CHAPTER VII.

Chitta Ranjan as a Politician.

Chitta Ranjan's life may well be compared to an Æolian harp which

gives out different notes as different gusts of feelings play on it.

With the internment of Mrs. Annie Besant it sounded a new note--a note

inspired by an ardent love of humanity. From this time dates his real

entry into practical politics. At a meeting held on the 25th July 1917

to protest against the internment of Mrs. Annie Besant, Chitta Ranjan

delivered a speech in course of which he remarked:--

"The Prime-Minister said the other day--'The development of India is

not only an economic but a political necessity, the British Empire is

founded not only upon the freedom of the individual but upon autonomy

of its parts uniting in one common-wealth people differing immensely

from one another in race, language, religion and colour.' The

utterances of His Majesty's Ministers are at once a promise and a

hope. Every order of internment is a protest against the redemption of

that promise and the fulfilment of that hope. I protest against these

internment orders because whether any promises have been made or not

every order of internment is a violation of natural justice and an

outrage on humanity.... I do not think that the God of Humanity was

crucified only once. Tyrants and oppressors have crucified humanity

again and again and every outrage on humanity is a fresh nail driven

through His sacred flesh.... The Anglo-Indian Press is never tired of

saying to us: "Do not be impatient, there is plenty of time." There is

no nation on the face of the Earth more patient than the Indian

Nation. But there is a limit to human patience and I say to those

doubtful friends, 'As soon as you transgress that limit, you forfeit

the right of asking us to be patient.' When we find the utterances of

our officials are at variance with their action, have we not right to

say, "What is the good of your making promises?--You do not really

mean what you say."... What are we that we should say "peace, peace,"

when there is none."

In course of another speech delivered at a meeting on October 2nd

1917, Chitta Ranjan dwelt at length on the policy of internment and

demanded the release of the gentlemen who had been interned. He

said:--

"There is hardly a home in East Bengal from which one or more persons

have not been interned. Every home in East Bengal is filled with

sadness to-day because these people have been snatched away from their

homes and imprisoned without trial or without proof. I say this policy

is un-British, is opposed to all the time-honoured traditions upon

which the British Empire is based. It is opposed to all rules of

common sense and prudence and uprightness and the sooner this policy

is abrogated the better for the peace and prosperity of the empire. At

a time when the British Government in its wisdom has declared its

policy that Home Rule in some shape or other must be granted to this

country, that some sort of responsible Government is necessary for the

foundation and preservation of the empire; is it wise then to detain

these men against popular opinion, against the universal desire of the

Indian people?"

On August 20, 1917, the Secretary of State made the most notable

utterance in the House of Commons:--"The policy of His Majesty's

Government, with which the Government of India are in complete accord,

is that of the increasing association of Indians in every branch of

the administration and the gradual development of self-governing

institutions with a view to the progressive realisation of responsible

government in India as an integral part of the British Empire." This

announcement gave rise to a new ray of hope in the minds of the people

who were growing dissatisfied with the existing system of government

and were demanding progressive reforms. The Anglo-Indians were mostly

against the policy of Self-Government in India. Some of them made very

angry speeches. One gentleman is reported to have said that if there

was a government by the people and for the people there would be no

security for life and prosperity. Chitta Ranjan gave a splendid

retort:--

"If the Anglo-Indians want to make India their home, let them do so

and we will work hand in hand with them in the interest of the Indian

Empire. But if they come here to make money, and all their interest

lies in how best to make it, they are no friends of India, they have

got no right to call themselves Indians, they have got no legitimate

right to oppose the granting of self-government to the people of

India."

In a meeting of the Anglo-Indians one Mr. Arden Wood was reported to

have said: "If racial feeling is to be dominant in Indian politics the

time will come, when, we the British, will either have to leave India

or reconquer it." It is difficult to take this foolish speech

seriously. In course of one of his speeches Chitta Ranjan referred to

it and said:--

"They may leave India if they find it unprofitable to stay in India.

They may stay in India if they find it profitable to do so but the

tall talk of reconquering India is a comical statement. If this

gentleman does not know, he ought to know that India was never

conquered. India was won by love and by promise of good government.

India was never conquered and God willing, it will never be conquered

for all time to come. India will impress her ideal, her civilisation,

and her culture upon the whole world."

