we shall compel the world to listen to these voices. We shall compel the
world to pay homage to this heroic struggle, which recalls that of the
early Christians against the Roman empire. We shall compel it to respect
the brotherly greeting of such a man as Bertrand Russell, a new apostle
Paul, "ad Americanos"; we shall compel the world to respect these men
whose souls have remained free, these men who from their prisons in
Europe and their prisons in America, clasp hands across the sea, and
across the ocean that is yet wider than the Atlantic, the ocean of human
folly.
_August, 1917._
"demain," September, 1917.
XIII
ON BEHALF OF E. D. MOREL
E. D. Morel, secretary of the Union of Democratic Control, was
arrested in London during August, 1917, and was sentenced to six
months' imprisonment in the second division, upon the ridiculous
(and incorrect) charge of having _attempted_ to send to Romain
Rolland in Switzerland one of his own political pamphlets which was
being freely circulated in England.[29] The "Revue mensuelle" of
Geneva asked R. R. what he thought of this affair, concerning which
at that time little was known on the continent, for all the
information hitherto published had been in the form of defamatory
articles, attacks upon Morel manufactured in England and
disseminated in various tongues. R. R. replied as follows:--
You ask what I think of the arrest of E. D. Morel.
I am not personally acquainted with E. D. Morel. I do not know whether,
as is asserted, he has sent me some of his works during the war. I never
received them.
But from all that I know of him, of his activities prior to the war, of
his crusade against the crimes of civilisation in Africa, of his
writings upon the war (few of which have been reproduced in Swiss or in
French journals), I consider him to be a man of high courage and
vigorous faith. He has always dared to serve truth, to serve truth
alone, scorning danger, regardless of all the animus he was arousing.
These things would be little. Morel has displayed rarer qualities, has
achieved a more difficult task, in that he has been willing to disregard
his own sympathies, his friendships, and even his country, when the
truth and his country were at odds.
Thus he is in the succession of all the great believers: Christians of
the early centuries, the reformers during the epoch of the wars of
religion, the freethinkers of the heroic age of free thought, all those
who have prized beyond everything their faith in truth--in whatever form
truth presented itself to their minds (divine or human, for to them it
was always sacred). I may add that such a man as E. D. Morel is a great
citizen even when he is demonstrating to his country the errors which it
is committing. Nay more, he is preeminently a great citizen when he does
this and because he does it. Some would draw a veil over the errors of
their country; they are unprofitable servants, or they are sycophants.
Every brave man, every straight-forward man, knows best how to honour
his country.
The state may strike down such a man if it pleases, as the state struck
down Socrates, as the state has struck down so many others, to whom,
after they were dead, it raised useless monuments. The state is not our
country. It is merely the administrator of our country, sometimes a good
administrator, sometimes a bad one, but always fallible. The state has
power, and uses power. But since man has been man, this power has
invariably broken vainly against the threshold of the free soul.
R. R.
_September 15, 1917._
"Revue mensuelle," Geneva, October, 1917.
XIV
YOUNG SWITZERLAND
If we were to attempt to found our judgment upon Swiss periodical
literature, we should form a very false opinion regarding the public
mind of Switzerland. In this land, as everywhere, the press is from ten
to twenty years behind the intellectual and moral development of the
people. The Swiss papers and other periodicals are few in number,
compared with those of neighbouring nations. Most of them are controlled
by quite a small group of persons, and nearly every one of them serves
to express the prejudices, the interests, and the routinism of
middle-aged or elderly persons. Among such as are prominent in this
journalistic world, even those who are spoken of as young, if they ever
have been young in mind, are now so only in the eyes of their elders, of
elders who refuse to admit that they have grown old.... "Young man, hold
your tongue," as Job said to Magnus.[30]
A man may live a long time in this land before he discovers the
existence of a young Switzerland free from the trammels of conservative
liberalism (more conservative than liberal), and free from those of
sectarian radicalism (preeminently sectarian). Both these trends are
abundantly represented in the columns of the leading newspapers; the
adherents of both are attached to the outworn political and social forms
of the bourgeois regime which is declining from one end of Europe to the
other.
