_Containing the_ TESTIMONY _of the_ REFORMATION _from_ POPERY.
As in the former, the testimony was mostly passive; so, in the following
period, when they were encreased in number and strength that embraced
the gospel, the Lord called, and spirited to an active testimony, for
these two twins, religion and liberty, that were then sought to be
stifled in the birth, and are now designed more declaredly to be
destroyed, after they have grown up to some maturity: which, as it
renders the cruelty of the present destroyers the more grassant and
grievous, so it rubs the more indelible infamy on the shameful security
and ass-like stupidity of this generation, that have received such an
excellent testimony deposited to their trust, transmitted to them
through a continued tract of the witnessings and wrestlings of their
worthy ancestors, and now let it slip and slide through their feeble
fingers; and does the more justify, yea magnify, the poor endeavours of
the present sufferers, who, at least, when they cannot re-act these
mighty works, in defending religion and liberty, do chuse rather to die
than to resign the testimony, or quit the least privilege that their
progenitors possessed them of: and though they be superciliously
despised, as little insignificant nothings in the eyes of the bulk of
the big boasters of this blind age; yet if these valiant heroes, who did
such exploits for their God, in commencing and carrying on the work of
reformation, were now to see the dull dotages of this dreaming
generation, (not only suffering and consenting to, but congratulating
and applauding, the introduction and re-establishment of idolatry and
tyranny, popery and slavery, upon the ruins of the work they built with
so great expence); and were to read the pitiful petitions, and airy and
empty, flattering and fawning addresses, to this antichristian tyrant,
for the toleration of that religion and liberty, under the odious notion
of a crime, which they had conveyed to them under the security of a
fundamental law; they, if any, would be acknowledged as their children,
who disdain and disown such dishonourable and dastardly yieldings, and
are therefore most despised with disdain and despight. A brief rehearsal
of their contendings will clear the case.
While the Queen Dowager regent reigned by the curse of God, and employed
all her power and policy to suppress the gospel in Scotland, God so
counteracted her, that the blood of the martyrs she caused to be
murdered, proved the seed of the church; and the endeavours of his
servants had such success, that no small part of the barons and
gentlemen, as well as commons, began to abhor the tyranny of the
bishops: yea, men almost universally began to doubt, whether they could
without sin give their bodily presence 'to the mass, or offer their
children to the papistical baptism? Whether these that were in any
public trust, could with safe conscience serve the higher powers in
maintaining of idolatry, persecuting their brethren, and suppressing
Christ's truth? Or whether they might suffer their brethren to be
murdered in their presence, without any declaration that such tyranny
displeased them?' And, from the scriptures, they were resolved, That a
lively faith requires a plain confession, when Christ's truth is
impugned; and that not only they be guilty that do evil, but also they
that consent to evil, and this they should do, if seeing such things
openly committed, they should be silent, and so allow whatsoever was
done. From doubts they came to determinations, to endeavour that Christ
Jesus his glorious gospel should be preached, his holy sacraments truly
ministred, superstition, idolatry, and tyranny should be suppressed in
this realm; and that both as to the worship, discipline, and government,
the reverend face of the first primitive and apostolic church should be
reduced again to the eyes and knowledge of men. And in this they never
fainted till the work was finished. To accomplish this, famous and
faithful Mr. Knox, and other servants of the Lord, did preach diligently
in private meetings. And for that, when they were summoned before the
Queen, several zealous and bold men repaired to her, and plainly in the
hearing of the Prelates, did charge them with the cruel device intended,
and told her with a vow, 'They should make a day of it, because they
oppressed them and their tenants for feeding their idle bellies, they
troubled the preachers, and would murder all; should they suffer this
any longer? No; it should not be.' Thereafter, the more effectually to
prosecute the reformation begun, they entered into covenants, to
maintain and advance that work of reformation, and to stand to the
defence thereof; and of one another, against all wicked power, that
might intend tyranny or trouble against them, and to resent any injury
done to any of their brethren, upon the account of the common cause, as
done to all. Of which covenants they entered into many very solemnly;
one was at Edinburgh in the year 1557; another at Perth 1559; another at
Stirling 1559, binding, that none should have any correspondence with
the Queen, without notifying it to one another; and that nothing should
proceed therein, without common consent of them all. Another at Leith,
in the year 1560; another at Ayr, in the year 1562, of the same tenor.
