concedatur libero homini _vel villano_ ex conventione tenendum pro
certis servitiis et consuetudinibus nominatis et expressis, quamvis
servitia et consuetudines sunt villanae. Et unde si liber ejectus fuerit
vel villanus _manumissus vel alienatus_ (_corr. alienus_ best MSS.)
recuperare non poterunt ut liberum tenementum, cum sit villenagium et
cadit assisa, vertitur tamen in juratam ad inquirendum de conventione
propter voluntatem dimittentis et consensum, quia si quaerentes in tali
casu recuperarint villenagium, non erit propter hoc domino injuriatum
propter ipsius voluntatem et consensum, et contra voluntatem suam jura
ei non subveniunt, quia si dominus potest _villanum manumittere et
feoffare_ multo fortius poterit _ei quandam conventionem facere_, et
quia si potest id quod plus est, potest multo fortius id quod minus
est.' We have here another difficulty with the text. The wording is so
closely allied to the passage on 24 b. just quoted, and the last
sentences seem to indicate so clearly that the case of a privileged
villain is here opposed to manumission and feoffment, that the 'villanus
manumissus vel alienus' looks quite out of place. Is it a later gloss?
Even if it is retained, however, the passage points to a very material
limitation of the lord's power. The holding in question can certainly
not be described as being held 'at will.' To me the words in question
look like a gloss or an addition, although very probably they were
inserted early, perhaps by Bracton himself, who found it difficult to
maintain consistently a villain's contractual rights against the lord.
Another solution of the difficulty is suggested to me by Sir Frederick
Pollock. He thinks '_villanus manumissus vel alienus_' correct, and lays
stress on the fact, that personal condition does not matter in this
case: that even though the tenant be free or _quoad_ that lord as good
as free, the assize lies not and there shall only be an action on the
covenant. If we accept this explanation which saves the words under
suspicion, we shall have to face another difficulty: the text would turn
from _villanus (suus)_ to _villanus alienus_ and back to _villanus
(suus)_ without any intimation that the subject under discussion had
been altered.
[94] The later practice is well known. Any agreement with a bondman led
to a forfeiture of the lord's rights. It may be seen at a glance that
such could not have been the original doctrine. Otherwise why should the
old books lay such stress on the mention of heirs?
[95] Besides the case from the Note-book which I discuss in the text,
Bracton, f. 199, is in point: 'Item esto quod villanus teneat per
liberum servitium sibi tantum, nulla facta mentione de heredibus, si cum
ejectus fuerit proferat assisam, et cum objecta fuerit exceptio
villenagii, replicet quod libere teneat et petat assisam, non valebit
replicatio, ex quo nulla mentio facta est de heredibus, _quia liberum
tenementum in hoc casu non mutat statum_, si fuerit sub potestate domini
constitutus. Ut in eodem itinere (in ultimo itinere Martini de
Pateshull) in comitatu Essex, assisa noue disseisine, si Radulphus de
Goggenhal.' The villain fails in his assize and there has been no
manumission, still it seems admitted that in this case the villain has
acquired _liberum tenementum_ by the lord's act. How can this be except
on the supposition that there is a covenant enforceable by the villain
against the lord?
[96] Bract. Note-book, pl. 1814: 'Nota quod filius villani recuperat per
assisam noue disseisine terram quam pater suus tenuit in villenagio quia
dominus villani illam dedit filio suo per cartam suam eciam sine
manumissione.'
[97] F.W. Maitland tells me, that Concanen's Report of _Rowe_ v.
_Brenton_ describes _bond conventioners_ in Cornwall.
[98] Bracton, f. 6: 'Et in hoc legem habent contra dominos, quod stare
possunt in judicio contra eos de vita et membris propter saevitiam
dominorum, vel propter intollerabilem injuriam, ut si eos destruant,
quod salvum non possit eis esse waynagium suum. [Hoc autem verum est de
illis servis, qui tenent de antiquo dominico coronae, sed de aliis secus
est, quia quandocunque placuerit domino, auferre poterit a villano suo
waynagium suum et omnia bona sua.] Expedit enim reipublicae ne quis re
sua male utatur.'
[99] See my article in the L.Q.R., i. 195.
[100] Bracton, f. 196-202.
[101] Coram Rege, 15 Edw. I, m. 18: '... licet habeant alia averia per
que distringi possent distringit eos per averia de carucis suis quod est
contra statutum domini Regis.' (Record Office.)
[102] Spence, Equitable Jurisdiction, i. 136.
[103] The Mirror of Justices, p. 110, follows Britton in this matter.
This curious book is altogether very interesting on the subject of
villeinage, but as its information is of a very peculiar stamp, I have
not attempted to use it currently on the same level with other
authorities. I prefer discussing it by itself in App. III.
[104] Bracton, f. 26 b, 200. Cf. Bract. Note-book, pl. 141: 'Dicit quod
tunc temporis scilicet in itinere iusticiariorum tenuit ipse quamdam
terram in uillenagium quam emerat, et tunc cognouit quod terra illa fuit
uillenagium, et precise defendit quod nunquam cognouit se esse
uillanum.'
[105] Britton, ii. 13; Y.B. 20/21 Edw. I, p. 41: 'Kar nent plus neit a
dire, jeo tenk les tenements en vileynage de le Deen etc. ke neit a dire
ke jeo tenk les tenements ... a la volunte le Deen etc.'
[106] Bracton, f. 168.
[107] Ibid., f. 199 b.
[108] Palgrave, Rotuli Curiae Regis, ii. 192.
[109] Placitorum Abbrev. 25, 29; Note-book, pl. 88. (The father is
called Ailfricus in the Plea Roll Divers terms 2 John, 2 d., at the
Record Office.)
[110] Bract. Note-book, pl. 88.
[111] Case 70: 'Consideratum est quod terra illa est uilenagium ipsius
Hugonis (corr. Johannis), et quod si Martinus uoluerit terram tenere
faciat consuetudines quas pater suus fecit, sin autem capiat terram suam
in manum suam.'
[112] Marginal remark in the Note-book to pl. 70: 'Nota quod liber homo
potest facere uillanas consuetudines racione tenementi uillani set
propter hoc non erit uillanus, quia potest relinquere tenementum.' Comp.
Mr. Maitland's note to the case.
[113] Bracton, f. 199 b: 'Unde videtur per hoc, quod licet liber homo
teneat villenagium per villanas consuetudines, contra voluntatem suam
ejici non debet, dum tamen facere voluerit consuetudines quae pertinent
ad villenagium, et quae praestantur ratione villenagii, et non ratione
personae.'
[114] Cf. Blackstone's characteristic of copyholds: 'But it is the very
condition of the tenure in question that the lands be holden only so
long as the stipulated service is performed, quamdiu velint et possint
facere debitum servitium et solvere debitas pensiones.' (Law Tracts, ii.
153.)
[115] Bract, f. 200.
[116] Bract. Note-book, pl. 1103: 'Et ideo consideratum est quod
Willelmus conuictus est de uilenagio et si facere uoluerit predictas
consuetudines teneat illam bouatam terre per easdem consuetudines, sin
autem faciat Bartholomeus de terra et de ipso Willelmo uoluntatem suam
ut de uillano suo et ei liberatur. Cf. Mr. Maitland's note.
