CHAPTER VIII.

Chitta Ranjan's Part in the Non-Co-operation Movement.

While on the cessation of all hostilities in Europe India stood on the

tip-toe of expectation for the new age of freedom that was about to

dawn and while men conjured rosy visions of the future, Lord

Chelmsford inaugurated in an evil moment a policy of depriving India

of even the elementary rights of personal freedom and free

speech--rights which are most valued in an enlightened democracy.

Towards the close of December 1917 Lord Chelmsford thought it fit to

appoint a Commission presided over by Mr. Justice Rowlatt of the

King's Bench Division to investigate and report on revolutionary

conspiracies in India and to advise the Government to frame such

legislation as might enable them to deal more effectively with the

reactionary movements. The Commission was appointed without any sort

of compelling necessity and, to say the least of it, at a most

inopportune moment. The Commission held its sittings at different

places of India and after an one-sided and unjudicial enquiry

published a long report towards the close of April 1918. The war

having just then successfully terminated in favour of the Allies, the

Defence of India Act and other war-time measures which could only last

so long as the war continued, would necessarily cease to be in force

any longer and therefore the Commission suggested certain penal laws

as a more effective and permanent safe-guard against the so-called

anarchists of India. The report was emphatically protested against by

every section of the Indian press but in spite of all popular

opposition, Government drafted a bill substantially embodying the

recommendations of the Rowlatt Committee and hurried it through the

Imperial Legislative Council within six months of the report. The bill

is generally known as the Rowlatt Bill. The effect of its provisions

was two-fold: the Provincial Governments would be vested with an

authority similar to that which was given to them by the Defence of

India Act, and every person accused of a revolutionary crime would be

summarily tried by the tribunals specially appointed for the purpose.

Against such a cruel and tyrannical measure the whole of India

protested with one voice. Public feeling was in a state of high

ferment and yet in spite of all this, and in spite of the fact that

every Indian Non-official member of the Imperial Legislative Council

voted against the proposed measure, the Rowlatt Bill was passed into

Law in March 1919. The situation in India reached a state of very high

tension. Mahatma Gandhi advised his countrymen to take the Satyagraha

Pledge as the only means of securing redress for their grievances. The

pledge ran thus:--

"Being conscientiously of opinion that the Bills are unjust,

subversive of the principle of liberty and justice, and destructive of

the elementary rights of individuals, on which the safety of the

community as a whole and the state itself is based, we solemnly affirm

that in the event of these Bills becoming law and until they are

withdrawn, we shall refuse civilly to obey these laws and such other

laws as may be thought fit and further affirm that in this struggle we

will faithfully follow truth and refrain from violence to life, person

and property."

Mahatma Gandhi further suggested that the second Sunday after the

publication of the Viceregal Assent to the Rowlatt Act should be

observed as a day of humiliation and prayer, a twenty-four hours'

fasting should be observed by all adults, all work should be suspended

for the day and public meetings should be held on that day in all

parts of India at which Resolutions praying for the withdrawal of the

measure should be passed. Indians gladly and freely took this pledge.

Of the leaders in Bengal Chitta Ranjan was the first to rally round

Mahatma Gandhi in preaching the Satyagraha vow. In March 1919 at a

huge meeting of the citizens of Calcutta he delivered a speech in

Bengali on Satyagraha in course of which he said:--

"To-day is Mahatma Gandhi's day. To-day is the day for us to express

the afflictions of our heart. In days of prosperity we forget

ourselves, but on evil days when fallen we realise ourselves and hear

the message of God.

To-day at this national crisis we must search for the soul of the

nation. This soul is to be attained by strength. What is that

strength? It is not brute force, but the force of love. This is what

Mahatma teaches us and this is the message of all India. The

realisation of this message requires the abandonment of selfishness,

envy, malice, and hatred. Why do we protest against the Rowlatt Act?

We know it for certain that its enforcement means the dwarfing of our

national being. To avert this calamity we should abandon all envy and

malice and infuse into the hearts of our countrymen an ardent love for

mother-country. This is why Mahatma has said--"Do not hate even your

enemies, for the victory of love is ensured." This agitation,

therefore, springs from love and righteousness; it is the throbbing of

the heart of a nation. The only means to gain our object is

self-sacrifice--self-sacrifice inspired by love."