By which covenants, as their conjunction was the more firm among
themselves, so was it the more fearful to their adversaries: when,
according to the tenor of them, they kept their conventions, and held
counsels with such gravity and closeness, that the enemies trembled. I
mention these things more particularly, because these same very things
commended in our fathers, are now condemned in a poor handful, that
would aim at imitating their example, in renewing and reiterating such
covenants of the same nature and tenor, and binding to the same very
duties, and prosecute in the same methods of keeping general meetings
for correspondence, and consultation about common mutual duties in
common danger; whereunto they have not only present necessity to urge
them, but also preterite examples of these worthies to encourage them,
and their experience of comfort and tranquillity they reaped, by these
Christian assemblies and godly conferences, as oft as any danger
appeared to any member or members of their body. These beginnings, the
zealous covenanted reformers left no means unessayed to promote, by
protestations to the parliament, and petitions, and many reiterated
addresses to the Queen Dowager: from whom they received many renewed
fair promises; which she had never mind to keep, and wanted not the
impudence, when challenged for breaking them, to declare, 'It becomes
not subjects to burden their princes with promises further than it
pleased them to keep the same:' and, at another time, 'that she was
bound to keep no faith to hereticks:' and again, 'that princes must not
be strickly bound to keep their promises; and that herself would make
little conscience to take from all that sort their lives and
inheritance, if she might do it with an honest excuse.' Wherein she
spoke not only the venom of her own heart, but the very soul and sense,
principle and project of all popish princes: whereby we may see what
security we have for religion and liberty this day, though the most part
make such a pretence a pillow to sleep on. But, after many discoveries
in this kind of the Queen's treachery, at length they would no more be
bribed by promises, blinded by pretences, nor boasted by her
proclamations, (slandering their enterprise, as if it pertained nothing
to religion) from their endeavours to prosecute the same: but finding
themselves compelled to take the sword of just defence, against all that
should pursue them for the matter of religon, they first signified unto
her; 'that they would notify to the king of France, and all Christian
princes, that her cruel, unjust, and most tyrannical murder intended
against towns and multitudes, was and is the only cause of their revolt
from their accustomed obedience, which they owned and promised to their
Sovereign; provided they might live in peace and liberty, and enjoy
Christ's gospel, without which they firmly purpose never to be subject
to mortal man; and that better it were to expose their bodies to a
thousand deaths; than to deny Christ; which thing not only do they, who
commit open idolatry, but also all such, as, seeing their brethren
pursued for the cause of religion, and having no sufficient means to
comfort and assist them, do nevertheless withdraw from them their
dutiful support.' And thereafter, they published a declaration to the
generation of antichrist, the pestilent prelates, and their shavelings
within Scotland. 'That they should not be abused, thinking to escape
just punishment, after that they, in their blind fury, had caused the
blood of many to be shed; but if they proceeded in this their malicious
cruelty, they should be dealt withal, wheresoever they should be
apprehended, as murderers, and open enemies to God and to mankind. And
that with the same measure they had measured, and intended to measure to
others, it should be measured to them;--that is, they should, with all
force and power they had, execute just vengeance and punishment upon
them; yea begin that same war which God commandeth Israel to execute
against the Canaanites; that is, contract of peace should never be made,
till they desist from their open idolatry and cruel persecution of God's
children.' I rehearse this declaration the more expressly, because in
our day declarations of this style and strain, and aiming at the same
scope, are hideously hissed and houted at as unheard of novelties.
Finally, when by all their letters, warnings, admonitions and
protestations, they could obtain no redress, but rather an increase of
insupportable violence, they proponed the question in a general meeting,
'Whether she, whose pretences threatened the bondage of the whole common
wealth, ought to be suffered so tyrannically to domineer over them?'
Unto which the ministers, being required to give their judgment,
answered, That she ought not. And accordingly they declared her deposed
from all government over them; 'because of her persecuting the
professors of the true religion, and oppressing the liberties of the
true lieges, never being called nor convinced of any crime; because of
her intrusion of magistrates against all order of election; because of
her bringing in strangers to suppress the liberty of the country, and
placing them in greatest offices of credit; because of her altering and
subverting the old laws of the realm,' &c. Which I mention, because
hence we may see what things our fathers judged did dissolve the
relation between the people and their rulers; and, when applied to our
case, will justify their reasons that have renounced the present
tyranny. This was done at Edinburgh in the year 1559. And thereafter,
while they vindicated themselves, and went on with the work of
reformation, throwing down all monuments of idolatry, and propagating
the reformed religion, God so blessed their endeavours, that their
confession of faith, and all articles of the protestant religion, was
read and ratified by the three estates of parliament, at Edinburgh, July
1560. And the same year the book of discipline, containing the form and
order of presbyterial government, was subscribed by a great part of the
nobility. Thus, through the wisdom and power of God alone, even by the
weakness of very mean instruments, against the rage and fury of the
devil, and of all the powers of hell, was this work of reformation
advanced and effectuated; and came to the establishment of a law, which
did not only ratify and confirm the protestant religion, but abolish
antichristian popery, and appoint punishment for the professors and
promoters thereof. Which law, often confirmed and ratified afterwards,
though it be now cested and rescinded by the prerogative of the present
tyrant; because it annuls and invalidates his pretence to succession in
the government, (it being expressly enacted afterwards, by a parliament
at Edinburgh, 1567, confirming this, that all princes and kings
hereafter, before their coronation, shall take oath to maintain the true
religion then professed, and suppress all things contrary to it), yet is
still in force in the hearts of all honest men, that will not prostitute
religion, law and liberty, to the lusts of tyrants; and will be
accounted a better bottom to build the hope of enjoying religion upon,
than the perfidious promises of a popish usurper, pretending a liberty
to dissenting protestants, by taking away the penal statutes, the legal
bulwark against popery: all which yet, to the reproach of all
protestants, some are applauding and congratulating in this time by
their addresses and petitions, to this destroyer of law and religion. I
wish they would look back to see what the building of this bulwark cost
our fathers, before they sell it at such a rate; and compare the present
addresses, courting and caressing the papists, with the addresses of
these worthy builders of what they are destroying. There is one dated
Edinburgh, May 27, 1561, presented to the Council, shewing, that honesty
craved them, to make the secrets of their heart patent, which
was--'That, before ever these tyrants and dumb dogs empire over them
professing Christ Jesus within this realm, they were fully determined to
hazard life, and whatsoever they had received of God in temporal
things.--And let these enemies of God assure themselves, that if their
council put not order unto them, that they should shortly take such
order, that they shall neither be able to do what they list, neither yet
to live upon the sweet of the brows of such as are no debtors to them.'