[117] I should like to draw attention to one more case which completes
the picture from another side. Bract. Note-book, pl. 784: 'Symon de T.
petit versus Adam de H. et Thomam P. quod faciant ei consuetudines et
recta seruicia que ei facere debent de tenemento quod de eo tenent in
uillenagio in T. Et ipsi ueniunt et cognoscunt quod uillani sunt. Et
Symon concedit eis quod teneant tenementa sua faciendo inde seruicia
quae pertinent ad uillenagium, ita tamen quod non dent plus in auxilium
ad festum St. Mich. nec per annum quam duodecim denarios scilicet
quilibet ipsorum et hoc nomine tallagii.'--The writ of customs and
services was out of place between lord and villain. The usual course was
distraint. The case is clearly one of privileged villainage, but it is
well to note that although the services are in one respect certain, the
persons remain unfree.
[118] Bracton, f. 208 b.
[119] Ibid., f. 200.
[120] Bract. Note-book, pl. 63: 'Dicunt quod idem W. nullum habuit
liberum tenementum quia ipse uillanus fuit et fecit omnimoda uilenagia
quia non potuit filiam suam maritare nec bouem suum uendere. 1819: R. de
M. posuit se in magnam assisam Dom. Reg. in comitatu de consuetudinibus
et seruiciis que Th. B. petit uersus eum, unde idem Th. exigebat ab
eodem R. quod redderet ei de uillenagio per annum 19 den. et aruram
trium dierum et messuram trium dierum ... et gersumam pro filia sua
maritanda et unam gallinam ad Natale et tot oua ad Pascha et tallagium
et quod sit prepositus suus. Set quia illa sunt servilia et ad
uillenagium spectancia et non ad liberum tenementum, consideratum est
quod magna assisa non iacet inter eos, set fiat inquisicio per xii,'
etc. Cf. 794, 1005, 1225, 1661.
[121] Bract. Note-book, 281: 'Et Prior dicit quod in parte bene
recordantur set in parte parum dicunt quia iuratores dixerunt quod
debuit dare xii. den. pro filia sua maritanda, et debuit plures alias
consuetudines et petierunt respectum ut assensum habere possent a domino
Roberto de Lexintona utrum hoc esset liberum tenementum ex quo sciunt
quid debuit facere et quid non et nullum respectum habere potuerunt.'
[122] Example--Bract. Note-book, pl. 1887. Fitzherbert, Abr. Villen. 38
(13 Ed. I): 'Quia predictus J. nullam probacionem producit neque sectam
et cognoscit quod ille est in seisina ... de patre predicti W. quem
potuit produxisse ad probacionem, consideratum est quod predicti W. et
R. liberi maneant.'
[123] Bracton, f. 199. The jury came in only by consent of the parties.
[124] Britton, i. 207; Fitzherbert, Abr. Villen. 37.
[125] Court Rolls of Havering atte Bower, Essex, Augment. Off. Rolls,
xiv. 38. (Curia--die Jovis proxima ante festum St. Bartholomaei Apostoli
anno r. r. Ricardi II, 21mo.) 'Inquisicio ... dicit ... quod non est
aliquis homo natiuus de sanguine ingressus feodum domini, set dicunt
quod est quidam Johannes Shillyng qui Sepius dictus fuerat natiuus. Et
dicunt ultra quod quidam Johannes Shillyng pater predicti Johannis fuit
alienigena et quod predictus Johannes Shillyng quod ad eorum cognitionem
est liber et libere condicionis et non natiuus.'
[126] Fitzherbert, Abr. Villen. 32 (H. 19 Edw. II).
[127] Ibid. 5 (13 Edw. I).
[128] Fitzherbert, l. c.: 'E ce issu fuit trie par gents de paiis ou le
maner est e nemi ou il nasquist par touts les justices.'
[129] Rotuli Parliam. ii. 192. Hargrave's argument in the Negro
Somerset's case is very good on all these points. Howell, State Trials,
xx. 38, 39.
[130] Bracton, 201; Britton, i. 202 sq.
[131] Bracton, f. 6, and on many other occasions.
[132] Co. Lit. 137, b. Cf. King Henry I's writ in favour of the
Monastery of Abingdon. Bigelow, Placita Anglo-Normannica, 96: 'Facias
habere F. abbati omnes homines suos qui de terra sua exierunt propter
herberiam curie mee.' Henry II puts it the other way, p. 220: 'Nisi sunt
in dominio meo.'
[133] A most curious pleading based on the conceptions of Glanville
occurs in a Cor. Rege case of 10 Henry III, which was pointed out to me
by F. Maitland. See App. IV. Mr. York Powell suggests that the
limitation may have originated in the fact, that in early times a man
could no more give away a slave from his family estate without the
consent of the family than he could give away the estate itself or part
of it. There was no reason for such limitation in the case of a slave
that had been bought with one's private money. Hence the necessity of
selling a slave in order to emancipate him. The conjecture seems a very
probable one, but the question remains, how such ancient practice could
have left a trace in the feudal period. The explanation in the text may
possibly account for the tenacity of the notion.
[134] Note-book, pl. 31, 343.
[135] Bracton, f. 194, 195. Bracton's text has been rendered almost
unintelligible here by the careless punctuation of his editors, and Sir
Travers Twiss' translation is as wrong and misleading as usual. I will
just give the passage in accordance with the reading of Digby, 222
(Bodleian Libr.), which is the best of all the MSS. I have seen: 'Quia
esto quod seruus uelit manumitti et cum nichil habeat proprium eligat
fidem alicuius qui eum emat quasi pro denariis suis, per talem emptionem
non consequitur emptus aliquam libertatem nisi tantum quod mutat
dominum. In re empta in primis solui debet pretium, postea sequitur
traditio rei: soluitur hic pretium pro natiuo, set nulla subsequitur
traditio, sed semper manet in uillenagio quo prius. Si tenementum
adquirat tenendum libere et heres manumissoris uel alius successor eum
eiciat, si petat per assisam et heres opponat uillenagium, et villanus
replicet de manumissione et emptione, heres triplicare poterit, quod
imperfecta fuit emptio siue manumissio eo quod nunquam in uita
uenditoris subsecuta fuit traditio, et ita talis semper remanebit sub
potestate heredis.'
[136] Note-book, pl. 1749: 'Iudicatum est quod liber sit quantum ad
heredem manumittentis et non quantum ad alios, quod iudicium non est
uerum.'
[137] Bracton, 209; cf. 7 and 200. Britton, ii. 13.
[138] Bracton, 209: 'Villenagium privilegiatum ... tenetur de Rege a
Conquestu Angliae.' Cf. Blackstone, Law Tracts, ii. 128.
[139] Madox, History of the Exchequer, i. 704: 'Tallagium dominiorum et
escaetarum et custodiarum.'
[140] Bract. Note-book, 1237 (the prior of St. Swithin denies a manor to
be ancient demesne): '... per cc annos ante conquestum Anglie [terre]
date fuerunt priori et conventui et ab aliis quam regibus.'
