Gowrie,' by the Rev. John Scott of Perth (1818), it is alleged that
Elizabeth, in April 1600, granted to Gowrie, then in London, the guard
and honours appropriate to a Prince of Wales. The same Mr. Scott
suggests a Royal pedigree for Gowrie. His mother, wife of William, first
Earl, was Dorothea Stewart, described in a list of Scottish nobles (1592)
as 'sister of umquhile Lord Methven.' Now Henry Stewart, Lord Methven
('Lord Muffin,' as Henry VIII used to call him), was the third husband of
the sister of Henry VIII, Margaret Tudor, wife, first of James IV, then
of the Earl of Angus (by whom she had Margaret, Countess of Lennox, and
grandmother of James VI), then of Lord Methven. Now if Margaret Tudor
had issue by Henry Stewart, Lord Methven, and if that issue was Dorothea,
mother of John, third Earl of Gowrie, or was Dorothea's father or mother,
that Earl was Elizabeth's cousin. Now Burnet, touching on the Gowrie
mystery, says that his own father had 'taken great pains to inquire into
that matter, and did always believe it was a real conspiracy. . . . Upon
the King's death, Gowrie stood next to the succession of the crown of
England,' namely, as descended from Margaret Tudor by Henry (Burnet says
'Francis'!), Lord Methven. Margaret and Methven, says Burnet, had a son,
'made Lord Methven by James V. In the patent he is called _frater noster
uterinus_'--'Our brother uterine.' '_He_ had only a daughter, who was
mother or grandmother to the Earl of Gowrie, so that by this he might be
glad to put the King out of the way, that so he might stand next to the
succession of the crown of England.' {249} If this were true, the
meaning of Gowrie's device would be flagrantly conspicuous. But where is
that patent of James V? Burnet conceivably speaks of it on the
information of his father, who 'took great pains to inquire into the
particulars of that matter,' so that he could tell his son, 'one thing
which none of the historians have taken any notice of,' namely, our
Gowrie's Tudor descent, and his claims (failing James _and his issue_) to
the crown of England. Now Burnet's father was almost a contemporary of
the Gowrie affair. Of the preachers of that period, the King's enemies,
Burnet's father knew Mr. Davidson (_ob._ 1603) and Mr. Robert Bruce, and
had listened to their prophecies. 'He told me,' says Burnet, 'of many of
their predictions that he himself heard them throw out, which had no
effect.' Davidson was an old man in 1600; Bruce, for his disbelief in
James's account of the conspiracy, was suspended in that year, though he
lived till 1631, and, doubtless, prophesied in select circles. Mr. Bruce
long lay concealed in the house of Burnet's great-grandmother, daughter
of Sir John Arnot, a witness in the trial of Logan of Restalrig. Thus
Burnet's father had every means of knowing the belief of the
contemporaries of Gowrie, and he may conceivably be Burnet's source for
the tale of Gowrie's Tudor descent and Royal claims. They were almost or
rather quite baseless, but they were current.
In fact, Dorothea Stewart, mother of Gowrie, was certainly a daughter of
Henry Stewart, Lord Methven, and of Janet Stewart, of the House of
Atholl. We find no trace of issue born to Margaret Tudor by her third
husband, Lord Methven. Yet Gowrie's emblem, adopted by him at Padua in
1597, and his device left in the Paduan dancing school, do distinctly
point to some wild idea of his that some crown or other was 'for him
alone.' At the trial of Gowrie's father, in 1584, we find mention of his
'challenginge that honor to be of his Hignes blud,' but _that_ must refer
to the relationship of the Ruthvens and the King through the Angus branch
of the Douglases. {250a}
This question as to the meaning of Gowrie's emblem came rather early into
the controversy. William Sanderson, in 1656, published Lives of Mary and
of James VI; he says: 'I have a manuscript which relates that, in Padua,
the Earl of Gowrie, among other impressa (_sic_) in a fencing school,
caused to be painted, for his devise, a hand and sword aiming at a
crown.' {250b} Mr. Scott, in 1818, replied that the device, with the
Ruthven arms, 'is engraven on a stone taken from Gowrie House in Perth,
and preserved in the house of Freeland' (a Ruthven house). 'There is
also, I have been told, a seal with the same engraving upon it, which
probably had been used by the Earls of Gowrie and by their predecessors,
the Lords of Ruthven.' {251a} But we know of no such seal among Gowrie
or Ruthven seals, nor do we know the date of the engraving on stone cited
by Mr. Scott. In his opinion the armed man and crown might be an
addition granted by James III to William, first Lord Ruthven, in 1487-88.