And when the mischievous Mary, the daughter of the degraded Queen,
returning from France, set up the mass but in her own family, the godly
at that time gave plain signification, that they could not abide that
'the land which God had purged from idolatry, should in their eyes be
polluted again. Shall that idol (say they) be suffered again to take
place within this realm? It shall not.' The idolatrous priests should
die the death according to God's law. And a proclamation being issued to
protect the Queen's domestic servants that were papists, there was a
protestation given forth presently, 'That if any of her servants should
commit idolatry, say mass, participate therewith, or take the defence
thereof, in that case this proclamation was not extended to them in that
behalf, no more than if they commit murder; seeing the one is much more
abominable in the sight of God than the other; but that it may be lawful
to inflict upon them, the pains contained in God's word against
idolaters, wherever they may be apprehended, without favour.' The words
of John Knox upon the following Sabbath may be added, 'That one mass
was more fearful unto him, than if ten thousand armed enemies were
landed in any part of the realm, of purpose to suppress the whole
religion: for (said he) in our God there is strength to resist and
confound multitudes, if we unfeignedly depend upon him; but when we join
hands with idolatry, it is no doubt but both God's amiable presence and
comfortable defence will leave us, and what shall then become of us?'
Yea, when it was voted in the General Assembly, whether they might take
the Queen's mass from her? many frankly affirmed, 'That as the mass is
abominable, so it is just and right that it should be suppressed; and
that in so doing, men did no more hurt to the Queen's Majesty, than they
that should by force take from her a poisoned cup, when she was going to
drink it.' Thus we have some specimen of the zeal of our fathers against
idolatry. But in a little time court favours blunted it in many; and
then had the servants of God a double battle, fighting on the one hand
against idolatry, and the rest of the abominations maintained by the
court. And upon the other hand, against the unfaithfulness of false
brethren, and treachery of sycophants, who informed the court against
the ministers, for their free and faithful preaching and warnings on all
occasions; yet they sustained the brunt of all these assaults, and came
off with honour. At length, to be short, in process of time, this Mary,
a woman of a proud and crafty wit, and an obdured heart against God and
his truth, infilled in the same steps of tyranny and treachery (but with
greater aggravations) that her mother walked in, and was served
according to her desert. For after that her darling David Rizzo, the
Italian fidler, (whom most men then supposed, and do still suspect to be
the father of King James, this man's grandfather; and some do think it
not unlikely, that his successors have derived from this stock the
Italian complexion and constitution both of body and mind, spare and
swarthy, cruel and crafty) received his due rewards in her presence, by
the King's consent and counsel; she conceived such contempt of, and
indignation against the poor uxorious young King, Henry of Darnley, that
she never rested till she and Bothwel contrived and executed his murder,
and then she married that murdering adulterer, the said Earl of Bothwel:
whereupon the Protestant Noblemen pursuing the murder, took her, and
sent her prisoner to Lochleven, where they made her resign the
government to her son James, then an infant, and afterwards she was
beheaded by Elizabeth Queen of England. We see now by this deduction,
what was the testimony of this period, and how in many things it
confirms the heads of the present sufferings, which we may particularly
remark.
I. The reformation of Scotland had this common with all other protestant
churches, that it was carried on by resisting the opposing powers; but
it had this peculiar advantage above all, that at once, and from the
beginning, both doctrine and worship, discipline and government were
reformed: as Mr. Knox witnesseth, that there was no realm upon the face
of the earth at that time that had religion in greater purity. 'Yea,'
says he, 'we must speak the truth, whomsoever we offend, there is no
realm that hath the like purity; for all others, how sincere soever the
doctrine be, retain in their churches and ministry thereof, some
footsteps of antichrist, and dregs of popery; but we (praise to God
alone) have nothing in our churches that ever flowed from that Man of
Sin.' The doctrine was purely reformed, according to the rule of Christ,
both as to matter and manner of delivery. As to the matter of it, what
it was, the Confession of Faith, ratified in parliament in the year
1560, doth witness. In the manner of it, they studied not the smooth and
pawky prudence that is now so much applauded, for not observing which,
such as would fain be honest in this duty, are so much condemned; but
they cried aloud against, and did not spare the sins of the time, with
application to every degree of men; as we have it published and
vindicated in Mr. Knox's History. They cried, 'that the same God who
plagued Pharaoh, repulsed Sennacherib, struck Herod with worms, and made
the bellies of dogs the grave and sepulchre of the spiteful Jezebel,
will not spare misled princes, who authorize the murderers of Christ's
members in this our time. Many now a days will have no other religion
than the Queen; the Queen no other than the Cardinal; the Cardinal no
other than the Pope; the Pope no other than the devil: let men therefore
consider what danger they stand in, if their salvation shall depend upon
the Queen's faith.' And they used to defend such manner of free dealing,
from the examples of the prophets reproving Kings personally. 'Now, if
the like and greater corruptions be in the world this day, who dare
enterprize, to put to silence the Spirit of God, which will not be
subject to the appetites of misled princes.' Mr. Knox's defence before
the Queen, when rebuked for speaking of her marriage in the pulpit, was:
'The Evangel, saith he, hath two points, repentance and faith; in
preaching repentance, of necessity it is, that the sins of men may be
noted, that they may know wherein they offend.' And in his dispute with
Lethington, requiring where any of the prophets did so use Kings and
rulers; he gave the example of Elias 'reproving Ahab and Jezebel, that
dogs shall lick the blood of Ahab, and eat the flesh of Jezebel; which
was not whispered in their ears, but so as the people understood well
enough, for so witnessed Jehu after the accomplishment.' Elisha reproved
Jehoram, saying, 'What have I to do with thee; if it were not for
Jehosaphat, I would not have looked toward thee. Though a subject, yet
he gave little reverence to the King.' These were their arguments for
faithfulness then, which are now exploded with contempt. Their worship
was also reformed from all dregs of popery, and fopperies of human
ceremonies, retained in many other churches, especially in England; to
whose bishops, in Queen Elizabeth's time, the Assembly wrote, 'That if
surplice, corner cap, tippet, &c. have been the badges of idolaters in
the very act of idolatry, what have preachers to do with the dregs of
that Romish beast? Yea, what is he that ought not to fear to take,
either in his hand or forehead, the mark of that odious beast?--We think
you should boldly oppose yourselves to all power, that will dare extol
itself against God, and against all such as do burden the conscience of
the faithful, further than God hath burdened them by his own word.' The
discipline and government was from the beginning presbyterial, even
before the establishment: both in practice, among the persecuted
ministers, who kept their private meetings; and in their doctrine. This
was one of Mr. Knox's articles he sustained at St. Andrew's, upon his
first entry unto the ministry. _Art. 8._ There is no bishop, except he
preach even by himself, without any substitute. But so soon as they
attained any settlement, they assembled in their first national synod in
the year 1560, by virtue of that intrinsic power granted by the Lord to
his church; nor did they so much as petition for the indulgence of the
then authority; but upon Christ's warrant, they kept and held their
courts in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ only; and in his sole
authority, by direction of his word and Spirit, concluded all their
counsels, votes and acts. And as they knew nothing of an exotic
supremacy, so they put out and held out prelacy, and kept a perfect
parity; which was nothing infringed by the extraordinary employments and
commissions delegated to some superintendants, upon the account of the
particular exigence of these times.