[141] Y.B. Trin. 49 Edw. III, pl. 8 (Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstraver. 4):
'... touts les demesnes qui fuerent en la maine Seint E. sont aunciens
demesne, mesque ils fuerent aliens a estraunge mains quant le liver de
Domesday se fist, come il avient del manor de Totenham qui fut en autre
maine a temps de Domesday fait, come en le dit livers fait mencion, que
il fuit adonques al Counte de Cestre.'
[142] Very curious pleadings occurred in 1323. Y.B. 15 Edw. II, p. 455:
'_Ber(wick)_ Ils dient en l'Exchequer que serra (_corr._ terra) R. serra
ecrit sur le margin en cas ou cest ancien demene en Domesday, mes ceo
fust escript sur le dyme foille apres sur un title terra R., mesine
(_corr._ mes une _or_ mesqe?) R. fuit escript sur le margin de chescun
foille apres, e tout ceo la est anciene demene a ceo quil nient (_corr._
dient), mes ascunes gens entendent que les terres qui furent les demenes
le Roy St. Edward sont auncien demene, e autres dient fors les terres
que le Conquerour conquist, que furent en la seissin St. Edward le jour
quil mourust sont anciene demene.' Although a difference of opinion is
mentioned it is not material, for this reason, that the entry as _Terra
Regis_, at least T.R.E., is absolutely required to prove a manor ancient
demesne. I give the entry on the Plea Roll in App. V.
[143] I think only distress can be implied by the remark of Bereford J.
Y.B. 30/31 Edw. I, p. 19: 'Quant vous vendrez a loustel, fetes de vostre
archevileyn ceo qe vous vodrez.' The words are strange and possibly
corrupt.
[144] Blackstone, Law Tracts, ii. 153: 'They cannot alienate tenements
otherwise than by surrender into the lord's hand.' Bracton, 209.
[145] In a most curious description of the customs of villain sokemen of
Stoneleigh, Warwick, in the Register of Stoneleigh Abbey, I find the
following entries: 'Item sokemanni predicti filias suas non possunt
maritare sine licencia domini prout patet anno viij Regis E. filii Regis
E. per rotulum curie in quo continetur quod Matildis de Canle in plena
curia fecit finem cum domino pro ij sol. quia maritauit filiam suam
Thome de Horwelle sine licencia domini.... Item anno Regis H. lvj
continetur in rotulo curie quod Willelmus Michel fuit in misericordia
quia maritauit filiam suam sine licencia domini et similiter decenarii
fuerunt in misericordia quia hoc concelauerunt.' As to the Stoneleigh
Register, see App. VI. Another instance of merchet in an ancient demesne
manor is afforded by the Ledecumbe (Letcombe) Regis Court Rolls of 1272.
Chapter House, County Bags, Berks. No. 3, m. 12: 'Johannes le Jeune se
redemit ad maritandum et fecit finem xij sol.... Johannes Atwel redemit
filiam suam anno predicto' (Record Office).
[146] Henry II's charter to Stoneleigh Abbey: 'Quieta de schiris et
hundredis, et murdro et danegeldo, et placitis et querelis, et geldis et
auxiliis, et omni consuetudine et exactione' (Dugdale, Monasticon, v.
447).
[147] Close Roll, 12 Henry III., m. 11, d: 'Monstrauerunt domino Regi
homines de Esindene et de Beyford, quod occasione misericordiae c.
librarum, in quam totus Comitatus Hertfordie incidit coram iusticiariis
ultimo itinerantibus ... hidagium quoddam assedit vicecomes super eos ad
auxilium faciendum ceteris de comitatu ad misericordiam illam
acquietandam et inde eos distringit. Quia vero predicti homines nec alii
de dominicis domini Regis sectam faciunt ad comitatum et ea racione non
tenentur ad misericordiam ceterorum de comitatu illo acquietandam
auxilium facere aut inde participes esse, mandatum est vicecomiti
Hertfordie quod homines predictos in hidagio et demanda pacem habere
permittat' (Record Office). Placita de Quo Warranto, 777, 778: 'Non
quieti de communi amerciamento nisi tantum in Stonle.'
[148] Viner, Abr. v. Anc. Dem. C^2, 1; cf. E, 20. Madox, Hist. of
Exch., i. 418, note _l_: 'Quieti de auxilio vicecomitis et baillivorum
suorum.'
[149] Cor. Rege, Mich. 5 E. II, m. 77: '(Juratores dicunt quod homines
de Wycle) in itinere respondent per quatuor et prepositum sicut cetere
ville de corpore comitatus.' This against their claim to hold in ancient
demesne.
[150] Viner, Abr. Anc. Dem. B. 1, 4, 6.
[151] Madox, Exch., i. 412, 698.
[152] Stubbs, ii. 566, 567 (Libr. ed.); Madox, Exch., i. 751.
[153] Cor. R. M. 5 E. II, m. 77: 'Quando communitas comitatus talliatur
... predicti homines taxantur sicut ceteri villani ejusdem comitatus'
(against the ancient demesne claim).
[154] Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstauerunt, 6 (H. 32 E. III): '... quant le
roi taile les burghs a taunt come ils paia a taile pur tant il nous
distreint.' _Th._: 'Entend qe les feoffes le roy auront taile?' quasi
diceret non, 'car cest un regalte qui proprement attient al roy et a nul
auter.' _Clam._: 'Tout aura il tail il serra leue en due maner sil
auront breve hors del chauncerie al viconte, sc. quod habere facias
racionable taile.' The men of King's Ripton, Hunts., who were constantly
wrangling about their rights with the Abbot of Ramsey, the lord of the
manor, maintained that they had never been tallaged nisi tantummodo ad
opus Regis, and their claim was corroborated by an inspection of the
Exchequer Rolls (Madox, Exch., i. 757, n). Before granting a writ of
tallage to the Abbot of Stoneleigh in 1253, Henry III had an inquisition
made as to the precedents. It was found that 'Nunquam predictum manerium
de Stonle talliatum fuit postquam Johannes Rex predictum manerium dedit
predicti Abbati et Conventui' (Stoneleigh Reg., f. 25).
[155] The Law-books say so distinctly. Britton, ii. 13: 'Et pur ceo qe
teus sokemans sount nos gaynours de nos terres, ne voloms mie qe teles
gentz seint a nule part somouns de travailer en jurez ne en enquestes,
for qe en maners a queus il appendent.' Cf. Fleta, p. 4.
[156] Natura Brevium, f. 3 b (ed. Pynson).
[157] Y.B. H. 49 E. III, pl. 12 (Fitzherbert, Abr. Aunc. Dem. 42, quotes
pl. 7 instead of 12 by mistake): _Belk(nap)_, 'Verite est qe le terre
est demandable par le briefe de droit patent en le court le seigniour
apres la confirmacion (_sc._ par chartre) par ce qe le brief de droit
serra commence en le court le seignior, mes apres la confirmacion il ne
serra demande en auncien demesne par brief de droit close secundum
consuetudinem,' etc.
[158] Bracton actually calls the plea of ancient demesne an exception of
villainage, f. 200: 'Si autem in sokagio villano, sicut de dominico
domini Regis, licet servitia certa sunt, obstabit ei exceptio
villenagii, quia talis sokmannus liberum tenementum non habet quia tenet
nomine alieno.' Cf. Fitzherbert, Abr. Aunc. Dem. 32.