I was surprised and delighted at what I read in the latest issues of the
"Revue de la Société de Zofingue." I wish to make my French friends
acquainted with what I have learned, so that sympathetic relationships
may be established between them and young Switzerland.
The Zofingia Society is the leading society of Swiss students, and the
oldest. It was founded in 1818, and will therefore celebrate its
centenary next year. It comprises twelve sections: nine of these are
"academic," viz. Geneva, Lausanne, Neuchâtel, Berne, Basle, and Zurich;
three are "gymnasial," viz. St. Gall, Lucerne, and Bellinzona.[31] The
membership of the society is steadily increasing. In July, 1916, it was
575; but now, nearly a year later, it is 700. The organisation has a
monthly review, "Centralblatt des Zofingervereins," issued in French,
German, and Italian. This periodical is now in its fifty-seventh year.
It publishes lectures, reports of discussions, and other matters of
interest to the association.
The essential distinction between this body and the other societies of
Swiss students is that the Zofingia, as explained in the first article
of its constitution, "places itself above and outside all political
parties, but takes its stand on democratic principles.... It abstains
entirely from party politics." Thus, as its president writes, it affords
to the students of Switzerland a permanent possibility of creating anew
and ever anew their conception of "the true national spirit of
Switzerland.... In it, each generation can freely think out for itself
fresh ideals, can construct new forms of life. Thus the history of the
Zofingerverein is something more than a history of a Swiss students'
club; it is a miniature history of the moral and political evolution of
Switzerland since 1815."--But it has always been in the vanguard.
This society, drawing its members from three races and nine cantons,
exhibits, as may be imagined, multiplicity in unity. The "Centralblatt"
for November, 1916, contains a report of the year 1915-16, compiled by
Louis Micheli. It gives an account of the activities of the various
sections, and skilfully indicates the peculiar characteristics of each
section.
The most important section, the one which leads the Zofingia, is that of
Zurich. Here the problems of the hour are discussed with especial
eagerness. Centring round opposite poles, there are two parties,
substantially equal in numbers, and inspired with equal enthusiasm. On
the one hand we see conservatives, authoritarian and centralist in
trend, the devotees of "Studententum" of the old style. At the other
pole are the young Zofingians whose outlook is socialistic, idealistic,
and revolutionary. For a time there was a fierce struggle between these
two groups. The parties succeeded one another in power, and those who
gained control in one term would seek to undo everything which during
the preceding term had been done by the members of the late committee.
Now, a more conciliatory spirit prevails.[32] The progressive party,
reinforced by a number of youthful recruits, has gained the upper hand.
It is endeavouring to secure wider support by attracting additional
elements through breadth of view and a policy of toleration.[33] But we
are told that "the Zurichers, at bottom, are not strongly individualist,
for they are apt to immolate their individuality on the altar of party.
Hence there is danger, from time to time, that a revival of absolutism
may take place."
At Basle, it would seem, there is no such danger. This section, the
largest, extremely alert, is perhaps the least united and the most
discordant. During the last few years it has been torn by dissensions
aroused by the question of patriotism, but its members are not, like
those of the Zurich section, grouped in two armies. There are a number
of little factions, circumscribed and mutually suspicious. Its most
conspicuous traits are the following. Its discussions are conducted with
much bitterness, so that "there is a strong tendency for differences in
the realm of ideas to culminate in personal hostility." The Baslers have
little inclination towards practical activities; they prefer abstract
discussions; they aim at the development of character and individuality.
"In these respects, Basle and Lausanne are the sections containing the
most original and individual types." But, in contrast with Lausanne, the
Basle section has little interest in literary and artistic questions.
In the Lausanne section, individual types abound. Here we find students
of the most various temperaments, and interested in the most diverse
questions, in politics, sociology, literature, and the arts. But
Lausanne is pugnacious, and is on bad terms with the other sections. It
is itself broken up into factions, and it exhibits separatist trends,
which led to a crisis early in 1916. After the manner of Vaud, it keeps
itself to itself.
Lausanne, Basle, and Zurich are the three largest sections.