II. Next we find in the practice of these renowned reformers, many
demonstrations of pure zeal, worthy of all imitation; which I remark the
rather, because poor sufferers that would now imitate it, are condemned
as blind and ignorant zealots. But why are not the reformers condemned
for the same things? We find in the first place, that they were so far
from complying with, or conniving at, or countenancing public sins, that
they could not contain themselves from declaring their detestation of
the sight of them; yea the very boys did abominate them, as at the
reformation, at St. Johnstoun, a boy cried with a bold voice, This is
intolerable, that when God by his word hath plainly condemned idolatry,
we shall stand and see it used in despight. Whereupon he and others
threw down all the monuments of idolatry in that place. But if now any
should enterprise such a thing, when the idol of the mass is set up in
every city, they might expect Jerubaal's censure of the Abiezrites;
though it is true they might have the same encouragement, because they
have the same command as he had, to wit, the perpetual precept of
throwing down idolatrous altars. Next, they were so far from complying
with the enemies, in keeping the peace with them, that they thought it a
great sin not to oppose them, when their brethren were forced to take
the sword of self-defence, being persuaded by these arguments: 'That by
their fainting and abstracting their support, the enemies would be
encouraged; and thereby they should declare themselves both traitors to
the truth once professed, and murderers of their brethren, whom their
presence and concurrence might preserve; and that if they should deny
their brethren suffering for his name's sake, they should also deny
Christ, and be denied of him; and that God hath punished subjects with
their princes, for winking at, and not resisting their manifest
iniquity; and therefore, as he is immutable in nature, so would he not
pardon them in that which he hath punished in others,' &c. Which
arguments prevailed with the noble Earl of Glencairn, in zeal to burst
forth in these words:--'Albeit never man should accompany me, yet I will
go to my brethren, and if it were but a pike upon my shoulder, I had
rather die with that company, than live after them.' But now professors
cannot only sit at home, in their shops and cieled houses, when the
Lord's people are pursued and murdered in the fields, but also can hire
their murderers, and strengthen their hands, by paying them cesses and
localities, and what they require for help to do their work, and
maintaining them in their iniquity. Which famous Mr. Knox disproveth
very much in his day, arguing, 'That if people thought they were
innocent, because they were not the actors of such iniquity, they were
utterly deceived; for God doth not only punish the chief offenders, but
the consenters to such iniquity; and all are judged to consent, who give
not testimony against it; as the rulers and bishops are criminal of all
the innocent blood that is shed for the testimony of Christ's truth; so
are all who assist and maintain them in their blind rage, and give no
declaration, that their tyranny displeaseth them. This doctrine is
strange to the blind world, but the verity of it hath been declared in
all notable punishments from the beginning. When the old world was
destroyed by water, Sodom and Jerusalem were destroyed, were all alike
wicked? Yet all perished: why? All kept silence, or did not resist; by
which all approved iniquity, and joined hands with the tyrants, as it
had been in one battle against the Omnipotent.' Which words, if
impartially applied, will condemn and confute the dull daubings of the
present compliances, in maintaining tyrants and their emissaries, by
emoluments which they require and exact, and that professedly, for
promoting their accursed projects; and will justify conscientious
sufferers, for refusing to pay these impositions. And this will the
more appear, if we add some more of his pithy expressions in the same
place, clearing the subject he is upon, and answering an objection, what
poor people might do, when compelled to give obedience to all their
rulers demanded? 'Ye may,' saith that author, without sedition,
'withhold the fruits and profits, which your false bishops and clergy
most unjustly received of you: upon which he subjoins the preceeding
arguments.' Yet now a-days these have no weight, but such as refuse
either to pay oppressors exactions, or curates stipends, are condemned
for giddy fools. Again we find, that when they were challenged for duty,
they would never decline a declaration of its righteousness, nor do any
thing directly or indirectly, which might seem a condemning of it. And
therefore they would receive no pardons for these things which they
could not confess to be offences. John Knox, challenged for offending
the Queen, had her promise, that if he would confess an offence his
greatest punishment should be, but to go within the castle of Edinburgh,
and immediately to return to his own house; he refused absolutely. But
now, if our pardon-mongers, and prudent men had been so circumstantiate,
surely they could have helped themselves with their distinctions, they
might confess and be pardoned for offending the Queen, though not
confess it to be a fault in their conscience: but Mr. Knox had not
learned that then. When they were pursuing the murderer of King Henry of
Darnly, the queen finding herself not strong enough, offers to forgive
and pardon that insurrection: the Earl of Morton, in name of all the
rest, did not only refuse a cessation, but told her they would not ask a
pardon. But now sufferers, for refusing of these base and unmanly, as
well as unchristian compliances, are much condemned. Finally, because
this strictness, especially in their severity against their enemies, may
be accused of Jewish rigidity, inconsistent with a gospel spirit of
lenity, which also is imputed to the much condemned sufferers of
Scotland at this time, for their testimonies against toleration and
liberty of conscience: let us hear what Knox says, 'whatsoever God
required of the civil magistrate in Israel or Judah, concerning the
observation of true religion during the time of the law, the same doth
he require of lawful magistrates, professing Christ Jesus, in the time
of the gospel: and cites a large testimony out of Augustine to this
purpose.' And afterward objecting to himself the practice of the