[159] Bract. Note-book, pl. 652: 'Non debent extra manerium illud
placitare quia non possunt [ponere] se in magnam assisam nec defendunt
se per duellum.' On the cases when an assize could be taken as to
tenements in ancient demesne, see the opinion printed in Horwood's
Introduction to Y.B. 21/22 Edw. I, p. xviii.
[160] Stoneleigh Reg., f. 76 sqq: 'Item in placito terre possunt partes
si voluerint ponere jus terre sue in duello campionum vel per magnam
assisam, prout patet in recordo rotuli de anno xlv Regis Henrici inter
Walterum H. et Johannem del Hul etc. et inter Galfridum Crulefeld et
Willelmum Elisaundre anno xx Regis Edwardi filii Regis Henrici,' etc.
[161] Bract. Note-book, 1973: 'Nota quod si manerium quod solet esse de
dominico domini Regis datum fuerit alicui et postea semel capta fuerit
assisa noue uel mortis de consuetudine, iterum capiantur assise propter
consuetudinem.'
[162] Britton, ii, 142.
[163] If the lord brings an action against the tenant, ancient demesne
is no plea, Viner, Abr., Anc. Dem. G. 4. This was not quite clear
however, because ancient demesne is a good plea whenever recovery in the
action would make the land frank fee.
[164] Y.B., M. 41 Edw. III, 22: '_Chold_: Si le seigniour disseisie son
tenaunt il est en eleccion del tenant de user accion en le court le
seigniour ou en le court le roy' (Fitzherbert, Abr. Aunc. Dem. 9). Liber
assis. 41 Edw. III, pl. 7, f. 253: '_Wichingham_: Si le tenant en
auncien demesne fuit disseisi par le seignior en auncien demesne il est
a volunte le tenant de porter lassise al comen ley ou en auncien demesne
mes e contra si le seignior soit disseisi par le tenant, il ne puit
aillours aver son recoverie que en le court le roy.'
[165] Stoneleigh Register: 'Item anno regni Regis Eduardi filii Regis
Henrici vij Ricardus Peyto tulit breue de recto versus abbatem de Stonle
et alios de tenementis in Fynham in curia de Stonle.' There are several
instances in the Court Rolls of King's Ripton, Hunts. See App. V.
[166] Bract. Note-book, 834: 'Preceptum est vicecomiti quod preciperet
ballivis manerii Dom. Regis de Haueringes quod recordari facerent in
Curia Dom. Regis de H. loquelam que fuit in eadem curia per breue Dom.
Regis inter,' etc.: 652 is to the same point. I must say, however, that
I do not agree with Mr. Maitland's explanation, vol. ii. p. 501, n. 4:
'John Fitz Geoffrey (the defendant pleading ancient demesne) cannot
answer without the King. Tenet nomine alieno. Bract. f. 200. The
privileges of tenants in ancient demesne are the King's privileges.'
John Fitz Geoffrey is the King's _firmarius_, and the other defendants
vouch him to warranty. After having pleaded to the jurisdiction of the
Court he puts in a second plea, 'salvo predicto responso,' namely, that
the tenement claimed is encumbered by other and greater services than
paying 15_s._ to hold freely. This is clearly the farmer's point of view,
and as such, he cannot answer without the king. I lay stress on the
point because a person pleading ancient demesne, although not holding
_nomine proprio_ in strict law, is compelled to answer without the King
in the manorial court and by the manorial writ.
[167] I need not say that the 'little writ' did not lie against the King
himself. No writs did. Cp. Fleta, p. 4.
[168] Y.B., 11/12 Edw. III, 325 (Rolls Ser.).
[169] I shall have to speak of the constitution and usages of the court
in another chapter.
[170] Actions on statutes could not be pleaded in ancient demesne
because, it was explained, the tenantry not being represented in
parliament, were no parties in framing the statute; Viner, Abr. Anc.
Dem. E. 19. Another explanation is given in Y.B., H. 8 Edw. II, p. 265.
[171] As a matter of course, any question as to whether a manor was
ancient demesne, and whether a particular tenement was within the
jurisdiction of it, could be decided only in the high courts.
[172] Viner, Abr., I. 21.
[173] Y.B., H. 3 Edw. III, 29: '_Caunt_: Si le jugement soit une foitz
revers, la court auncien demesne ad perdu conusance de ce ple a touts
jours.'
[174] Stoneleigh Reg.: 'Item si contingat quod error sit in iudiciis
eorum et pars ex eorum errore gravetur contra consuetudines, pars
gravata habebit breve Regis, ad faciendum venire recordum et processum
inter partes factos coram justiciariis domini Regis de Banco; qui
justiciarii inspecto recordo et processu quod erratum est in processu
iusto iudicio emendabunt et ipsos sokemannos propter errorem et falsum
iudicium secundum quantitatem delicti ad multam condempnabunt.'
[175] Bract. Note-book, 834: 'Et illi de curia qui veniunt quesiti, si
unquam tale factum fuit judicium in prefata curia, et quod ostendant
exemplum, et nichil inde ostendere possunt, nec exemplum nec aliud.'
[176] Y.B., 11/12 Edw. III, p. 325 (Rolls Ser.): '_Stonore_: Dit qe
toutz les excepcions poent estre salve par usage del manoir forspris un,
cest a dire qe la ou il egarde seisine de terre par defalte apres
defalte la ou le tenant avait attourne en court qe respoundi pur lui.'
Cf. Y.B., H. 3 Edw. III, 29, and T. 3 Edw. III, 29.
[177] Bract. Note-book, pl. 834 and 1122 concern the royal manors of
Havering and Kingston.
[178] I say against all men, because in the case of a stranger's
interfering with the privileged villain's rights, it was for him to
prove any exemption, e.g. conveyance by charter, which would take the
matter out of the range of the manorial court.
[179] Britton, ii. 13: 'Et pur ceo qe nous voloms qe ils eyent tele
quiete, est ordeyne le bref de droit clos pledable par baillif del maner
de tort fet del un sokeman al autre, qe il tiegne les plaintifs a droit
selom les usages del maner par simples enquestes.'
[180] Natura brevium, f. 4 b (ed. Pynson).
[181] Stoneleigh Reg.: 'Si dominus a sokemanis tenentibus suis exigat
alias consuetudines quam facere consueuerunt quum manerium fuit in
manibus progenitorum Regis eos super hoc fatigando et distringendo,
prefati tenentes habent recuperare versus dominum et balliuos suos per
breve Regis quod vocatur Monstraverunt nobis homines de soka de Stonle,'
etc.
[182] Viner, Abr. Anc. Dem. C^2, 3.
[183] Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstraverunt, 5 (P. 19, Edw. III): '_Seton_:
Cest un cas a par luy en cest breue de Monstrauerunt qe un purra sue pur
luy e tous les autres del ville tout ne soient pas nosmes en le breve e
par la suite de un tous les autres auront auantage et cesty qe vient
purra estre resceu e respondra par attourne pur touts les auters coment
qe unque ne resceu lour attournement; issint qe cest suit ne breue nest
semblable a auter.'