Lucerne and Berne are the smallest. In the former, which is of little
importance, a "slothful cordiality" prevails. The Berne section is
sleepy as well as small, with very few new adherents. One of its members
has stigmatised Berne as a "Beamtenstadt" (civil servants' town). The
Berne section has little interest in the problems of modern life, its
attachments are to common sense; it is material and unemotional; it
favours the established order. "The Bernese, by nature, distrusts
innovators and idealists, regarding them as dreamers or
revolutionists.... The state of mind of the Berne students recalls that
which prevails in official circles."
St. Gall, hard-working, enthusiastic, and independent, occupies an
intermediate position. "In St. Gall, every one can express his opinion
frankly"; but the section is unimportant compared with Zurich or
Basle.--Neuchâtel displays fitful energy, and "is fundamentally
characterised by a certain natural inertia."--Geneva, finally, is
amorphous. "The bulk of the members of this section make up a slumbrous,
irresolute mass of persons who never utter any definite opinions," and
perhaps have no definite opinions. Such activities as it displays are
the work of a few exceptions. "No section has greater need of a
masterful president." Having no leader, it is vague, somnolent, and
takes little interest in current events. It lacks the corporate spirit.
"The Genevese are strongly individualistic, and yet, unfortunately, we
rarely find among them a strong individuality." We may add that they
continue to display certain characteristics of the Genevese of old.
Dreading criticism and ironical comment, they are afraid to let
themselves go, to show what they really feel; their sensibilities are
easily wounded, and they therefore invest themselves with coldness as
with a cuirass; their attitude is one of perpetual mistrust; they are
ever on the defensive, as if the duke of Savoy were always on the point
of storming the walls.[34]
I pass no judgments. I am merely registering, in brief, the opinions of
those among the students who are best qualified to judge. Taking them
all in all, these opinions harmonise with my own observations.
* * * * *
The latest issues of the "Centralblatt des Zofingervereins" manifest a
free spirit. The issue for May, 1917, contains a frankly
internationalist article by Jules Humbert-Droz entitled _National
Defence_. Special mention must be made of a broad-minded lecture,
_Socialism and the War_, delivered in February, 1917, by Ernest Gloor of
Lausanne at the spring festival in Yverdon, and published in the
"Centralblatt" for April and May. I must also refer to Gloor's lecture
_What is our Country?_, delivered at Grütli in the canton of Lausanne.
Another noteworthy lecture is that of Serge Bonhôte, delivered at Grütli
in the canton of Neuchâtel, entitled _Fatherland_, and heralding the
days to come. These lectures were respectively published in December,
1916, and January, 1917. I should have liked to give extracts from
various appreciative articles upon _The Russian Revolution_. Above all,
I should like to quote, from the April issue, Max Gerber's enthusiastic
welcome to the revolution. But space is limited, and the best way of
expounding the ideas of these young people will be to summarise a
detailed discussion in which they have recently been engaged concerning
_The Imperialism of the Great Powers and the Role of Switzerland_. The
topic was suggested to the sections by Julius Schmidhauser of Zurich,
"cand. jur.," president of the central section. Schmidhauser has edited
the report of these discussions, bringing to the task a broad and
tolerant synthetic spirit. The work is all the more remarkable seeing
that it was penned during an arduous term of military service, when the
man who signs himself "cand. jur." (law student) was playing the part of
infantry lieutenant.
I shall merely follow his report, and shall allow the young men to speak
for themselves. (Issues of March, April, and May, 1917).
The discussion comprises a preamble and six parts:
=Preamble: How shall we envisage the Problem?=
=I. The Essence of Imperialism;=
=II. The Imperialism of the Great Powers to-day;=
=III. Can Imperialism be Justified?=
=IV. Opposition between the genuinely Swiss Outlook=
=and the Imperialist Outlook.=
=V. The Mission of Switzerland;=
=VI. The new Education.=
=Preamble: How shall we envisage the Problem?=
A. FROM THE REALIST OUTLOOK?
_a._ Can we explain imperialism as a historical product? This method is
too easy-going; it is slothful and dangerous. "Should man be the
creation of history? No; he should be its creator."--The condemnation of
historical fatalism.