The campaign of Satyagraha was started and what followed is written

large in characters of fire and blood in the pages of Indian History.

The Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab, Sir Michael O'Dwyer, did in an

evil moment start a counter-campaign of repression. Drs Kitchelew and

Satyapal, two popular leaders, were arrested and Mahatma Gandhi who

proceeded to the Punjab from Bombay was prohibited from entering the

province, was arrested and sent back to Bombay. A strong rumour to the

effect that Mahatma Gandhi was imprisoned spread over all parts of

India and exasperated the populace. Disorder broke out at Calcutta,

Ahmedabad and many other places, but it took a serious form in the

Punjab where martial law was proclaimed, and scores of persons were

illegally hauled up before the martial law tribunals. Counsel for

defence was disallowed and the unfortunate victims were all sentenced

to death. In April 1919 the civil population of Amritasar convened a

public meeting at the Jallianwalla Bagh to protest against some of the

high-handed and tyrannous measures of the Punjab Government. The

military were ordered by their Commanding Officer, General Dyer, to

open fire on the harmless and defenceless crowd of men, women and

children. In the name of public peace aeroplanes bombed the civil

population from above and men were made to crawl on their bellies as a

sign of penitent submission. This conduct of the Punjab authorities

met with the full approval of Lord Chelmsford.

Independent public opinion demanded a thorough and sifting enquiry

into the atrocities of the Punjab and in compliance with the insistent

public demand, Mr. Montagu, the Secretary of State for India,

appointed a Committee consisting of official and non-official members

and presided over by Lord Hunter to investigate and report on the

Punjab disorders. The Indian National Congress deputed a Committee

consisting of Mahatma Gandhi, Srijut Chitta Ranjan Das, and other

prominent leaders to conduct an independent enquiry of the

disturbances. Chitta Ranjan was not then keeping good health, but the

call of the mother-country was paramount with him. For about four

months he served on the Committee at a great personal sacrifice. The

report of the Committee which was published in due time contained a

severe denunciation of the most cold-blooded atrocities committed by

the authorities of the Punjab. The official report, though the

European members forming the majority attempted at whitewashing,

contained much evidence to show that there had been some excessive use

of military force. Both the reports astounded the world with

first-hand knowledge of the unparalleled atrocities of the Punjab. The

matter was agitated in Parliament and the staunch friends of India

there tried their best to get justice done to India. The Secretary of

State expressed his confidence in the Viceroy, the Viceroy his

confidence in Sir M. O'Dwyer, who in turn fully approved of the deeds

of General Dyer and this gentleman openly prided over his bloody

performances at Jallianwalla Bagh. But the most shameful termination

of the affair was the fact that the House of Lords hailed General Dyer

as the Saviour of India. However four things relating to the Punjab

event augmented the discontented feeling of the people bringing home

to them their utterly helpless condition. First, the minority report

of the Indian members of the Hunter committee and the shameless

whitewashing of the European members of the same committee; secondly,

the non-impeachment of General Dyer and Sir M. O'Dwyer; thirdly, the

heinous approbation of Dyer's conduct by the House of Lords; and

fourthly the large contributions to the Dyer Fund both in England and

India as a reward of his gallant deed.

Simultaneously with these high handed and arbitrary proceedings in the

Indian administration a fresh wrong was done to every follower of the

Muslim faith. At the end of the European War, Mr. Lloyd George in

replying to Indian representations on behalf of Turkey, assured Islam

that Turkey would have full justice. But when peace was concluded, the

treatment meted out to Turkey was extremely derogatory to her

self-respect and dignity; the Khilafat, the supreme temporal and

spiritual power in Islam was most shamelessly handled. The Prime

Minister, when reminded of his previous promise, replied somewhat

ironically that Turkey had had justice done to her.

At this moment Mahatma Gandhi came forward with his scheme of the

passive resistance movement now generally styled, Non-Co-operation as

the only means of rectifying the Punjab and Khilafat Wrongs. On the

4th of September 1920 at the Special Session of the Indian National

Congress at Calcutta, which was presided over by Lala Lajpat Rai, the

Non-Co-operation resolution of Mahatma Gandhi was adopted by an

overwhelming majority. It laid down the following steps to prepare the

country for non-violent Non-Co-operation:

(_a_) National Education.