[184] As it was the peasants had the greatest difficulty in conducting
these cases. In 1294 some Norfolk men tried to get justice against Roger
Bigod, the celebrated defender of English liberties. They say that they
have been pleading against him for twenty years, and give very definite
references. The jury summoned declares in their favour. The earl opposes
them by the astonishing answer that they are not his tenants at all. It
all ends by the collapse of the plaintiffs for no apparent reason; they
do not come into court ultimately, and the jurors plead guilty of having
given a false verdict; see App. VII. In the case of the men of Wycle
against Mauger le Vavasseur, to which I have referred several times, the
trial dragged on for five years; the court adjourned the case over and
over again; the defendant did not pay the slightest attention to
prohibitions, but went on ill-treating the tenantry. At last he carried
off a verdict in his favour; but the management of the trial certainly
casts much suspicion on it. Cf. Placitorum Abbreviatio, 303.
[185] Madox, History of the Exch., i. 723, c, d; 724, e; 725, f.
[186] Bract. Note-book, pl. 1237: 'Homines prioris S^{ti} Swithini ...
questi fuerunt Dom. Regi.'
[187] Madox, Exch., i. 725, u; the 'Monstraverunt' of the men of King's
Ripton quoted above on the question of tallage. This matter of tallage
could certainly be treated as an alteration of services, and sent for
trial to the Common Bench.
[188] Exch. Memoranda, Q.R. 48/49 Henry III, m. 11. The position of the
castle of Bamborough was certainly a peculiar one at the time. Cf. Close
Roll, 49 Henry III, m. 7, d.
[189] Exch. Memoranda, Q.R. Trin. 20 Edw. I, m. 21, d. I give the
documents in full in App. VIII. The petitioners are not villains, but
they are tenants of base tenure. They evidently belong to the class of
villain socmen outside the ancient demesne, of which more hereafter.
[190] Placitorum Abbrev. 25: 'Consideratum est quod constabularius de
Windesore de quo homines de Bray questi fuerunt quod ipse vexabat eos de
serviciis et consuetudinibus indebitis et tallagia insueta ab eis
exigebat accipiat ab eis tallagia consueta et ipsi homines alia servicia
et consuetudines quas facere solent faciant.' (Pasch. et Trin., 1 John.)
[191] Madox, Exch. i. 411, u: 'Homines de Branton reddunt compotum de x
libris, ut Robertus de Sachoill eis non distringat ad faciendum ei alias
consuetudines quam Regi facere consueverunt dum fuerunt in manu sua.'
(Pipe Roll 13 Jo., 7, 10 b, Devenesc).
[192] Dugdale, Monasticon. v. 443; Stonleigh Reg. f. 14 b. Cf. Court
Rolls of Ledecumbe Regis (Chapter House, County Bags, Berks, A. 3):
'Anno domini MCCLXVIII, solverunt homines de Ledecumbe Regis C. sol. ad
scaccarium domini Regis, pro redditu domini Regis et predicti homines
habent residuum in custodia sua excepta porcione prioris Montis Acuti de
tempore suo et porcione prioris de Bermundseye de tempore suo.' The
manor had been let in fee farm to the monks of Cluny, who demised it to
the Prior of Montacute, who in his turn let it to the Prior of
Bermondsey.
[193] Stoneleigh Reg. f. 15 a: 'Totam sokam de Stonleya et omnes
redditus et consuetudines et rectitudines quas Henricus rex pater noster
ibi habuit salua regali justicia nostra. Uigore quarum chartarum
prefatus Abbas et conventus habent et possident totam sokam de Stonle
que quondam pertinuit ad le Bury (_sic_) in dicta soka existens
edificatum, ubi quidam comes quondam de licencia Regis moram traxit. Qui
locus nunc edificiis carens vocatur le Burystede iuxta Crulefeld prout
fossatis includitur, et est locus nemorosus.'
[194] Stoneleigh Reg. f. 13 a: 'Isti duo tenent (burgagia in Warrwick)
per seruicium sustinendi unum plumbum in manerio de Stonle competens
monasterio Regis.'
[195] Placita de Quo Warranto, 778: 'Item clamat quod Ballivus dom.
Regis in manerio de Stonleye nullam faciet districtionem seu
attachiamenta sine presencia Ballivi Abbatis.'
[196] See App. VI.
[197] Stoneleigh Reg. 13 a: 'W.W. tenet unum burgagium per seruicium
inveniendi domino regi seniori domino de Stonle quartam partem unius
tripodis.'
[198] King's Ripton Court Rolls, Augment. Off. Rolls, xxiii. 94, m. 10:
'Dicta Matildis optulit se versus Margaretam Greylaund de placito dotis,
que non venit. Ideo preceptum est capere in manum domini Regis
medietatem mesuagii etc.--pro defectu ipsius Margarete. Eadem Matildis
optulit se uersus Willelmum vicarium--qui non uenit. Ideo preceptum est
capere in manum domini Regis medietatem quinque acrarum terre etc.
(Curia de Riptone Regis die Lune in festo sanctorum Protessi et
Marciniani anno [r. r. E. xxiv. et J. abb. x]); m. 10, d.--Qui venit et
quantum ad aliam acram dicit, quod non est tenens set quod Abbas
seysiuit illam in manum suam. (Curia--in festo Assumpcionis--anno supra
dicto).' In the first case the seizure corresponds to the 'cape in
manum' of a freehold. As there could be no such thing in the case of
villainage, and the procedural seizure was resumption by the lord, the
point is worth notice and may be explained by the King's private right
still lingering about the manor. The last case is one of escheat or
forfeiture.
[199] Stoneleigh Reg. 75 v: 'Item si aliquis deforciatur de tenemento
suo et tulerit breve Regis clausum balliuis manerii versus deforciantes,
dictum breve non debet frangi nisi in curia.'
[200] Natura brevium, 13: 'Balliuis suis.'
[201] Britton, i. 221: 'Rois aussi ne porrount rien aliener les dreits
de lour coroune ne de lour reaute, qe ne soit repellable par lour
successours.'
[202] Stoneleigh Reg. 30: 'Nos attendentes, quod huiusmodi alienaciones
et consuetudinum mutaciones eciam in nostri et heredum nostrorum
preiudicium et exheredacionem cedere possent, si manerium illud in manus
nostras aliquo casu deuenerit sustinere nolumus sicut nec debemus
manerium illud aut ea que ad illud pertinent aliter immutari quam esse
solebant temporibus predictis.'
[203] The writs are directed sometimes to the bailiffs of the Archbishop
of Canterbury and of the Duke of Albemarle, who had the manor in custody
for King Richard II, but in the twenty-third year they are inscribed to
the King's bailiffs. (Augmentation Court Rolls, xiv. 38). As to the
trial mentioned in the text see App. IX.
[204] Stoneleigh Reg. 11 a: 'Precipio tibi quod sine dilacione deliberes
Abbati de Stonleia omnes terras et tenuras quas ego dedi et carta mea
confirmaui. Et de terra quam rustici uersus calumpniantur et quam ego ei
dedi et concessi, inquire si rectum in ea habuerunt et si rectum in ea
habent, dona eis rusticis alibi in terra mea excambium ad valenciam.'
[205] Bracton, f. 209: 'Ad quemcumque manerium peruenerit.'
[206] Madox, Firma Burgi, 54; Pipe Rolls, passim. Cf. Rot. Cur. Regis
Ric., p. 15: 'Homines de Kingestone--c. sol. ... pro respectu tenendi
villam suam ad eandem firmam quam reddere solebant tempore Henrici
Regis.'