Ruthven took the part of the unhappy King, who was mysteriously slain
near Bannockburn. Mr. Scott then guesses that this addition of 1488
implied that the armed man pointed his sword at the crown, and exclaimed
_Tibi Soli_, meaning 'For Thee, O James III alone, _not_ for thy
rebellious son,' James IV. It may be so, but we have no evidence for the
use of the emblem before 1597. Moreover, in Gowrie's arms, in Workman's
MS., the sword is sheathed. Again, the emblem at Padua showed a
'black-a-more,' or negro, and Sir Robert Douglas could not but have
recognised that the device was only part of the ancestral Ruthven arms,
if that was the case. The 'black-a-more' was horrifying to Ottavio
Baldi, as implying a dark intention.
Here we leave the additional and certainly curious mystery of Gowrie's
claims, as 'shadowed' in his chosen emblem. I know not if it be germane
to the matter to add that after Bothwell, in 1593, had seized James, by
the aid of our Gowrie's mother and sister, he uttered a singular hint to
Toby Matthew, Dean of Durham. He intruded himself on the horrified Dean,
hot from his successful raid, described with much humour the kidnapping
of the untrussed monarch, and let it be understood that he was under the
protection of Elizabeth, _that there was a secret candidate for James's
crown_, and that he expected to be himself Lieutenant of the realm of
Scotland. Bothwell was closely _lie_ with Lady Gowrie (Dorothea
Stewart), and our Gowrie presently joined him in a 'band' to serve
Elizabeth and subdue James. {251b}
APPENDIX B: THE CONTEMPORARY RUTHVEN VINDICATION
(State Papers, Scotland (Elizabeth), vol. lxvi. No. 52)
The verie maner of the Erll of Gowrie and his brother their death, quha
war killit at Perth the fyft of August by the kingis servanttis his Matie
being present.
Vpone thurisday the last of July . . . . Perth from Strebrane . . . .
bene ahunting accompainit wth . . . . purpose to have ridden to . . . .
mother. Bot he had no sooner . . . . aspersauit fyn . . . . vpone such .
. . . addressit thame selffis . . . thay continewit daylie . . . Amangis
the rest Doctor Herries . . . Satirday the first of August feinying
himself to . . . of purpose to . . . and my lordis house. This man be my
Lord was w . . . and convoyit throche . . the house and the secreit
pairts schawin him.
Vpon tysday my [lordis?] servanttis vnderstanding that my [lord?] was to
ryde to Lot [Lothian] . . . obteinit licence to go . . . thair effairis
and to prepare thameselfis. Whylk my lord wold [not] have grantit to
thame if they . . . any treason in . . .
The same day Mr. Alexander being send for be the king . . . tymes befoir,
raid to facland accompaneit wth Andro Ruthven and Andro Hendirson, of
mynd not to have returnit . . . bot to have met his brother my lord the
next morning at the watter syde. And Andro Hendirsonis confessioun
testifeit this . . . tuke his ludgeing in facland for this nygt.
At his cuming to facland he learnit that his Matie was a huntting, quhair
eftir brekfast he addrest him self. And eftir conference wt his Matie,
he directit Andro Hendirsone to ryd befoir, and schaw my lord [that] the
king wald come to Perth [for?] quhat occasion he knew not, and desyrit
him to haist becaus he knew my lord vnforsene and vnprovydit for his
cuming.
The kingis Matie eftir this resolution raid to Perth accompaneit wth
thrie score horse quhair (?) threttie come a lytle before him . . .
remainit . . .
My lord being at dennar Andro Hendirsone cwmes and sayis to his Lordship
that the kingis Matie was cummand. My lord . . . quhat his Matie . . .
his hienes was. The vther ansuris . . . Then my Lord caused discover the
tabel and directit his Officeris [incontinent?] to go to the towne to
seik prouision for his Mateis dennare. His Lordship's self accompaneit
wt fower men (?) . . . twa onlie war his awin servanttis went to the
south . . . of Perth to meit his Matie quhair in presence of all the
company his Matie kyssit my lord at meitting.
When his Matie enterit in my lordis house his Maties awin porteris
resavit the keyis of the gaitt . . . ylk thay keipit quh . . . murther
was endit.