apostles, who did not punish the idolatrous Gentiles; he answers, 'That
the Gentiles, being never avowed to be God's people before, had never
received his law, and therefore were not to be punished according to the
rigour of it, to which they were never subject, being strangers from the
common-wealth of Israel; but if any think, after the Gentiles were
received in the number of Abraham's children, and so made one people
with the Jews believing; then they were not bound to the same obedience
of Israel's covenant, the same seems to make Christ inferior to Moses,
and contrary to the law of his heavenly Father; for if the contempt and
transgression of Moses' law was worthy of death, what judge we the
contempt of Christ's ordinance to be? And if Christ be not come to
dissolve, but to fulfil the law of his heavenly Father, shall the
liberty of his gospel be an occasion that the special glory of his
Father be trodden under foot, and regarded of no man? God forbid: and
therefore I fear not to affirm, that the Gentiles be bound by the same
covenant that God made with his people Israel, in these words--"Beware
that thou make not any covenant with the inhabitants of the land, but
thou shalt destroy their altars," &c. When, therefore, the Lord putteth
the sword in the hand of a people, they are no less bound to purge their
cities and countries from idolatry, than were the Israelites, what time
they received the possession of the land of Canaan.'
III. For the head of resistance of superior powers, we have no clearer
instances in any period than in this, whereof the above-mentioned hints
give some account, to which their sentiments and arguments may be here
subjoined. They prized and improved this principle so much, that they
put it in their Confession of Faith, Art. 14. To save the lives of
innocents, to repress tyranny, to defend the oppressed, are among the
good works of the second table, which are most pleasing and acceptable
to God, as these works are commanded by himself; and to suffer innocent
blood to be shed, if we may withstand it, is affirmed to be sin, by
which God's hot displeasure is kindled against the proud and unthankful
world. And if there were no more to render the late test of Scotland
detestable, that condemns all resistance of kings upon any pretence
whatsoever, this may make all Christians, and all men, abhor the
contrivance of it; that that same test that confirms this thesis, doth
also impose the antithesis upon conscience. It obliges to this
confession in the first part of it, and to deny it in the latter. But no
wonder, that men of feared consciences can receive any thing, though
never so contradictory to itself, and that men who deny sense, and that
principle radicated in human nature, may also deny conscience, and make
a tool of it in soldering contradictories. But not only did our
reformers assert this truth, for which now their children adhering to
their testimony, suffer both rage and reproach; but also gave their
reasons for it. As (1.) Mr. Knox, in his first conference with the
Queen, argues thus, 'There is neither greater honour nor obedience to be
given to princes than parents; but so it is, that the father may be
stricken with a phrensy, in the which he would slay his own children;
now if the children arise, take his weapon from him, bind his hands, do
the children any wrong? It is even so with princes, that would murder
the children of God subject to them, their blind zeal is nothing but a
very mad phrensy; and therefore to take the sword from them, and cast
them into prison till they be brought to a more sober mind, is no
disobedience against princes.' (2.) In his conference with Lethingtoun,
he proves the same point, from the consideration of the justice of God,
punishing the people for not resisting the prince. The scripture of God
teacheth me (saith he) 'Jerusalem and Judah were punished for the sins
of Manasseh; if you alledge they were punished, because they were
wicked, and not because the king was wicked; the scripture says
expressly, for the sins of Manasseh; yet will I not absolve the people,
I will grant the whole people offended with their king, but how? To
affirm that all Judah committed the acts of his impiety, hath no
certainty; who can think, that all Jerusalem should turn idolaters
immediately after Hezekiah's notable reformation? One part therefore
willingly followed him in his idolatry, the other suffered him, and so
were criminal of his sin; even as Scotland is guilty of the Queen's
idolatry this day.' In the same discourse he makes it plain, that all
are guilty of innocents murder who do not oppose it, from Jeremiah's
words in his defence before the princes.----"Know ye for certain, if ye
put me to death, ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon yourselves,
and upon the city, and upon the inhabitants thereof:" Now, if the
princes, and the whole people should have been guilty of the prophet's
blood; how shall others be judged innocent before God, if they suffer
the blood of innocents to be shed, when they may save it? (3.) _Ibid._
He argues from the distinction between the person placed in authority,
and the ordinance of God, the one may be resisted, the other cannot. The
plain words of the apostle makes the difference, 'The ordinance is of
God, for preservation of mankind, punishment of vice, which is holy and
constant: persons commonly are profane and unjust: he that resisteth the
power there, is only meant of the just power wherewith God hath armed
his magistrates, which whoso resists, resists God's ordinance; but if
men, in the fear of God, oppose themselves to the fury of princes, they
then resist not God, but the devil, who abuses the sword and authority
of God: it is evident the people resisted Saul, when he had sworn
Jonathan should die, whom they delivered: the Spirit of God accuses them
not of any crime, but praises them, and condemns the king: this same
Saul again commanded the priests of the Lord to be slain, his guard
would not obey, but Doeg put the king's cruelty in execution; I will not
ask, whether the king's servants, not obeying, resisted the ordinance of
God; or whether Doeg's murdering gave obedience to just authority? The
Spirit of God condemns that fact, Psal. lii. that God would not only
punish the commander, but also the merciless executor; therefore they
who gainstood his command, resisted not the ordinance of God. (4.)