(_b_) Boycott of Law Courts.

(_c_) Boycott of Foreign Goods.

(_d_) Call for Self-Sacrifice.

(_e_) Organisation of the Indian National Service.

(_f_) The Swadeshi Vow.

(_g_) Tilak Memorial Swarajya Fund.

At the Special Session of the Congress held at Calcutta Chitta Ranjan

was not in favour of withdrawing students from schools and colleges

and boycotting Law-courts. But at Nagpur a prolonged discussion with

Mahatma Gandhi about the details of the Non-Co-operation movement

convinced him of the necessity for adopting the whole programme and at

the session of the Nagpur Congress Chitta Ranjan himself moved the

Non-Co-operation Resolution. Some of the delegates who did not know

Chitta Ranjan well doubted his sincerity, but when he told them

bluntly that in his whole life he had never failed to practise what he

preached, the non-believers were silenced. In course of the speech he

said:--

"I ask you to remember, that when I say anything, I mean it, and in

my life on public questions, I have never said anything which I do not

believe in."

Chitta Ranjan came back to Calcutta, gave up his unrivalled practice

at the call of his mother-country and devoted all his time and energy

to the attainment of Swaraj by the peaceful method of non-violent

Non-co-operation. The only thought which was uppermost in his mind

when he gave up his practice was his solicitude for his poor

countrymen. Some time after this one of his friends once asked him

what would be the fate of his enormous charities. Chitta Ranjan kept

quiet for a while and then replied with a deep sigh:--"What shall I

do? A greater call of duty has reached me, I must respond to it. Those

whom I have helped so long will be helped now by God Himself."

About two years ago when Chitta Ranjan was engaged in the Dumraon Raj

case an ascetic once said to him:--"My child, this life of worldly

enjoyment you shall have to renounce very soon." None could at that

time have any faith in that prophecy. Who could have ever dreamt that

the time was so near? Mysterious indeed are the ways of God which the

limited intelligence of man fails to fathom.

Chitta Ranjan's sacrifice in the Non-co-operation movement has

elicited admiration even from high-souled Englishmen. Sir Michael

Sadler, the late President of the Calcutta University Commission wrote

in the London Times:--"Chitta Ranjan's wonderful sacrifice is

unparalleled in the history of the world. Indians would do well to

follow him."

As we have already said Chitta Ranjan is never a politician in the

true sense of the term; he possesses none of the diplomatic ways of a

thorough-bred politician. He is only a high-souled patriot led by

emotions. He has loved his country with all his heart from childhood;

in manhood through all activities he has striven hard to keep alive

its sacred image in his heart; and now on the threshhold of age that

image has became clearer and truer than ever. The late Lokamanya

Tilak once said of him, "I believe the time is not very far when

Chitta Ranjan will devote all his energy to the services of his

country and his love of mother-land will burn as a torch-light to

guide his countrymen in the right path." That hope has now been

realised.

The People of India also as a mark of their heart-felt gratitude for

the noble sacrifice and selfless patriotism of Deshabandhu Chitta

Ranjan Das has unanimously elected him to be the President of the

Indian National Congress to be held at Ahmedabad in December 1921. For

some time he hesitated to preside over the most momentous session of

the Congress of this year, but at last in compliance with the united

request of his countrymen he accepted the honour--the highest they had

in their power to bestow.

It is after all the great ideal of Chitta Ranjan's sacrifice that has

led the young men of Bengal to respond to the call of mother-country

when even Mahatma's appeal has failed to move them. The

student-community of Bengal came out in a body to rally round

Deshabandhu Chitta Ranjan in attaining the object for which we are all

fighting. In one of the students' meetings at Calcutta Mahatma Gandhi

while addressing the students said:--"I knew that you were waiting for

Srijut Chitta Ranjan's leadership and I hoped the time was not very

far when he would sacrifice his all at the call of his country." In an

appeal to the students of Calcutta he said:--

"I advocate the method of Non-Co-operation, as every other method has

failed. I want you to cling to this method, come what may. This is our

last chance and this, at least, will not be in vain. Do you know what

Non-Co-operation means? You must withdraw your help in moving the

powerful machinery of the Bureaucracy. Do you realise how you can move

this machinery? The Bureaucracy works its wicked will through the

pleaders, through doctors, through clerks, through their police

officers and through Magistrates and Judges. And you now see what the

Calcutta University contributes. It contributes all the strength upon

which the strength of the bureaucracy depends.