His Mateis self commandit to haist the dennare wt all expedition becaus
he was hungrie eftir huntting quhilk . . . the schort warning and
suddentlie dispaschit. His Mateis sendis Mr. Alexander to call Sir
Thomas Erskyne and Jon Ramsay to folow him to the challmer, quhair his
Matie, Sir Thomas Erskyne, Jon Ramsay, Doctor Hereis, and Mr. Wilsone
being convenit slew [Mr. Alexr] and threw him down the stair, how and for
quhat cause . . . thame selfis, and no doubt wald reveill if thay war was
als straytlie toyit in the . . . men . . . kingis servanttis cummes to
the . . . at dennare in the hall the . . . saying my lordis will ye . . .
calling for horse . . . at his Maties . . . suddaine departure . . . and
callit for his horse and stayit not . . . past out to the streit qr
abyding his horse he hearis His Matie call on him out at the chalmer
window my Lord of Gowrie traittoris hes murtherit yor brother alreddie
and . . . ye suffir me to be murtherit also. My Lord hering yis makis to
the yait (?) quhair himself was . . . in and Mr. Thomas Cranstoun that
thrust in before him, the rest was excludit by violence of the kingis
servanttis and cumpany quha . . . the hous and yett. My lord being in at
the yett and entering in the turnpyck to pass vp to his Matie he fand his
brother thrawin down ye stairs dead. And when he came to the chalmer
dure Mr. Thomas Cranstoun being before him was stricken throw the body
twyse and drawin bak be my lord, quha enterit in the chalmer calling if
the king was alyve, bot the . . . , quhylk was in the chalmer . . . him
wt stroke of sworde, bot being unable to ovircum him, and some of thame
woundit, they promisit him to lat him see the king alyve according to his
desyre, and in the meantyme he croceing his two swordis was be Jon Ramsay
strok throw ye body, and falling wt the stroke recommendit his saule to
God, protesting before his heavinlie Matie that he deit his trew subiect
and the kingis. And this far is certanely knawin & collectit pairtly be
the trew affirmacione of sum quha war present of the kingis awin folkis
and last of all be the deposicionnis of Mr. Thomas Cranstoun, George
Craigingelt, and J. (?) Barroun, quha eftir grevous & intolerable
torturis tuke it vponn thair saluaciun & damnatioun that they never knew
the Earle of Gowrie to carie any evill mynd to the kyng lat be to intend
treasoun against him, bot rather wald die wt that that the Earle of
Gowrie his brother and thay thame selfis deit innocent: . . . Hendersone
if he be put to the lyke tryall . . . bot he will confess that he was
servind the Lordis al . . . in the hall quhen the Mr was murtherit and
quhen the kingis [servant?] broght the newis that his Matie was away &
fra that I hear . . . that he was sene till the king causit him to come
vponn promeis that his lyfe and landis suld be saif, for quhat cause the
effect will . . . As for the buke of Necromancie whiche was alledgit to
have bene deprehendit on my lord it (?) was proposeit to the earles
pedagog Mr. Wr Rind (?), quha schawis that he knew my lord to have ane
memoriall buik quhairin he wreat all the notable thingis he learned in
his absence, ather be sicht or hearing, bot as for any buik of
Necromancie nor his medling wt necromanceis he never knew thereof.
It may be my gude Lord governor that the maner of the earle of Gowrie and
his brotheris death befoir writtin be so far frome yor honoure in mynd
that yt (?) may move farther doubtes to aryse theryn. The cause hereof I
vnderstand is pairtlie the difference of the last report frome the
reporttis preceidding in that it determines na thing concerning the cause
of his Maties sending for the Mr of Gowrie nor concerning. . . . speiches
and . . . and in the chalmer. . . . pairtlie becaus . . . prevaile . . .
or speik against his Matie albeit thay kowe . . . some thair be that
corse . . . apat (?) to his Maties sayingis that thay will swear thame
all albeit thair consciences persuade thame of [the] contrair. Sua it is
hard for yor Lordship to be resoluit be reporttis. Bot if it will pleas
yor Lordship to be acquent wt the causis and incidentis preceidding this
dolorous effect, I hoip yor Lordship wilbe the mair easilie persuadit of
the treuth. And first of all the evill mynd careit be my lord. . . .
Colonel (?) Stewart and his privie complaint & informacioune to his Matie
thair anent.
Secondlie the opposition laid (?) be my lord himself in the Conventioun
and be the barronnis, as is thocht be his instigacioun, against (?) his
Matie.
Thirdlie the great haitrent and envy of the courtieris in particularis,
quha had persavit him to be ane great staye of thair commoditie, and sa
be fals reportis and calumneis did go about to kendle and incense his
Maties wrath against him privilie.