_Ibid._ He argues from examples, not only of resisting, but of punishing
tyrants; chiefly the example of Uzziah is pertinent to this purpose, 2
Chron. xxvi. who after his usurping the priest's office, was put out of
the temple.' When it was replied, that they were the priests that
withstood the king, not simple people: he answered, 'The priests were
subjects, as Abiathar was deposed by Solomon, &c. yet they made him go
out of the temple for his leprosy, and the people put him from the
kingdom.' It is noted also, that Mr. Knox, in that discourse, adduces
examples of those, who use to be brought in as objections against
defensive arms, even the primitive Christians, before that passage last
cited: 'what precepts,' says he, 'the apostle gave, I will not affirm;
but I find two things the faithful did; the one was, they assisted their
preachers even against the rulers; the other was, they suppressed
idolatry wheresoever God gave unto them force, asking no leave of the
emperor, nor of his deputies: read the Ecclesiastical histories, and ye
shall find examples sufficient.'
IV. In the next place, we may enquire into the judgment of these
reformers, concerning that question that is now so puzzling to many;
which indeed was never started before this time, as a head of suffering;
but now, when it is started, we may gather from our ancestors actings
and determinations about it, how it ought to be answered. They were
indeed in capacity, and accordingly did improve it, for disowning the
authority of both the Queens; for their capacity was not the thing that
made it duty, if it had not been so before. Capacity makes a thing
possible, but not lawful: it does indeed make a duty seasonable, and
clears the call to it, and regulates the timing of affirmative duties,
but the want of it can never dispense with negative precepts: and a
duty, negative especially, may become necessary, when it hath not the
advantage of seasonableness or capacity; certainly it were duty to
depose the Pope from his usurped authority, and to disown it even in
Rome itself, but there it would not be thought very feasible or
seasonable, for twenty or thirty people to avouch such a thing there;
yet, at all times, it is a duty never to own it. It is thought
unseasonable and unfeasible to disown the tyrants authority; but it is
made necessary, when urged, never to own it. And for this we have the
grounds of our ancestors, shewing who may be disowned, and must not be
owned. I shall first insert here John Knox's propositions, prosecuted in
his second blast, extant at the end of Anton. Gilbie's admonition to
England and Scotland, 1. 'It is not birth only, nor propinquity of
blood, that maketh a king lawfully to reign over a people professing
Christ Jesus and his eternal verity; but, in his election, the ordinance
which God hath established in the election of inferior judges, must be
observed. 2. No manifest idolater, nor notorious transgressor of God's
holy precepts, ought to be promoted to any public regimen, honour, or
dignity, in any realm, province, or city, that hath subjected themselves
to Christ Jesus, and his blessed evangel. 3. Neither can oath, or
promise, bind any such people to obey and maintain tyrants, against God
and his truth known. 4. But if rashly they have promoted any manifest
wicked person, or yet ignorantly have chosen such an one, as after
declareth himself unworthy of regimen above the people of God, (and such
be all idolaters and cruel persecutors) most justly may the same men
depose and punish him, that unadvisedly before they did nominate,
appoint and elect.' Accordingly this was done in deposing both the
Queens; which is fully vindicated by the Earl of Morton, in his
discourse to the Queen of England, as Buchanan relates it, book xx. page
746. 'The deed itself, neither the custom of our ancestors of taking a
course with their governors, will suffer it to be accounted new, nor the
moderation of the punishment to be odious; for it were not needful to
recount so many kings punished by death, bonds, and exile by our
progenitors. For the Scottish nation, being from the beginning always
free, hath created kings upon these conditions, that the government
entrusted to them by the people's suffrages, might be also (if the
matter required) removed by the same suffrages: of which law there are
many footsteps remaining even to our day; for both in the isles about,
and in many places of the continent, in which the old language and
institutions have any abode, this custom is kept, in creating their
governors of clanns: and the ceremonies, used at the entering into
government, do yet retain the express representation of this law. Whence
it is evident, that the government is nothing else but a mutual
stipulation between kings and people: which further appears, from the
inviolated tenor of the ancient law, since the beginning of the Scottish
government, reserved even unto our memory, without the least essay
either to abrogate it, or disable, or diminish it. Yea, even when our
fathers have deposed, banished, and more severely punished so many
kings, yet never was any mention or motion made of relaxing the rigour
of that law, and not without reason, seeing it was not of that kind of
constitutions, that change with the times, but of those which are
engraven in the minds of men from the first original, and approved by
the mutual consent of all nations, and by nature's sanction continued
inviolable and perpetual, which, being subject to no other laws, do
command and rule all. This, which in every action doth offer itself to
our eyes and minds, and whether we will or not, abides in our breasts,
our predecessors followed; being always armed against violence, and
ready to suppress tyrants.--And now for the present, what have we done,
but insisting in the footsteps of so many kingdoms and free nations,
suppressed tyrannical licentiousness, extolling itself above all order
of laws, not indeed so severely as our predecessors in like cases; if we
had imitated them, not only would we have been far from all fear of
danger, but also have escaped the trouble of calumnies.--What would our
adversaries be at? Is it that we should arm with authority tyrants
convicted of grievous crimes, maintained by the spoils of the subjects,
having hands embrued in loyal blood, and hearts gaping for the
oppression of all good men? And shall we put them upon our head, who are
infamously suspected of parricide, both projected and perpetrated?' To
which we may add, a foreign conclusion indeed, but adduced and
maintained by Mr. Craig, in the assembly, in the 1564, which had been
determined by learned men in Bononia, 'All rulers, be they supreme or
subordinate, may and ought to be reformed, or bridled (to speak
moderately) by them, by whom they are chosen, confirmed, or admitted to
their office; so oft as they break that promise made by oath to their
subjects, because princes are no less bound by oath to their subjects,
than are the subjects to their princes: and therefore ought it to be
kept and performed equally, according to law and condition of the oath
that is made of either party.' By comparing which two testimonies
together, we may see the reasons, why neither of the two royal brothers,
that have ruled in our day, could be conscientiously owned as
magistrates, in the case they have been in for several years past: the
first testimony is for the second brother, the latter is for the first
that's gone. But, as for Mr. Knox's opinion, it is evident he had
written a book against the government of women; which though he did not
intend it particularly against Mary of Scotland, yet it did invalidate
her authority as well as other women's. This book he owns and maintains,
in his first conference with her, and consequently could not own her
authority as of the Lord, tho' he gave her common respect, as the title
of majesty, &c. yet when he was particularly urged by the Queen's
question, you think, said she, 'That I have no just authority;' he would
not answer in the affirmative, but shifted it, by telling her, 'That
learned men, in all ages, have had their judgment free, and most
commonly disagreeing from the common judgment of the world. And though,
he says, he could live under her government (so may, and would the
greatest disowners of tyranny, if they be not troubled with questions
about owning it) yet he affirms that with the testimony of a good
conscience, he had communicated his judgment to the world, and that if
the realm found no inconveniences in her government, he would no further
disallow than within his own breast.' Certainly then, in his conscience,
he did not, and could not own her, as the magistrate of God; and that
though many things which before were holden stable, had been called in
doubt, yet neither protestant nor papist could prove, that any such
question was, at any time, moved in public or private. Neither could
ever such a question be moved, if the conscience were not posed; and
then, when it must speak, it must of necessity be unpleasant to tyrants.