The method that I advocate is the method of sacrifice. If you have to

destroy what you consider your chance of success in life, remember, it

is only to defeat the bureaucracy, and to attain Swaraj. How can

Swaraj be attained unless you realise your own right clearly,

unhesitatingly? How can you compel the bureaucracy to recognise that

which you yourself do not realise?

I repeat, therefore,--wake up, wake up, wake up. We have slept too

long. Realise the sense of your bondage and stand out boldly and

firmly on the road to Freedom."

In his Sagar Sangit Chitta Ranjan once sang this song:--

"As thou didst call with the roar of thy thunder

In the infinitely musical voice of thy soul,

My life over-flooded its banks

In the heart-churning torrents of thy sound."

When actually this call came to him, he went forth from place to place

to preach the Swaraj mantra. Bengal was already prepared to adopt it.

Wherever he went, the local people responded in a splendid manner and

national institutions grew up simultaneously. After starting a

national college at Dacca when Chitta Ranjan proceeded to Mymensingh

in the beginning of March 1921, the Joint Magistrate prohibited him

from entering the town. As the Congress had not then sanctioned civil

disobedience, he did not break that order. But on that occasion the

noble message that he sent to his countrymen is even now vibrating in

the air:--"We are treated like helots in our country. Life is

unbearable without Swaraj." He then came to Tangail and in the large

compound of Mr. Wajed Ali Khan Pani's house a mass meeting was held

where the labourers and peasants were present in a large number; the

large-hearted Zaminder Mr. Khan Pani started a national school and for

the benefit of the peasants a granary was proposed. From Tangail

Chitta Ranjan came to Sylhet via Maulavi Bazar and Habigunj and

presided over the Assam Khilafat Conference. The local people accorded

him a splendid ovation, the town was lighted in honour of his visit.

In course of the speech at the Khilafat Conference he said:--"The dawn

of a new era has come. It is the dawn of unity among the different

sects of the Indian people. This unity is never to be broken. We are

all united to attain Swaraj. If in our own home, we cannot preserve

our self-respect, if in our own country we are treated like cats and

dogs, then where shall we get justice? We starve for want of food, we

are turned naked for want of clothing. Our wives and children suffer

humiliation at all times and we lose our lives like insects and worms.

To set this right we want Swaraj. This is needed not only for Hindus

and Musalmans but by every Indian, by every righteous man."

After completing a long lecturing tour in the Eastern Bengal Chitta

Ranjan came to attend the Provincial Conference at Barisal. In one of

his lectures he said that Swaraj was urgently needed to get rid of the

cultural conquest of the West which has caused the denationalisation

of the Indian people. At the Barisal Provincial Conference he

delivered a very touching lecture on Swaraj in course of which he

said:--

"Swaraj is our birth right, it is a divine gift. When you realise

yourself by penances, you shall get freedom from within and without.

We look to others for our education, commerce and government; this is

bondage. We must get rid of that. We cannot even clothe our mothers

and sisters. What servility! We must be free men and not bondsmen as

we are at present. This yearning for Swaraj is meant for our

liberation. We are inimical to no body, ours is a peaceful struggle."

Chitta Ranjan came back to Calcutta in April 1921 and shortly

afterwards went to Bezwada to attend the meeting of the All-India

Congress Committee held in the middle of April 1921 where it was

decided that as a first step towards the attainment of Swaraj three

things would be necessary:--(1) a crore of rupees to be contributed to

the Tilak Swarajya Fund, (2) a crore of persons to be enrolled as

members of the Indian National Congress and (3) twenty lacs of

spinning wheels to be distributed to the Indian Villages. This first

step was to be completed on or before the 30th June 1921.

Chitta Ranjan came back and addressed many meetings at Calcutta and

the mufassil asking the people of Bengal to contribute Bengal's quota.

The Anglo-Indian Press and the Moderate Press with one voice declared

that it was beyond human power to work out the Bezwada programme

within such a short time. But when the soul of a nation is awakened,

everything is done in an unexpected manner. On the 1st of July 1921

the All India Congress Committee declared that contributions to the

Tilak Swarjya Fund exceeded one crore of rupees and that the other two

parts of the Bezwada programme were also accomplished beyond dispute.