And fourtlie the over great expectatioune the Kirk and cuntrie had of him
wt ane singular lowe preceding yr fra and vther causis qlk is not
neidfull to be exprest. All these causis makis the kingis pairt to be
deadlie suspected be those quha knawis thame to be of veritie.
As for my lordis pairt if yor Lordship knew how weill he was trainit be
Mr Robert Rollok ane of the godliest men in Scotland at scoolis, and
quhat testificatioun of gude inclinacioun and behaviour he had ressauit
fra him yor honor wald hardlie beleue him a traitor.
Secondlie if yor Lordship knew wt quhat accompt and good opinioun of all
gude men he passit sobirlie and quyetlie out of his . . . how wiselie and
godlie he behauit him self in all natiounis quhairsoever he come, how he
sufferit in Rome itself . . . for the treuth of his religion . . . as I
am sure he . . . be suspect to be a traittor.
Thirdlie to quhat end suld my lord of Gourie have maid hes leving frie,
brocht hame furniture and ornamenttis for his hous and payit all his. . .
fatheris debtis and setlit himself to be a gude iusticiar in his awin
landis as is notoriouslie knawin gif wtin the space of twa monethis
haveing scairslie . . . countrie he suld resolue to . . . & murther his
Prince be . . . cause and sa to quyt his countrie his leving his welth
his . . . & lyfe, lat be the ruitting out of his name & posteritie for
evir.
APPENDIX C.
FIVE LETTERS FORGED BY SPROT, AS FROM LOGAN
[_Preserved in the General Register House_, _Edinburgh_]
(1) _Robert Logan of Restalrig to_ . . .
Rycht Honorabill Sir,--My dewty with servise remembred. Pleise yow
onderstand, my Lo. of Gowry and some vtheris his Lo. frendis and veill
villeris, qha tendaris his Lo. better preferment, ar vpon the resolucion
ye knaw, for the revenge of that cawse; and his Lo. hes vrettin to me
anent that purpose, qhairto I vill accorde, incase ye vill stand to and
beir a part: and befoir ye resolve, meet me and M.A.R. in the Cannogat on
Tysday the nixt owk, and be als var as ye kan. Indeid M.A.R. spak with
me fowr or fywe dayis syn, and I hew promised his Lo. ane answar within
ten dayis at farrest. As for the purpose how M.A.R. and I hes sett down
the cowrse, it vill be ane very esy done twrne, and nocht far by that
forme, vith the lyke stratagem, qhairof ve had conference in Cap. h. Bot
incase ye and M.A.R. forgader, becawse he is someqhat consety, for Godis
saik be very var vith his raklese toyis of Padoa: For he tald me ane of
the strangest taillis of ane nobill man of Padoa that ever I hard in my
lyf, resembling the lyk purpose. I pray yow, Sir, think nathing althocht
this berare onderstand of it, for he is the special secretair of my lyf;
His name is Lard Bower, and vas ald Manderstonis man for deid and lyf,
and evin so now for me. And for my awin part, he sall knaw of all that I
do in this varld, so lang as ve leif togidder, for I mak him my howsehald
man: He is veill vorthy of credit, and I recommend him to yow. Alvyse to
the purpose, I think best for our plat that ve meet all at my house of
Fastcastell; for I hew concludit with M.A.R. how I think it sall be
meittest to be convoyit quyetest in ane bote, be sey; at qhilk tyme vpon
swre adwartisment I sall hew the place very quyet and veill provydit; and
as I receve yowr answer I vill post this berair to my Lo. and therfoir I
pray yow, as ye luf yowr awin lyf, becawse it is nocht ane matter of
mowise, be circumspect in all thingis, and tak na feir bot all sall be
veill. I hew na vill that ather my brother or yit M.W.R. my Lo. ald
pedagog knaw ony thing of the matter, qhill all be done that ve vald hew
done; and thane I cair nocht qha get vit, that lufis vs. Qhen ye hew
red, send this my letter bak agane vith the berar, that I may se it brunt
my self, for sa is the fasson in sic errandis; and if ye please, vryyt
our (?) answer on the bak herof, incase ye vill tak my vord for the
credit of the berair: and vse all expedicioun, for the twrne vald nocht
be lang delayit. Ye knaw the kingis hwnting vill be schortly, and than
sall be best tyme, as M.A.R. has asswred me, that my Lo. has resolved to
interpryse that matter. Lwking for yowr answer, committis yow to
Chrystis haly protectioun. Frome Fastcastell, the awchtan day of July
1600.
