,

the attendant in the hospital has ever and anon new demands made

upon him and a new task imposed. One patient lies next the other,

and when one departs another comes in his place.

"From day to day, from week to week, from year to year, always the

same work, over and over again, only forever for new patients. This

tires out the hospital attendant. Then the custom of seeing

suffering weakens the enthusiasm and lessens the sense of duty.

There is need of a special stimulus in order to reawaken the old

sympathy. Whence shall this be obtained--from religion or from some

temporal reward? In trying to solve this problem we are standing

before the most difficult problem of modern hospital management.

Before us lie the paths of religious and simple care for the sick.

We may say at once that the proper solution has not yet been found.

"It may be easy, from an impartial but one-sided view of the

subject, to say that the feeling of duty, of devotion, even of

sacrifice, is by no means necessarily dependent on the hope of

religious reward, nor the expectation of material remuneration. Such

a point of view, however, I may say at once, such a freedom of good

will, such a warmth of sympathy from purely human motives as would

be expected in these conditions, are only to be found in very

unaccustomed goodness of {264} disposition, or an extent of ethical

education such as cannot be found in most of those who give

themselves at the present time to the services of the sick in the

hospitals. If pure humanity is to be a motive, then other circles of

society must be induced to take part in the care of the sick. Our

training schools for nurses must teach very differently to what they

do at present, if the care of the sick in municipal hospitals shall

compare favorably with that given them in religious institutions.

Our hospitals must become transformed into true humanitarian

institutions."

While some of this striking opinion of Virchow's was derived from

personal experience with hospitals managed by religious, it must not

be forgotten that such hospitals are rarer in Germany, at least in the

north, than almost anywhere else in the world. His opportunities then

were limited, and undoubtedly much of his favorable persuasions in

this regard was founded on his investigation of conditions as he had

learned to know them in the old-time hospitals of the later Middle

Ages. The traditions as to the treatment of patients in these early

times are such as to make us believe that hospital attendants did take

their work seriously from a very lofty motive, and that while medicine

and surgery were much less effective than in more modern times, the

tender care of patients did as much as was possible to make inevitable

suffering more bearable, and to keep the sight of painfully

approaching death from being a source of discouragement and even of

despair.

We have the best evidence, that of a contemporary, as to the

conditions which obtained in these medieval hospitals, and the

dispositions of the attendants as regards their religious duties would

seem to be an unmistakable {265} index as to their willingness to

sacrifice their own comfort for the sake of the patients. The well

known Jacques de Vitry, who had been Bishop of Acre and afterwards

Cardinal, and whose wide travel had given him many opportunities to

judge for himself, said:

"There are innumerable congregations, both of men and women,

renouncing the world and living regularly in leper houses and

hospitals of the poor, humbly and devoutly ministering to the poor

and the infirm. They live according to the rule of St. Augustine,

without property and in community and under obedience to one above

them; and having assumed the regular habit, they promise to God

perpetual continence. The men and women, with all reverence and

chastity, eat and sleep apart. The canonical hours, as far as

hospitality and the care of the poor of Christ allow, by day and

night they attend. In houses where there is a large congregation of

brethren and sisters, they congregate frequently in chapter for the

correction of faults and other causes. Readings from Holy Scriptures

are frequently made during meals, and silence is maintained during

meals in the refectory and other fixed places and at certain times.

.... Their chaplains, ministering in spiritual matters with all

humility and devotion to the infirm, instruct the ignorant in the

word of divine preaching, console the faint-hearted and weak, and

exhort them to patience and to correspond to the action of grace.

They celebrate divine office in the common chapel assiduously by day

and night, so that the sick can hear from their beds. Confession and

extreme unction and the other sacraments they administer diligently

and solicitously to the sick, and to the dead they give due burial.

These ministers of Christ, sober and sparing to themselves and {266}

very strict and severe to their bodies, overflowing with charity to

the poor and infirm and ministering with tender heart to their

necessities according to their powers, are all the more lowly in the

House of God as they were of high rank in the world. They bear for

Christ's sake such unclean and almost intolerable things, that I do

not think any other can be compared to this martyrdom, holy and

precious in the sight of God."

It might perhaps be thought that these hospitals of the Middle Ages

would be of very little interest to the modern student of things

social and medical except for the fact, surprising enough in itself at

this time of supposed neglect of social duties, when the paternal

spirit of the municipality is presumed scarcely to have developed as

yet, that such institutions were provided. It would ordinarily be

assumed that they were, in accordance with the lack of knowledge of

the time as regards the influence of light and air on the ailing,

dingy and unventilated, lacking most of the qualities that distinguish

our modern hospital. As a matter of fact, however, just as our

architects go back to the Middle Ages to get models for our churches

and municipal buildings, and even our millionaires' palaces and public

institutions, they also find that in the matter of hospitals much

valuable guidance is to be obtained from what was accomplished by

these people of the Middle Ages, of whom we ordinarily think so

little. Mr. Arthur Dillon, an architect, writing in the "Mail and

Express" for May 7th, 1904, described the hospital founded by

Marguerite of Bourgogne, the sister of St. Louis, at Tanierre in

France in 1293. It consisted of a ward, a building attached to it by a

covered passage in which Marguerite herself lived for many years, and

_separate buildings_ for {267} kitchens, for storage of provisions and

for the lodging of the twenty monks and nuns who had charge of the

sick. A feature that perhaps we would not admire very much, was that

adjacent to the buildings there was a cemetery. They were not so

fearful about death in the Middle Ages, however, as we are apt to be;

and who shall say that the contemplation of it did not often give that

restful sense of submission to whatever would come, that sometimes

means so much in serious illness, and keeps the patient from still

further exhausting vitality by worrying as to the outcome? The

medicine was stronger than our degenerate generation might be able to

bear, but then all their medicines were apt to be stronger in that

time.

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