In the mean-time a most deplorable event took place in Bengal. This

was the inhuman treatment of the Assam Tea-garden Coolies at Chandpur.

The tea-garden coolies had been for a long time smarting under acute

grievances. They did not get sufficient food, were now and then

brutally assaulted and even their wives and sisters were subjected to

occasional humiliation at the hands of the European managers. These

exasperated their feelings to such a pitch that they determined to go

back to their own country. In early May 1921 the Coolies of many

tea-gardens at Assam went on strike and in spite of many persuasions

from the Deputy Commissioner and the proprietors of the tea-gardens

they left the gardens for Karimganj. Coolies,--men, women and children

began to pour in from different tea-gardens. They were worn out,

shattered, half-naked and starving. In fact they presented a most

pitiable picture and the local people took charge of their feeding and

clothing. They were also making arrangements for the repatriation of

the Coolies. But the Railway authorities declined to issue tickets to

them. Perhaps they thought that the Coolies would of themselves return

to the gardens if they had to face starvation and were refused tickets

to go home. But the authorities were mistaken. The inhuman treatment

at the gardens had long overstepped the limits of their patience and

now they stood at all costs determined to leave the gardens once for

all. Even they suspected the Government of being implicated with the

managers of the gardens and refused to take food from them when

offered. At the request of the people of Karimganj Mr. J. M. Sen Gupta

went there and wired to the Traffic Manager to withdraw the

unjustifiable order of the local Station Master. The order was

withdrawn and the coolies came down to Chandpur in large numbers. The

Government declined to make any arrangement for their repatriation.

The coolies were left to their own fate and as it could have been

expected epidemic broke out among them. About midnight on the 20th May

the most horrible tragedy that was ever enacted in Bengal was

witnessed at Chandpur. At the instigation of the local authorities a

band of savage Gurkhas fell upon the innocent men, women and children

who were starving and dying of epidemic. They butchered the coolies

right and left amidst the glee of the Local Magistrate and the

Commissioner. The people of Chandpur were so much agitated over this

matter, that had not the leaders come in an opportune moment to the

place of occurrence there would have ensued a riot of the severest

type. Chitta Ranjan was informed of this event and was wired to come

to Chandpur as early as possible. He at once sanctioned on behalf of

the Provincial Congress Committee 5000 rupees for the relief of the

distressed coolies. The Railway employees went on a sympathetic strike

and Chitta Ranjan started from Goalundo for Chandpur in a boat. The

violent Padma became turbulent and it was most unsafe to face the

waves in a boat. Many of Chitta Ranjan's friends tried to desist him

from such a rash step. But he was not to be stopped. His heart was

moved at the agony of the coolies and go he must to send them back to

their home. If it wished God that he would be drowned, he was ready to

court death at the call of duty. He was accompanied in this perilous

journey by his wife and constant companion Srijukta Basanti Devi. The

wind was raging high, the waves dashed against the boat; cheerfully

did Chitta Ranjan proceed on his journey with his wife. It was his

firm determination to go to Chandpur and arrange for the repatriation

of the coolies. For this he feared not death. After an eventful

journey in course of which he was once overtaken by a heavy storm and

narrowly escaped being drowned Chitta Ranjan reached Chandpur. There

he managed to send a large number of coolies in a special steamer to

Goalundo and arranged for the repatriation of the rest. He came back

to Calcutta with his wife in a cheerful spirit--cheerful, as he knew

that he had been able to do his duty as the leader of Bengal.

Now when the first stage of the Non-Co-operation movement was so

successfully passed, the Working Committee of the Congress met at

Calcutta in the beginning of September to discuss the second step and

it was decided that the next step would be boycott of foreign cloth.

This step entailed a great difficulty as it would be necessary to make

the people self-reliant and independent of foreign cloth. It

necessitated that spinning should be introduced in every house and

Indians should be encouraged to weave their own clothes. Chitta Ranjan

proceeded on a lecturing tour all over Bengal to preach Swadeshi to

his countrymen and to make it clear to them that the salvation of

India lay in hand-spinning and weaving. In course of one of his

lectures he said:--

"At this commencement of a new era in the history of India, you must

take the Swadeshi vow. I know Indians can do everything only if they

_w_ish it. Their fortitude is unique and determination firm. Once take

the vow that you shall not use foreign cloth. If you cannot procure

sufficient country-made cloth, cut one cloth into two pieces and use

them separately. You have no reason to be ashamed of wearing a short

dress. On the other hand if you import fine cloth from Manchester, the

whole world will cry shame upon you. To-day at this dawn of national

consciousness take the vow that you shall wear only country-made

cloth, be it coarse or fine. With it is inter-woven the sweet

affection of your brothers and sisters. It will help you to develop

your manhood."