(Sic subscribitur) Yowris to vtter power redy
RESTALRIGE.
On the back 'Sprott,' 'bookit' (2).
* * * * *
(2) _Robert Logan of Restalrig to Laird Bower_.
Lard Bower,--I pray yow hast yow hast to me abowt the erand I tald yow,
and ve sall confer at lenth of all thingis. I hew recevit an new letter
fra my Lo(rd) of Go(wrie) concerning the purpose that M.A. his Lo.
brothir spak to me befoir, and I perseif I may hew avantage of Dirleton,
incase his other matter tak effect, as ve hope it sall. Alvayse I beseik
yow be at me the morne at evin, for I hew asswred his lo. servand, that I
sall send yow over the vatter vithin thre dayis, vith an full resolucion
of all my vill, anent all purposes; As I sall indeid recommend yow and
yowr trustiness till his lo. as ye sall find an honest recompense for
yowr panes in the end. I cair nocht for all the land I hew in this
kingdome, incase I get an grip of Dirleton, for I estem it the plesantest
dwelling in Scotland. For Goddis cawse, keip all thingis very secret,
that my lo. my brothir get na knawlege of owr purposes, for I (wald?)
rather be eirdit quik. And swa lwking for yow, I rest till meitting.
Fra the Kannogait, the xviij day of July.
(Sic subscribitur) Yowris to power redy
RESTALRIGE.
I am verie ill at eise and thairfoir speid yow hither.
On the back 'Sprott,' 'Secund,' 'bookit.'
* * * * *
(3) _Robert Logan of Restalrig to_ . . . .
Rycht honorable Sir,--All my hartly duty vith humbill servise remembred.
Sen I hew takin on hand to interpryse vith my lo(rd) of Go(wrie) yowr
speciall and only best belowed, as ve hew set down the plat alredy, I
vill request yow that ye vill be very circumspek and vyse, that na man
may get ane avantage of vs. I dowt nocht bot ye knaw the perell to be
bayth lyf, land and honowr, incase the mater be nocht vyslie vsed: And
for my avin part, I sall hew an speciall respek to my promise that I hew
maid till his Lo. and M.A. his lo(rdschipis) brother, althocht the
skafald var set vp. If I kan nocht vin to Fakland the first nycht, I
sall be tymelie in St Johnestoun on the morne. Indeid I lipnit for my
lo(rd) himself or ellise M.A. his lo. brother at my howse of
Fast(castell) as I vret to them bayth. Alwyse I repose on yowr
advertysment of the precyse day, vith credit to the berar: for howbeit he
be bot ane silly ald gleyd carle, I vill answer for him that he sall be
very trew. I pray yow, sir, reid and ather bwrne or send agane vith the
berare; for I dar haserd my lyf and all I hew ellise in the varld on his
message, I hew sik pruif of his constant trewth. Sa committis yow to
Chrystis holy protectioun. Frome the Kannogait the xxvij day of July
1600.
(Sic subscribitur)
Yowris till all power vt humbill servise redy
RESTALRIGE.
I vse nocht to vryt on the bak of ony of my letteris concerning this
errand.
On the back 'Sprott,' 'bookit' (3).
* * * * *
(4) _Robert Logan of Restalrig to the Earl of Gowrie_.
My Lo.--My maist humbill dewtie vith servise in maist hartly maner
remembred. At the resset of yowr lo(rdchipis) letter I am so comforted,
especially at your Lo: purpose communicated onto me thairin, that I kan
nather vtter my joy nor find myself habill how to enconter yowr lo. vith
dew thankis. Indeid my lo. at my being last in the town M.A. your lo.
brother imperted somqhat of yowr lo(rdschipis) intentioun anent that
matter onto me; and if I had nocht bene busyed abowt sum turnis of my
avin, I thoght till hew cummit over to S. Jo. and spokin vith your
lo(rdschip). Yit alvayse my lo. I beseik your lo. bayth for the saifty
of yowr honowr, credit and mair nor that, yowr lyf, my lyf, and the lyfis
of mony otheris qha may perhapis innocently smart for that turne
eftirwartis, incase it be reveilled be ony; and lykvyse, the vtter
vraking of our landis and howsis, and extirpating of owr names, lwke that
ve be all alse sure as yowr lo. and I myself sall be for my avin part,
and than I dowt nocht, bot vith Godis g(race) we sall bring our matter
till ane fine, qhilk sall bring contentment to vs all that ever vissed
for the revenge of the Maschevalent massakering of our deirest frendis.