[207] Madox, Exch. 1437, z: 'Homines de Lechton x marcas pro habenda
inquisicione per proxima halimota et per legales milites et alios
homines de visneto, quas consuetudines ipsi fecerunt tempore Henrici
Regis Patris.' (Pipe Roll. 4 John.) Cf. 442, a: 'Homines de Stanleya
reddunt compotum de uno palefrido, ut inquiratur per sacramentum
legalium hominum, quas consuetudines et quae servitia homines de manerio
de Stanleia facere consueverunt Regi Henrico patri Ricardi Regis dum
essent in manu sua.' (Pipe Roll, 9 John.)
[208] Y.B., Trin., 49 E. III, pl. 8 (Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstrav. 4):
'_Han._ mist auant record de Domesday qui parla _ut supra_:--_Terra
sancti Stephani_ en le title qui parla de ceo maner que il fuit en sa
maine. Et auxi il mist auant chartre le Roy que ore est, par quel le roy
reherse quil ave viewe la chartre le roy Henri le primer, et reherce
tout le chartre, et ceo chartre voilet que Henri aue viewe par ceo
parolle _inspeximus_ la chartre le roy William Conquerour qui aue done
graunte e confirme mesme le manor a un Henri Butle, a luy, et a ces
heirs a ceo iour, quel chartre issint volent _inspeximus cartam domini
Edwardi Regis Anglie_ issint par le recorde et par les chartres est
expressement reherce par le roy qui ore est, que William Conquerour fuit
en possession de ceo maner, Seinct Edward auxint, en quel cas ceo serra
aiudge auncient demesne tantamont come si la terre ust estre en la main
Seint Edward par expresse parolx en le Domesday. _Belknap_: Le comen
fesance de chartres est de faire parolle en le chartre _dedimus
concessimus et confirmauimus_ et uncore le chartre est bon assets al
part, mesque le roy nauer riens a ceo temps, issint que riens passe par
ceo paroll _dedimus_ mes il auer par parole de confermement, issint que
il nest my proue par ce chartre que ils auoient la possession, pur ceo
que les chartres poient estre effectuels a auter entent, scilicet, en
nature de confermement, et auxi ces chartres fait par Seint E. et W.
Conquerour ne sont my monstres a ore pur record, issint que mesque il
furent monstre, et auxi purroit estre proue que le maner fuit en lour
possession, nous ne puissomus pas aiudger la terre auncien demesne, pur
ceo que auncien demesne sera aiudge par le liuer de domesday qui est de
record, et nemy en autre maner. Et puis les plaintifs fuerent nonsues.'
[209] Fitzherbert, Abr. Cause de remover ple, 18 (Y.B., M., 21 Edw.
III): '_Wilby_: Il conuient que il count en le _monstrauerunt_ que il
luy distreint pur auters customes que ses auncestres ne fecerunt en
temps W. Conquerour, cas le _monstrauerunt_ ne gist pas forsque en cas
ou plusiours services sont demandez que ces auncestres ne solent faire
en cel temps.'
[210] Coram Rege, Tr. 3 Edw. I, m. 14, d: 'Et unde predicti homines (de
Kyngesripton) queruntur quod temporibus Cnout regis quo manerium illud
fuit in manu dicti antecessoris sui tenuerunt tenementa sua per seruicia
subscripta, videlicet reddendi pro qualibet virgata terre 5 solidos,
etc. Et omnes antecessores sui tenuissent tenementa sua per predicta
seruicia usque ad conquestum Anglie, et a conquestu usque ad tempus
regis Henrici aui regis Johannis aui domini regis nunc, usque ad tempus
cuiusdam Abbatis de Rameseye Roberti Dogge nomine qui tempore Henrici
Regis distrinxit antecessores suos ad dandum relevium pro voluntate sua,
etc. Et Abbas dicit quod non debet eis ad hoc breue respondere, quia
desicut in narracione sua non faciunt mencionem quod ipsi extitissent in
tali statu in quo fuerunt tempore regis Knout, quem statum ipsi clamant
habere, tempore aliorum regum de quo memoria haberi possit nec de quo
breue de recto currit nec aliqua verificacio per patriam fieri
possit.... Et Reginaldus et alii bene cognoscunt quod ipse Abbas et
predecessores sui exstiterunt in seysina percipiendi ab ipsis et
antecessoribus suis predicta seruicia indebita a tempore predicti
Henrici regis. Set desicut istud breue quod conceditur in fauorem
dominicorum domini Regis non habet prescriptionem temporis, petunt
judicium si [racione?] alicujus longiqui termini debeant ab actione
excludi sua.'
[211] Y.B., M., 15 Edw. II, p. 455: '_Bereford_: Coment puit cest brief
vous servir la ou il (the defendant) dist qe luy et ces predecessors ont
este de vous et de vos auncestres (seisi) de tout temps come, etc., et
vos ont taille, etc. Devoms nous enguerre (enquerre _corr._) si vos
feistes touz services en temps le Roy S^t. Edward, ou non de temps que
vos avez pris title? _Devon_: Sir navyl (nanyl _corr._), mais nous
disons qe touz les tenants qui tindrent en temps S^t. Edward tinderent,
etc. (par certains services) ... tanqe a ore xv ans devant le brief
purchace etc. e ceo puit home enquere.'
[212] Y.B., 21/22 Edw. I, 499 et sqq.
[213] Coram Rege, Pasch. 1 Edw. II, m. 26: 'Postquam idem manerium ad
manus antecessorum predicti Maugeri deuenit usque ad tempus memorie,
videlicet temporibus regum Ricardi, Johannis et statum illum toto
tempore predicto pacifice continuaverunt et habuerunt.' Coram Rege, M. 5
Edw. II, m. 77: 'Unde queruntur quod cum ipsi homines et eorum
antecessores tempore Regum Anglie progenitorum domini Regis nunc,
videlicet tempore Regis Willelmi Conquestoris et Willelmi Regis filii
sui et eciam tempore Regis Henrici primi solebant tenere terras suas per
quaedam certa seruicia videlicet,' etc.
[214] I will here cite Bract. Note-book, pl. 1237, as an instance,
although there is hardly any call for quotation on this point.
[215] Law of Copyhold, 8. Cf. the same author's Tenures in Kent, 182.
[216] Blackstone, Law Tracts, ii., especially pp. 128, 129.
[217] Bracton: 'liberi de condicione ... tenentes villenagium.' Britton:
'hommes de franc saunc.'
[218] Stoneleigh Reg., 75: 'Item si quis de voluntate et assensu domini
facto fine cum domino voluerit dare tenementum suum ad opus alicuius,
ueniet in curia cum virga et sursum reddet huiusmodi tenementum ad manum
domini sine carta ad opus ementis vel cui datur et ballivus domini
habitis prius herietis et aliis de iure domino debitis dictum tenementum
emptori seu cui dabitur et heredibus suis secundum consuetudinem manerii
habendum et tenendum liberabit in (cum _corr._?) virga. Et dictus
recipiens tunc faciet finem cum domino prout possunt conuenire.... Item
extraneus non debet vocari ad warantum in placito terre in curia de
Stonle quia sokemanni non possunt feoffare alios per cartas cum ipsi
nullas habeant de rege. Set si quos feoffauerint de licencia domini sine
carta, ipsos feoffant secundum consuetudinem manerii prout continetur in
rotulo curie de anno xx Regis Edwardi filii Regis Edwardi in placito
terre inter,' etc.