Thus we have heard both the positions and scruples of this witness; let
us also hear his arguings, that people may punish princes for their
idolatry and murder, &c. and therefore much more may disown them: and
therefore again much more may they forbear to own them, when called; for
can a dead man, by law, be owned to be a magistrate, and keeper of the
law. 'Idolatry' (saith he in his conference with Lethington) 'ought not
only to be suppressed, but the idolater ought to die the death; but by
whom? By the people of God, for the commandment was given to Israel;
yea, a command, that if it be heard that idolatry is committed in any
one city, that then the whole body of the people arise and destroy that
city, sparing neither man, woman, nor child. But shall the king also be
punished? If he be an idolater, I find no privilege granted unto kings
more than unto people, to offend God's majesty. But the people may not
be judges to their king.----God is the universal judge; so that what his
word commands to be punished in the one, is not to be absolved in the
other; and that the people, yea, or a part of the people, may not
execute God's judgments against their king, being an offender; I am sure
you have no other warrant, except your own imaginations, and the opinion
of such as more fear to offend their princes than God.' In the same
conference we have the instance of Jehu adduced to prove that subjects
may execute God's judgments upon their princes. It was objected, Jehu
was a king before he executed judgment upon Ahab's house, and the fact
was extraordinary, and not to be imitated. He answered, He was a mere
subject; 'No doubt Jezabel both thought and said he was a traitor, and
so did many others in Israel and Samaria. And whereas it was said, that
the fact was extraordinary; I say, it had the ground of God's ordinary
judgment, which commandeth the idolater to die the death; and therefore
I yet again affirm, it is to be imitated of all those that prefer the
true honour of the true worship and glory of God, to the affection of
flesh and wicked princes. We are not bound, said Lethington, to follow
extraordinary examples, unless we have the like commandment and
assurance. I grant, said the other, if the example repugn to the law,
but where the example agrees with the law, and is, as it were, the
execution of God's judgment expressed within the same; I say, that the
example approved of God, stands to us in place of a commandment; for as
God, in his nature, is constant and immutable, so cannot he condemn, in
the ages subsequent, that which he hath approved in his servants before
us.' Then he brings another argument from Amaziah who fled to Lachish,
but the people sent thither and slew him there. Lethington doubted
whether they did well or not: he answered, 'Where I find execution
according to God's law, and God himself not accuse the doers, I dare not
doubt of the equity of their cause: And it appears, God gave them
sufficient evidence of his approving the fact, for he blessed them with
peace and prosperity. But prosperity does not always prove that God
approves the fact: yes, when the acts of men agree with the law, and are
rewarded according to the promise in that law, then the prosperity
succeeding the fact is a most infallible assurance that God hath
approved it; but so it is, that there is a promise of lengthening out
prosperity to them that destroy idolatry. And again, concluding Uzziah's
example, he says there, the people ought to execute God's law, even
against their princes, when that their open crimes, by God's law,
deserve punishment; especially when they are such as may infect the
rest of the multitude.'
V. There is another thing for which people have suffered much in our day
of blasphemy, rebuke and trouble, which yet we find was not so odious in
our reformers eyes as this dull and degenerate age would represent it.
That in some cases it is lawful and laudable for private persons,
touched with the zeal of God, and love to their country, and respect to
justice trampled upon by tyrants; to put forth their hand to execute
righteous judgment upon the enemies of God and mankind, intolerable
traitors, murderers, idolaters; when the ruin of the country,
destruction of religion and liberty, and the wrath of God is threatened,
in and for the impunity of that vermin of villains, and may be averted
by their destruction, always supposed, that these, whose office it is to
do it, decline their duty. The mind of our reformers as to this is
manifest, both in their practice and opinion. We heard before of the
slaughter of Cardinal Beaton, and of the fiddler Rizzio: we shall find
both commended by Mr. Knox, giving account how these that were carried
captives to France for this cause from St. Andrew's were delivered.