In another lecture Chitta Ranjan has said:--

"Our national life has become stagnant. We must purify it. This

requires penance for our past sins, this means we should give up all

our luxuries and strive for the realisation of our national spirit."

In course of one of his mufassil lectures he once remarked:--"Those

who still do not believe in Swaraj, must very soon change their minds.

For they also must strive to attain Swaraj as the only means of

developing their manhood. Swaraj is the birth right of a nation. It

comes to believers and non-believers as a divine blessing."

When this speech was published in the form of an article, many took it

for a visionary statement; but the time was not very far when it was

actually verified. People who did never believe in Swaraj have

actually joined this movement all on a sudden as if led by Providence.

While the country was being thus prepared step by step for the

attainment of its ultimate goal, the complete hartal on the 17th

November on the occasion of the Prince's arrival in India unnerved the

Europeans and the Anglo-Indians who saw that without any act of

violence or intimidation the whole of India obeyed the dictates of the

Indian National Congress. Not a murmur was heard, not a complaint

lodged. This produced a heart-burning in the Anglo-Indians whose

representatives urged the Government by saying that it was Gunda Raj

not British Raj on the 17th to take steps in striking the national

movement at its very root. The Bureaucratic Government of India,

misled by the Anglo-Indian Press thought it fit to crush the movement

and the Bengal Government in a fit of frenzy as it were, declared

towards the end of November that the Congress and Khilafat Volunteers

formed an unlawful association. The Working Committee of the Congress

met at Bombay and decided to continue the national service corps in

defiance of the Government notification and enjoined upon all

Congress-men to enlist themselves as Volunteers. Chitta Ranjan came

back to Calcutta from Bombay and convened a meeting of the Provincial

Congress Committee which delegated all its powers to him. In that

capacity Chitta Ranjan thought it proper to send volunteers who would

go from shop to shop requesting the shop-keepers to sell Swadeshi only

and to observe _hartal_ on the 24th December on which day His Royal

Highness the Prince of Wales would arrive at Calcutta. He knew that

the volunteers were to be arrested; yet he sent his only son Srijut

Chira Ranjan Das to lead a batch of volunteers. Chitta Ranjan is a

very affectionate father, his heart is all affection; yet the report

of Chira Ranjan's arrest and six months, rigorous imprisonment, nay,

the cruel assaults on his person did not move Chitta Ranjan in the

least for he knew that son was suffering in the cause of justice and

righteousness. He sent the following message to the persecuted:--

"What shall I say to those who have suffered, who are suffering, and

to those who are prepared to suffer for the cause of freedom? I repeat

the message which was delivered by a Persian Poet.

Truth, love and courage:--that is all you need to learn, all that you

need to remember. "Faith, Fortitude, Firmness, will they falter and

fail and fade at the hour of trial, in the moment of despair", asked

the Saqi in a mournful strain, "Or will they, tried and tested emerge

from the fire of life radiant, strengthened, ennobled, purified?"

"Not will I forsake them", answered the youth, "not even were the

heavens to fall."

"Thine then" said the Saqi, "is the path of glory, thine a nation's

gratitude, thine the fadeless crown.

Would that courage unbent, courage such as thine, be the proud

possession of all!

For naught but courage winneth life's battle, naught but courage

secureth souls' freedom, man's noblest and highest prize. Let,

courage, then, be thy gift, O God, to this wondrous land of love and

light."