[219] Placitorum Abbrev. 233, Berks. Cf. Britton, i. 287, note c.
[220] Bracton, f. 7.
[221] Jurate et Assise, 45 Henry III, Placitorum Abbr., p. 150: 'Et
Galfridus de Praule bene cognoscit quod predictum manerium est antiquum
dominicum Dom. Regis set dicit quod predictum tenementum est liberum
tenementum ita quod assisa debet inde fieri.... Dicit enim quod ipse
feofatus est de predicto tenemento de quodam Willelmo Harold per cartam
suam quam profert.... Et juratores quesiti si antecessores ejusdem
Willelmi feofati fuerunt per cartam vel si aliquis de tenura illa unquam
placitaverunt per diversa brevia vel non, dicunt quod non recolunt.'
[222] Stoneleigh Reg., 12: 'Fuerunt eciam tunc quatuor natiui siue serui
in le lone quorum quilibet nouum mesuagium et unum quartronum terre cum
pertinenciis per seruicia subscripta videlicet leuando furcas, etc. ...
et debebant ... redimere sanguinem suum et dare auxilium domino ad
festum S^{ti}. Michaelis scilicet ayde et facere braseum Domini et alia
seruicia seruilia.' As to some details, see Dugdale, Antiquities of
Warwickshire, i. 176.
[223] Coram Rege, Pasch. 1 Edw. II, m. 26: '(Maugerus) defendit vim et
injuriam quando, etc. Et dicit quod qualitercunque iidem homines
asserant se et antecessores suos tenentes, etc. certa seruicia dominis
de Wycle antecessoribus ipsius Maugeri et sibi fecisse et facere debere,
quod omnes antecessores sui domini de eodem manerio extiterunt seisiti
de predictis hominibus et eorum antecessoribus tenentibus tenementa quae
ipsi modo tenent ibidem ut de uillanis suis taillabilibus alto et basso
ad voluntatem ipsorum dominorum et redempcionem sanguinis et alia
villana seruicia et incerta et villanas consuetudines faciendo a tempore
quo non extat memoria.... Et predicti homines dicunt quod ipsi sunt
tenentes de antiquo dominico, etc., prout curie satis liquet et quod
omnes tenentes in dominico Regis per certa seruicia et certas
consuetudines tenent et tenere debent, quidam per maiora et quidam per
minora secundum consuetudinem, set semper per certa,' etc. Coram Rege,
Mich. 5 Edw. II, m. 77, v: 'Nec dedici potest quia tenentes de antiquo
dominico certa seruicia et certas consuetudines tenentur facere et non
ad voluntatem dominorum.'
[224] Y.B., M., 15 Edw. II, p. 455: '_Bouser_: Auxint bien sont tenans
en auncien demesne ascuns vileins et ascuns autres come ailleurs et les
sokemans plederent par le petit brief de droit et les vileyns nient.
_Herle_: Il semble que assets est il traverse de votre brief, car vous
dites que vous tenez par certeyn service ... et il dit que vous estes
son vilein et que il et ses predecessors ont este seisiz de tailler vous
et vos auncestres haut et bas, etc. Et stetit verificare.' Cf. Bract.
Note-book, pl. 1230.
[225] Bracton, 209: 'Item est manerium domini regis et dominicum in
manerio, et sic plura genera hominum in manerio, vel quia ab initio vel
quia mutato villenagio.' The meaning of this badly worded passage is
made clearer by a comparison with f. 7: 'In dominico domini regis plura
sunt genera hominum; sunt enim ibi servi sive nativi ante conquestum, in
conquestu, et post, et tenent villenagia et per villana servitia et
incerta qui usque in hodiernum diem villanas faciunt consuetudines et
incertas et quicquid eis preceptum fuerit (dum tamen licitum et
honestum).... Est etiam aliud genus hominum in maneriis domini regis, et
tenent de dominico et per easdem consuetudines et servitia villana, per
quae supradicti (villani socmanni) et non in villenagio, nec sunt servi
nec fuerunt in conquestu, ut primi, sed per quandam conventionem quam
cum dominis fecerunt.' Cf. Elton, Tenures of Kent, 180.
[226] Fitzherbert, Abr. Monstrav. 3 (Pasch. 41 Edw. III). '_Kirt_: Les
tenements queux ils teignent fuerent en auncien temps entre les maines
les villeins queux deuirrent sans heire perque les tenements fuerent
seisies en maine le seigneur et puis le senescal le seigneur lessa mesme
ceux terres par rolle a mesme ceux ore tenants a tener a volunte del
seigneur fesaunt certain services; issint ne sont ils forsque tenants a
volunte le seigneur.'
[227] Natura Brevium, f. 105. Cf. 16.
[228] Y.B., 21/22 Edw. I, p. 499: 'Treis maners de gents.'
[229] Bracton, f. 209: Fitzherbert, Monstrav. 3 (Pasch. 41 Edw. III):
'_Belknap_: Mesmes les tenementz en auncien temps fuerent en mains le
petit sokmans, et eux fierent teux services comme gents de petits
sokemans fierent en auncien temps et eux les teignent comme gents de
petit sokmans.'
[230] Stoneleigh Reg., 32: 'Et quod in eodem manerio sunt diuerse tenure
secundum consuetudinem manerii illius totis temporibus retroactis
usitatam, videlicet quidam tenentes eiusdem manerii tenent terras et
tenementa sua in sokemanria de feodo et hereditate de qua quidem tenura
talis habetur et omni tempore habebatur consuetudo, videlicet quod
quando aliquis tenens eiusdem tenure terram suam alicui alienare
uoluerit, veniet in curiam coram ipso Abbate vel eius senescallo et per
uirgam sursum reddat in manum domini terram sic alienandam.... Et si
aliquis terram aliquam huiusmodi tenure infra manerium predictum per
cartam uel sine carta absque licentia dicti Abbatis alienauerit aliter
quam per sursum reddicionem in curia in forma predicta, quod terra sic
extra curiam alienata domino dicti manerii erit forisfacta in perpetuum.
Dicunt eciam quod quidam sunt tenentes eiusdem manerii ad voluntatem
eiusdem Abbatis. Et si quis eorundem tenencium terram sic ad voluntatem
tentam alienauerit in feodo, quod liceat dicto Abbati terram illam
intrare et illam tanquam sibi forisfactam sibi in perpetuum retinere.'
[231] A comparison of the data in the Stoneleigh Register and in the
Roll is given in App. VI. Cf. Bract. Note-book, pl. 834: 'Legales
homines de manerio de Havering.'
[232] Coram Rege, Mich. 5 Edw. I, m. 77: '(Juratores) quesiti si
predicti Margeria et alii et omnes antecessores a tempore quo non extat
memoria terras suas successiue de heredibus in heredes tenuerint uel
ipsi aut aliquis antecessorum suorum sunt vel fuerint aduenticii, dicunt
quod ignorant.'