'This (saith he), we write, to let the posterity to come to understand,
how potently God wrought in preserving and delivering of those that had
but a small knowledge of his truth, and for the love of the same
hazarded all; that if we, in our days, or our posterity that shall
follow, shall see a dispersion of such as oppose themselves to impiety,
or take upon them to punish the same otherwise than laws of men will
permit, if such shall be left of men, yea as it were despised and
punished of God: yet let us not damn the persons that punish vice, (and
that for just cause,) nor yet despair, but that the same God that
dejects will raise up again the persons dejected, to his glory and their
comfort; and to let the world understand in plain terms what we mean;
that great abuser of this commonwealth, that poultron and vile knave
Davie was justly punished, March 9, 1565, by the counsel and hands of
James Douglas, Earl of Morton, Patrick Lord Lindsay, &c. who, for their
just act, and most worthy of all praise, are now unworthily left of all
their brethren.' This is not only commended by the author alone, but we
find it concluded by all the brethren at that time, when the Queen
brought in the idol of the mass again, and the proud papists began to
avow it: Then let it be marked that, 'The brethren universally offended,
and espying that the Queen by proclamation did but delude them,
determined to put to their own hands, and to punish for example of
others; and so some priests in the West land were apprehended,
intimation was made to others, as to the abbot of Cosragnel, the parson
of Sanquhar, and such, that they should neither complain to the Queen
nor council, but should execute the punishment that God has appointed to
idolaters in his law, by such means as they might, wherever they should
be apprehended.' Upon this the Queen sent for Mr. Knox, and dealt with
him earnestly, that he would be the instrument to persuade the people
not to put hand to punish. He perceiving her craft, willed her Majesty
to punish malefactors according to law, and he durst promise quietness,
upon the part of all them that professed Christ within Scotland: but if
her Majesty thought to delude the laws, he feared some would let the
papists understand, that without punishment they should not be suffered
so manifestly to offend God's majesty. Will ye (quoth she) allow they
shall take my sword in their hand? 'The sword of justice (said he)
Madam, is God's, and is given to princes and rulers for one end; which,
if they transgress, sparing the wicked, and oppressing the innocents,
they that in the fear of God execute judgment, where God hath commanded,
offend not God, although kings do it not: the examples are evident, for
Samuel spared not to slay Agag the fat and delicate king of Amalek, whom
king Saul had saved; neither spared Elias Jezabel's false prophets, and
Baal's priests, albeit that king Ahab was present; Phineas was no
magistrate, and yet feared he not to strike Zimri and Cozbi in the very
act of filthy fornication; and so, Madam, your Majesty may see that
others than magistrates may lawfully punish, and have punished the vice
and crimes that God commands to be punished.' He proved it also at more
length in his appellation, from Deut. xiii. "If thy brother solicit thee
secretly, saying, Let us go serve other gods, consent not to him, let
not thine eye spare him, but kill him; let thy hand be first upon him,
and afterward the hand of the whole people." Of these words of Moses,
two things appertaining to our purpose are to be noted: 'The first is,
that such as solicitate only to idolatry ought to be punished to death,
without favour or respect of person; for he that will not suffer man to
spare his son, wife, &c. will not wink at the idolatry of others, of
what state or condition soever they be: it is not unknown that the
prophets had revelations of God, which were not common to the people;
now, if any man might have claimed any privilege from the rigour of the
law, or might have justified his fact, it should have been the prophet,
but God commands, that the prophet that shall so solicitate the people
to serve strange gods, shall die the death, notwithstanding that he
alledge for himself, dream, vision, or revelation, because he teacheth
apostacy from God: hereby it may be seen, that none, provoking the
people to idolatry, ought to be exempted from the punishment of death.
Evident it is, that no state, condition, nor honour can exempt the
idolater from the hands of God, when he shall call him to an account:
how shall it then excuse the people, that they according to God's
command, punish not to death such as shall solicitate or violently draw
the people to idolatry? The second is, that the punishment of such
crimes, as idolatry, blasphemy, and others that touch the majesty of
God, doth not appertain to kings and chief rulers only, but also to the
whole body of the people, and to every member of the same, according to
the vocation of every man, and according that possibility and occasion
which God doth minister, to revenge the injury done against his glory:
and that doth Moses more plainly speak in these words of the same
chapter, "If in any city which the Lord thy God giveth thee, thou shalt
hear this brute, there are some men sons of Belial."--Plain it is, that
Moses speaks not nor giveth charge to kings, rulers, and judges only;
but he commands the whole body of the people, yea and every member of
the same, according to their possibility. And who dare be so impudent as
to deny this to be most reasonable and just? For seeing God had
delivered the whole body from bondage, and to the whole multitude had
given his law, and to the twelve tribes had distributed the land of
Canaan: was not the whole and every member addebted to confess the
benefits of God, and to study to keep the possession received? which
they could not do, except they kept the religion established, and put
out iniquity from amongst them. To the carnal man this may seem to be a
rigorous and severe judgment, that even the infants there should be
appointed to the cruel death; and as concerning the city and spoil of
the same, man's reason cannot think but that it might have been better
bestowed, than to be consumed. But in such cases, let all creatures
stoop, and desist from reasoning, when commandment is given to execute
his judgment. I will search no other reasons than the Holy Ghost hath
assigned; first, That all Israel should fear to commit the like
abomination; and, secondly, That the Lord might turn from the fury of
his anger: which plainly doth signify, that, by the defection and
idolatry of a few, God's wrath is kindled against the whole, which is
never quenched, till such punishment be taken upon the offenders, that
whatsoever served them in their idolatry be brought to destruction,' &c.
I have enlarged so far upon this period, that it may appear, there is
nothing now in controversy, between the suffering and reproached party
now in Scotland, and either their friends or enemies, which could fall
under our reformers inquiry; but they have declared themselves of the
same sentiments that are now so much opposed; and therefore none can
condemn the present heads of suffering, except also they condemn the
reformers judgment; and consequently the imputation of novelty must
fall.