_b._ Can we explain imperialism by "Realpolitik"? Even if it be thus
explicable, it must be no less energetically condemned. "I am inclined
to define the 'real politicians' as persons who are marching along with
their eyes closed to the essential realities of the world and of
mankind.... 'Real politics' may often seem to be right for a season; but
in the long run it always proves to have been wrong.... The war that
rages to-day is the outcome of the deadly falsehood of 'real politics.'
The motto of 'real politics,' which is 'si vis pacem, para bellum,' has
been pushed to an absurdity, and has thus brought disaster upon our
race. It is depressing to find that we are still afflicted with this
curse. The only possible explanation of the sway which the doctrine of
'real politics' holds over so many minds is that such persons are
fundamentally sceptical as to the reality of the good, the divine, in
man" (Schmidhauser).
B. FROM THE UTILITARIAN OUTLOOK?
Certain persons are willing to fight some particular imperialism because
it is or may be dangerous to Switzerland, while none the less they
favour other imperialisms. The Zofingia must censure such a trend in the
strongest terms. It is doubtless of urgent importance that we should
take our stand against the first-named imperialism, but we must
proscribe all the imperialisms. "Our aim is the attainment of a
universally human outlook" (H. W. Lôw, of Basle).
C. FROM THE IDEALIST OUTLOOK??
This is no better than the others. The Zofingia denounces the
hypocritical ideology of to-day, an ideology which serves to cloak a
policy of brute interest. It desires to issue a warning against the
other dangers of an abstract idealism, against the idealism of those who
fail to derive their ideas from the unbiassed study of reality. One who
locks himself up within the circle of his own ideas, one who opposes
empty thought to life, one who claims the right of issuing absolute
judgments (all or nothing) without regard to circumstances and ignoring
the manifold shades of reality, exhibits dangerous pride and culpable
levity.
D. SYNTHESIS OF THE FOREGOING OUTLOOKS.
Realism without idealism has no sense. Idealism without realism has no
blood. Genuine idealism wants life as a whole, desires its integral
realisation. It is the deepest possible knowledge of living reality,
simultaneously embracing human consciousness and facts. Such knowledge
is our best weapon.
PART ONE.
The Essence of Imperialism.
The chief characteristic of imperialism is the will to power, the desire
for expansion, the longing for domination. It is based upon a belief
that might is right; it tends to impose itself by force. One of its
mainsprings is the nationalist spirit, the mystical cult of nationality,
of the chosen people; the sacred egoism of the fatherland. Never before
has imperialism been so savage and unscrupulous as it has become to-day,
owing to the economic conditions of contemporary society. "Imperialism
is the inseparable companion of capitalism. In each country, capitalism
requires as its main prop a vigorous and powerful state which can enter
into successful competition with the capitalism of any other country. We
give the name of imperialism to the tendency towards capitalistic and
political expansion, which strides across frontiers" (Guggenheim).
"Modern imperialism issues from the capitalist system dominating
contemporary politics and society to-day. It is the cause of the world
war" (Grob).
PART TWO.
The Imperialism of the Great Powers To-Day.
The central section of the Zofingia declares: "The imperialist character
of the great powers engaged in the present struggle is indisputable." No
objections are raised by the other sections. They unite in the view that
"all the great powers pursue an imperialist policy."
Schmidhauser, presiding over the discussion, asks for justice towards
the nations, for every one of them is, as it were, entangled in the net
of the imperialist policy of Europe. He protests against the prejudiced
and superficial outlook of those who can see nothing but the worst of
any nation: of those who in the case of Germany concentrate attention on
the spirit of a Treitschke or a Bernhardi and on the crime of the
occupation of Belgium; of those who in the case of England can see
nothing but the policy of Joseph Chamberlain and Cecil Rhodes, nothing
but the Boer War. The mission of Switzerland is to realise the tragedy
of mankind as a whole, and not to identify herself with any particular
section of humanity. "Childish and stupid are the views of those for
whom half of Europe should be placed in the pillory, while the other
half should wear the aureole of all the virtues and all the heroisms"
(Patry).