Some of our countrymen believe that Chitta Ranjan bears an ill will

against the Europeans as a class. This belief has no basis at all.

Those Englishmen who had any opportunities of knowing him personally

would bear this out that much as he condemned the present system of

Bureaucratic Government he had no racial feeling against them. He has

many intimate friends among the Europeans. Sir Lawrence Jenkins, the

late Chief Justice of Bengal, who was on very good terms with Chitta

Ranjan, once enquired of him why he alone was not seen in the Calcutta

Club when many other respectable Indians graced it with their

presence. Chitta Ranjan openly spoke out his mind and said, "My Lord,

before answering your question, I should mention here a peculiar

custom of our country. Every Indian house-holder of the higher castes

has in his house a place fitted for religious discussions where

members of the lower castes are not admitted, but adjoining it he sets

apart another place where all are equally welcome. Your Bengal Club

and Calcutta Club can well be compared to the above two places. You do

not admit natives into your Bengal Club, but as if to show your

generosity you have fixed the Calcutta Club as a meeting place of the

Black and the White. But do you not think, my Lord, that when you make

this distinction you rather insult the Indians by admitting them to

the Calcutta Club?" Sir Lawrence Jenkins was much pleased with these

noble words of Chitta Ranjan and thence forward his respect for him

was enhanced in a hundred-fold degree.

Again in 1916 when Mr. Montagu came to India Chitta Ranjan was for the

first time invited to the Government House. He went there and learnt

that he was invited at the suggestion of the Secretary of State

himself. The subject for discussion was the political condition of

India at that time. In course of the conversation the question arose

if India was just at that time fit for self-government and His

Excellency the Governor was of opinion that she was not. Chitta Ranjan

could not bear this unjustified remark; he said with a retort--"If

after bearing the responsibility of educating India for the last one

hundred and fifty years, you have failed to make us fit for

self-government, the fault is surely not ours." His Excellency became

red with anger at these fearless words of one of his subjects and

immediately left the place. But Mr. Montagu was much pleased with this

just remark of Chitta Ranjan and talked with him for hours together

over many important topics relating to the welfare of India.

On another occasion when he was staying at England during the Puja

holidays one of his Bengali friends introduced him to Lord Morley.

After the formal introduction Lord Morley asked him, "Are you a

Native?" Chitta Ranjan replied with a smile, "Certainly I am." At this

frank reply Lord Morley was so very impressed that afterwards he

mentioned this fact to his friend Sir Lawrence Jenkins (who had just

then retired from the Chief-Justiceship of Bengal) and spoke very

highly of Chitta Ranjan. Sir Lawrence could not but then utter these

few words--"And this is the man your government wanted to deport."

In fact Chitta Ranjan has never borne any racial feeling against the

Europeans but has only opposed the present system of Bureaucratic

Government. In course of one of his speeches he has remarked:--

"When I ask for Home-rule or Self-Government, I am not asking for

another Bureaucracy. In my opinion Bureaucracy is Bureaucracy, be that

Bureaucracy of Englishmen, or of Anglo-Indians or of Indians."

When in accordance with the announcement of August 1917, Mr Montagu,

the Secretary of State came to India to learn at first hand what

reforms were actually wanted by the people themselves, the Nationalist

party of India thought it proper to convene meetings at different

places of the Provinces so as to advise the political associations of

the country to demand full responsible Self-Government at once. None

of the leading pleaders and barristers of Calcutta was ready to go to

the mufassil for that purpose at a great personal loss. But Chitta

Ranjan to whom the question of the welfare of his mother-country was

ever dearer than life itself could not but respond to this call of

duty. "Work for my country is part of my religion"--this is the motto

of his life. He left Calcutta, and visited different places and

educated the public in the question of national welfare on Indian

ideals. For though he obtained western education, he never forgot our

ancient ideals. Of this he spoke in a lecture at Mymensingh delivered

in October 1917:--

"Much as I venerate European culture, much as I love and much as I

acknowledge my indebtedness to the education which I had in Europe, I

cannot forget that our nationality must not rest content with

borrowing things from European Politics."