I dowt nocht bot M.A. yowr lo. brother hes informed yowr lo. qhat cowrse
I laid down, to bring all your lo(rdschipis) associatis to my howse of
Fast(castell) be sey, qhair I suld hew all materiallis in reddyness for
thair saif recayving a land, and into my howse; making as it ver bot a
maner of passing time, in ane bote on the sey, in this fair somer tyde;
and nane other strangeris to hant my howse, qhill ve had concluded on the
laying of owr plat, quhilk is alredy devysed be M.A. and me. And I vald
viss that yowr lo. wald ather come or send M.A. to me, and thareftir I
sowld meit yowr lo. in Leith, or quyetly in Restal(rig) qhair ve sowld
hew prepared ane fyne hattit kit, vt succar, comfeitis, and vyn; and
thereftir confer on matteris. And the soner ve broght owr purpose to
pass it ver the better, before harwest. Let nocht M.W.R. yowr awld
pedagog ken of your comming, bot rather vald I, if I durst be so bald, to
intreit yowr lo. anis to come and se my avin howse, qhair I hew keipit my
lo(rd) Bo(thwell) in his gretest extremityis, say the King and his
consell qhat they vald. And incase God grant vs ane hapy swccess in this
errand, I hope baith to haif yowr lo. and his lo., vith mony otheris of
yowr loveries and his, at ane gude dyner, before I dy. Alvyse I hope
that the K(ingis) bwk hunting at Falkland, this yeir, sall prepair sum
daynty cheir for ws, agan that dinner the nixt yeir. _Hoc jocose_, till
animat yowr lo. at this tyme; bot eftirvartis, ve sall hew better
occasion to mak mery. I protest, my lo. before God, I viss nathing vith
a better hart, nor to atchive to that qhilk yowr lo. vald fane atteyn
onto; and my continewall prayer sall tend to that effect; and vith the
large spending of my landis gudis, yea the haserd of my lyf, sall not
afray me fra that, althocht the skaffold var alredy sett vp, befoir I
sowld falsify my promise to yowr lo. and perswade yowr lo(rdschip)
therof. I trow yowr lo. hes ane pruife of my constancy alredy or now.
Bot my lo. qharas your lo. desyris in yowr letter, that I craif my lo. my
brotheris mynd anent this matter, I alvterly disasent fra that that he
sowld ever be ane counsalowr therto; for in gude fayth, he vill newer
help his frend nor harme his fo. Yowr lo. may confyde mair in this ald
man, the beirer heirof, my man La(ird) Bowr, nor in my brother; for I
lippin my lyf and all I hew ells in his handis; and I trow he vald nocht
spair to ryde to Hellis yet to plesour me; and he is nocht begylit of my
pairt to him. Alvyse, my lo. qhen yowr lo. hes red my letter, delyver it
to the berair agane, that I may se it brunt vith my awin ein; as I hew
sent yowr Lo: letter to yowr Lo. agane; for so is the fassone I grant.
And I pray yowr lo. rest fully perswaded of me and all that I hew
promesed; for I am resolved, howbeit it ver to dy the morne. I man
intreit yowr lo. to expede Bowr, and gif him strait directioun, on payn
of his lyf, that he tak never ane vink sleip, qhill he se me agane; or
ellise he vill vtterly vndo vs. I hew alredy sent an other letter to the
gentill man yowr lo. kennis, as the berare vill informe yowr lo. of his
answer and forvardness vith yowr lo.; and I sall schaw yowr lo. forder,
at meting, qhen and qhair yowr lo. sall think meittest. To qhilk tyme
and ever committis yowr lo. to the proteccioun of the Almychtie God.
From Gwnisgrene, the twenty nynt of Julij 1600.
(Sic subscribitur) Your lo. awin sworne and bundman to obey and serve vt
efauld and ever redy seruise to his vttir power till his lyfis end.
RESTALRIGE.
Prayis yowr lo. hald me excused for my vnsemly letter, qhilk is nocht sa
veil vrettin as mister var: For I durst nocht let ony of my vryteris ken
of it, but tuke twa syndry ydill dayis to it my self.
I vill never foryet the gude sporte that M.A. yowr lo: brother tald me of
ane nobill man of Padoa, it comiss sa oft to my memory. And indeid it is
a parastevr to this purpose ve hew in hand.
On the back 'Sprott,' 'bookit' (4).
* * * * *
(5) _Robert Logan of Restalrig to_ . . .