PART THREE.
Can Imperialism be Justified?
A. THE CHAMPIONS OF IMPERIALISM.
In only one section, that of Basle, does imperialism find defenders.
Walterlin takes up his parable on its behalf, glorifying it in the
spirit and the style of Nietzsche. "Imperialism," he declares, "is the
artery of the world, the sole source of greatness, the creator of all
progress." ...
B. THE OPPONENTS OF IMPERIALISM.
Opposition to imperialism is voiced by all the other sections. Most of
them are content to show that imperialism is a menace to Switzerland,
but Schmidhauser is by no means satisfied with this narrow and selfish
outlook. He explains the material and moral disasters which necessarily
result from imperialism, and from its offspring, the world war.
Imperialism destroys civilisation. It saps morality and law, the two
things upon which human society is founded. It is hostile to three
fundamental ideas: to the idea of the unity of mankind; to the idea of
individuality; to the idea that every individual should have the right
of self-determination.
PART FOUR.
Opposition between the genuinely Swiss Outlook and the Imperialist
Outlook.
The existence of this opposition is admitted, as a matter of principle,
by all the participants in the discussion. But difficulties arise when
they come to consider the policy which Switzerland should in particular
pursue. "What are we entitled to speak of as peculiarly and primitively
Swiss?" (Patry).
A beginning is made by defining the political essence of Switzerland,
stress being laid, first upon the basic neutrality of the country, and
secondly upon its supra-national character. "The ideal of Switzerland,"
says Clottu, "is that of a nation established above and outside the
principle of nationality." Thirdly, stress is laid upon the right to the
free development of every individual and of every social group. A fourth
characteristic of Switzerland is that in that country, before authority
and before the law, there exists a democratic equality of all citizens,
communities, cantons, nationalities, languages, etc. By its very
essence, therefore, Switzerland is absolutely opposed to the imperialism
of the great powers. "The victory of the imperialist principle would be
the political death of Switzerland" (Guggenheim).
What is to be done? These young men are convinced that Switzerland has a
mission, and are none the less aware that Switzerland lacks capacity to
fulfil that mission. With ingratiating modesty, they disclaim any desire
"to play the pharisees to Europe." Whilst they believe in the excellence
of the principles which underlie the Switzerland of their dreams (though
not Switzerland as she exists to-day), "we must not suppose," says
Patry, "that this is a fresh instance of the monopolisation of the Good
and the Beautiful by a single country, which will become the only
fatherland of these graces." We must be content with knowing that the
ground is made ready for building, and that there is still plenty of
work to be done.
"Now, at this very hour, the destiny of Switzerland stands revealed. At
a time when the principle of nationality dominates the European
situation with the strength of demoniacal possession, at a time when
opposing civilisations are rending one another, our little state claims
the honour of possessing a national ideal which dominates the
nationalities and takes them all to its bosom. Does this seem like
madness? Perhaps it does, to the sapient sceptic for whom the vision of
the present masks the vision of the future. But it is not madness for
those who are truly wise, for those who know that the great causes of
the world have ever at the outset been nailed to the cross. The
principle of nationality was a power for good in its own day. But if it
has ceased to be a factor of freedom and toleration, if it has become
the source of hatred, the source of blind and limitless national
selfishness, then it is working for its own destruction. It is the
mission of Switzerland to pave the way for a saner application of the
principle of nationality" (Clottu).
"In this domain we can and should be conquerors. Owing to the
historical origin of our country, owing to the fact that Switzerland
comprises three races and three tongues, we foreshadow on a small scale
the United States of Europe; in a word, we practise internationalism"
(Patry).
Switzerland champions the right of the nations and champions democratic
thought, as against imperialism, which is, fundamentally, an
aristocratic reaction. Imperialism makes use of democracy, but enslaves
it; it undermines the democratic pillars of modern states; it
centralises all power in the hands of a single government. "We are
reviving the age of the dictators, and there is a tragic irony in this
at a time when the whole world is speaking of liberty and when the whole
world is enslaved.... Down with imperialism, which turns the nations
aside from their true destinies!"