In a lecture delivered on the 11th October 1917 at Dacca, Chitta

Ranjan dwelt on the nature of the Self-Government that India stands in

urgent need of:--

"There is one thing to which I desire to draw your attention and it is

this; that in framing the scheme you must not be swayed by a feeling

that the Government will not grant this or grant that. What the

Government will grant and what the Government will not grant, that is

the business of the Government, we have got only to consider what is

necessary for our national well-being, if you find that certain steps

are absolutely necessary for our national development, do not fail to

put that down in your scheme out of timidity."

In course of another speech delivered on the 14th October 1917 he

added:--

"Our Self-Government does not mean the Self-Government of the Hindus,

the Self-Government of the Mahomedans; Self-Government does not mean

Self-Government of the land-holders; Self-Government means Government

by all the People of India in which all interests are to be

represented and if there are any classes who are depressed, they ought

to be told that the sooner Self-Government is introduced into this

country the better for them: they ought to be told that we have no

desire to restrict the franchise in any manner at all to the disregard

of any such interest, and if any kind of responsible government is

introduced into this country, which is made responsible to the people,

they will have the power in their hands to oppose any oppression or

injustice in every possible way."

Lord Minto was undoubtedly responsible for the reign of terror in

India; it was he who first introduced repressive laws in this country.

They were directed against the natural aspirations of the Indians.

While protesting against these laws Chitta Ranjan had the courage to

tell the Bureaucratic Government--"That we are fighting for the ideal

expressed by the King's Ministers; we are fighting for carrying out

that very policy which has been declared in England by His Majesty's

Ministers".

In 1918 the Congress and the Muslim League considered in a joint

meeting that Self-Government for India could be delayed no longer.

Otherwise the growth of Indian Nationality and the development of

Indian manhood would be impossible. The Bureaucracy in this country

would not grant it. Therefore it was necessary that Indian demands

should be carried across the seas to the great British Democracy. The

Indian National Congress and the Muslim League thought it proper to

send a deputation to England to tell the British Democracy that

Indians wanted the right to build up their own constitution--a

constitution which alone would enable us to secure the development of

Indian nationality and the development of Indian manhood. A public

meeting of the Citizens of Calcutta was held on the 18th March, 1918,

under the Presidency of Babu Motilal Ghose to support the Indian

Deputation to England, when Srijut Chitta Ranjan Das said:--

"It is plain that you may agitate as long as you like; you may demand

your right, as you have a right to demand, but you will not get the

Bureaucracy in this country to support you. You must, therefore, go to

their masters....

If we find that we are not to get Self-Government, we have at least

the right to get an honest answer. Let the British Democracy say, if

it likes, that this war is a war of liberation of humanity, but

liberation of humanity does not include the liberation of India. When

I consider the objections put forward to the grant of Self-Government,

I can hardly keep my patience. They say we are not educated enough to

get Self-Government. My answer is: whose fault is it? For the last 150

years you have been governing this country and yet you have not

succeeded in educating the people of this country to such an extent

that they may be fit for governing themselves. Do we not know that

Japan was made only in 50 years? You have had 150 years. Why is it

that at the end of that period we are told that we are not fit to

govern ourselves? Nobody really believes that the time has not

come.... We are further told that we are divided between many sects.

We follow different religions, we have got different interests to

serve and so on. If you say that we are not fit for Self-Government,

because we are divided in our interests, and in our religions, my

answer is that Self-Government and Self-Government alone is the

remedy of that."

It has in season and out of season, been dinned into our ears that a

subject people has no politics. It was therefore that political

discussions, had hitherto been carried on in the spirit of singing

laudation to the administration of Government, however palpable its

defects seemed to be. This mendicant spirit in politics has been

overthrown by the exertions of Chitta Ranjan and his compatriots in

the field of national work in this country. Chitta Ranjan's ideal of

political life was neither Utopian nor Quixotic. All that he demanded

was, that all men are entitled to have equal opportunities without

which the progress of human society and consequently the progress of a

nation comes to a stand-still. He wanted for his countrymen the

opportunities for self-realisation which would render pointless and

inappropriate at the present-day Matthew Arnold's remarks:--

"The East bowed low before the blast,

In patient deep disdain;

She heard the legions thunder past,

And plunged in thought again."

Chitta Ranjan · 第 7 / 8 章