The day following Chira Ranjan's arrest, Chitta Ranjan's worthy wife

Srijukta Basanti Devi and his noble sister Srijukta Urmila Devi along

with Srijukta Suniti Devi came out at the head of the volunteers. They

drove in a motor car up to the crossing of Harrison Road and College

Street. They got down from the car and walked by the foot path

requesting every one to wear khaddar, to discard foreign clothes and

to observe hartal on the 24th December. When they came back to the

crossing again, they were arrested and sent up to the Jorashanko

Police station. They were conveyed to the Presidency Jail from the

Lalbasar lock-up. Close upon midnight when they had already retired

to bed, they were released unconditionally. The splendid message which

they gave to their countrymen on their arrest is worth quoting here:--

"We came out fully prepared for arrest. It was torture for us as

mothers to stay away when our young boys were going to Jail

gloriously. We entreat all our sisters to take up the work left

unfinished. Let them not forget that their place is with their

brothers and sisters imprisoned. Let them realize that they are

practically living in prison, only a bigger one. It is more honourable

to live in a real prison than to breathe the polluted air of the

slave-land. We appeal to the students of Government institutions to

vacate the colleges in a body and take up the struggle for liberty.

Now or never is our last word. This noble struggle will lead us either

to victory or to death. Both are glorious. It must be life or death,

not this slavery any more."

The arrest of the noble ladies produced a profound impression

throughout the city. Crowds of volunteers began to pour in, in order

to continue Congress and Khilafat work and to court arrest in the act

of doing that. The students of the Colleges struck and enrolled

themselves in hundreds and in thousands as National Volunteers. Even

low class people responded to the country's call. The national work

went on with a redoubled velocity. Srijut Das issued the following

appeal to the people of Bengal:--

"Fear of Jail, fear of assaults and fear of being shot down--these are

three fears which every worker must conquer before we can get Swaraj.

We have conquered the fear of Jail; we are about to conquer the fear

of assault. It depends on the Bureaucracy when we shall succeed in

conquering the fear of being shot down. In the mean-time I charge

every one to remember that our success can only depend on non-violence

so real and so perfect that all God-fearing men must come over to our

side."

In the mean-time His Excellency the Governor invited Chitta Ranjan to

discuss with him the present political situation of Bengal. The points

of view of Chitta Ranjan and his party and also those of the

Government were freely discussed, and criticised but no actual result

came out of it. The Government decided to take the strictest possible

measures and arrest all the prominent leaders. Leaders of other places

outside Bengal--leaders like Lala Lajpat Rai, Pundit Motilal Nehru,

and others were arrested and tried summarily. On the 10th of December

at 4-30 P. M. two Deputy Commissioners went to the house of Srijut

Chitta Ranjan Das and there arrested him along with Srijut Birendra

Nath Sarmal, while they were taking tea. Srijut Das kept up a

dignified and smiling appearance all through. Srijuts Das and Sasmal

were taken to Lalbazar in two Motor-cars. The ladies commenced blowing

conches and crying _ulu_. A large crowd had assembled on the road and

shouts of "Bande-Mataram", "Gandhi Mahatmaki joy", "Deshabandhu Das's

joy" went up from them. The following is the last message sent to his

countrymen by Deshabandhu Chitta Ranjan Das, on the day of his

arrest:--

"This is my last message to you, men and women of India! Victory is in

sight, if you are prepared to win it by suffering. It is in such agony

as that through which we are passing that nations are born; but you

must bear this agony with fortitude, with courage and with perfect

self composure. Remember that so long as you follow the path of

non-violence, you put the Bureaucracy in the wrong; but move by a

hair-breadth from the path which Mahatma Gandhi has mapped out for

you, and give away the battle to the Bureaucracy. Swaraj is our goal,

Swaraj not in compartments not by installments; but Swaraj whole and

entire. Now it is for you men and women, to say whether we shall

attain the goal for which we are striving.

To my Moderate friends I say this. Survey the history of the world

from the beginning of all times. Has any nation yet won freedom by

pursuing the path which you are pursuing? If the appeal should reach

any waverer amongst you, I ask him to consider whether he will now

stand on the side of India in her conflict with the Bureaucracy? There

may be compromise in the matter of details, but there can be no

compromise in the essential question that divides us from the

Bureaucracy. And if you do not stand for India, you assuredly stand

for the Bureaucracy.

To the students, I say this:--You are at once the hope and the glory

of India. True education does not consist in learning to add two and

two make four; but it lies in the service which you are prepared to

give to the Mother of us all. There is work to be done for the mother:

Who amongst you is prepared to answer the Call?"

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Chitta Ranjan · 第 8 / 8 章