[233] Court Rolls of King's Ripton, Augment. Off. xxiii. 94, m. 7:
'Memorandum quod concessum est Rogero de Kenlowe habendum introitum ad
Caterinam filiam Thome prepositi cum uno quarterio terre in villa de
Ryptone Regis pro duabus solidis in gersuma, ita tamen quod mortua dicta
Katerina ille qui propinquior est heres de sanguine predicte Katerine
gersumabit dictum quarterium terre secundum consuetudinem manerii et
ville.' A. r. r. Edw. xxiii, m. 8, v: 'Nicholaus de Aula reddit sursum
unam dimidiam acram terre ad opus Willelmi ad portam de Broucton.... Et
preceptum preposito respondere de exitibus eiusdem terre quia est
extraneus.... Johannes Arnold reddit sursum duas rodas terre ad opus
Hugonis Palmeri.... Et preceptum est quod ponatur in seysinam, quia est
de sanguine de Riptone Regis.'
[234] Court Rolls of King's Ripton, Augment. Off. xxiii. 94, m. 15:
'Curia de Kingsripton tenta die Jovis proxima post translacionem S^{ti}.
Benedicti anno r. r. E. xxix^n et dom. Joh. [abb. xv. Venit] Willelmus
fil. Thome Unfroy de Kingesripton et reddidit sursum in manibus
senescalli totum jus quod [habuit] in illis tribus acris terre in campis
de Kingesriptone quondam Willelmi capellani de eadem [villa ad opus
filiorum] Rogeri de Kellawe _extranei_ legitime procreatorum de Katerina
filia Thome prepositi que est de con[dicione sokemannorum?] _bondorum_
de Kingesripton.... Rogerus de Kellawe extraneus qui se maritauit cuidam
Katerine filie Thome prepositi de Kingesripton que est de nacione et
condicione eiusdem ville venit et petiit in curia nomine filiorum suorum
ex legitimo matrimonio exeuntium de corpore prefate Katerine illas vi
acras terre.... (Juratores dicunt) quod nichil inde sciunt nec aliquid
super isto articulo presentare volunt ad presens. Et sic infecto negocio
maximo contemptu domini et balliuorum suorum extra curiam recesserunt.
Et ideo preceptum est balliuis quod die in ... faciant de eisdem juratis
xl solidos ad opus domini.'
[235] Stoneleigh Reg., 30 (Edward II injunction): 'Et quidam forinseci
qui sokemanni non sunt auctoritate sua propria et per negligenciam dicti
Abbatis et conuentus, ut dicitur, a quibusdam sokemannorum illorum
quasdam terras et tenementa alienaverunt. Nos igitur super premissis
plenius certiorari uolentes assignavimus vos una cum his, quos vobis
associaveritis, ad inquirendum qui sokemanni huiusmodi terras et
tenementa ibidem alienauerunt huiusmodi forinsecis aut extrinsecis et
quibus,' etc. Cf. the Statute of 1 Richard II, Stat. 1. cap. 6. It was
altogether a dangerous transaction for the socmen, because they were
risking their privileges thereby. It must have been lucrative.
[236] Placitorum Abbrev., p. 270 (Coram Rege, Mich. 7/8 Edw. I): 'Et
eciam comperto in libro de Domesday quod non fit aliqua mencio de
sokemannis set tantummodo de villanis et servis et eciam comperto per
inquisicionem quod multi eorum sunt adventicii quibus tenementa sua
tradita fuerunt ad voluntatem dominorum suorum ... consideraverunt quod
predictus Galfridus eat inde sine die et quod predicti homines teneant
tenementa predicta in predicto manerio per servilia servicia si
voluerint, salvo statu corporum suorum, et quod de cetero non possunt
clamare aliquod certum statum et sint in misericordia pro falso clameo.'
[237] Bract. Note-book, pl. 1237.
[238] Bracton, f. 7.
[239] Dialogus de Scaccario, i. 10: 'Post regni conquisitionem, post
justam rebellium subversionem, cum rex ipse regisque proceres loca nova
perlustrarent, facta est inquisitio diligens, qui fuerint qui contra
regem in bello dimicantes per fugam se salvaverint. His omnibus et item
haeredibus eorum qui in bello occubuerunt, spes omnis terrarum et
fundorum atque redituum, quos ante possederant, praeclusa est; magnum
namque reputabant frui vitae beneficio sub inimicis. Verum qui vocati ad
bellum nec dum convenerant, vel familiaribus vel quibuslibet necessariis
occupati negotiis non interfuerant, cum tractu temporis devotis
obsequiis gratiam dominorum possedissent, sine spe successionis, sibi
tantum pro voluptate (voluntate?) tamen dominorum possidere coeperunt.
Succedente vero tempore cum dominis suis odiosi passim a possessionibus
pellerentur, nec esset qui ablata restitueret, communis indigenarum ad
regem pervenit querimonia, quasi sic omnibus exosi et rebus spoliati ad
alienigenas transire cogerentur. Communicato tandem super his consilio,
decretum est, ut quod a dominis suis exigentibus meritis interveniente
pactione legitima poterant obtinere, illis inviolabili jure
concederentur; ceterum autem nomine successionis a temporibus subactae
gentis nihil sibi vendicarent.'
[240] Stoneleigh Reg., 4 a: 'Que quidem maneria existencia in
possessione et manu domini regis Edwardi per universum regnum vocantur
antiquum dominicum corone regis Anglie prout in libro de Domesday
continetur.'
[241] 'Loquebantur de tempore S^{ti} Edwardi Regis coram W. de Wilton.'
[242] The men of King's Ripton.
[243] I do not think there is any ground for the suggestion thrown out
by M. Kovalevsky in the Law Quarterly, iv. p. 271, namely, that the law
of ancient demesne was imported from Normandy. Whatever the position of
the villains was in the Duchy, Norman influence in England made for
subjection, because it was the influence of conquest. It must be
remembered that in a sense the feudal law of England was the hardest of
all in Western Europe, and this on account of the invasion.
[244] Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 454: 'In those estates, which, when they
had been held by the crown since the reign of Edward the Confessor, bore
the title of manors in ancient demesne, very much of the ancient popular
process had been preserved without any change, and to the present day
some customs are maintained in them which recall the most primitive
institutions.' I shall have to speak about the mode of holding the
courts in another chapter.
[245] Brunner, Entstehung der Schwurgerichte, has made an epoch in the
discussion of this phenomenon.
[246] I shall treat at length of the Norman Conquest in my third essay.
[247] Leg. Will. Conq. i. 29 (Schmid, p. 340).
[248] Thorold Rogers has made great use of this last class of manorial
documents in his well-known books.
[249] Bracton, 271 b.
[250] Bracton, 124.
[251] Cartulary of Malmesbury (Rolls Series), ii. 186: 'Videlicet quod
prefatus Ricardus concessit praedictis abbati et conventui et eorum
tenentibus, tam rusticis, quam liberis--quod ipsi terras suas libere pro
voluntate sua excolant.'
[252] As to the Warwickshire Hundred Roll in the Record Office, see my
letter in the Athenaeum, 1883, December 22.
[253] Rot. Hundred. ii. 471, a: '_Libere tenentes_ prioris de
Swaveseia.... Henricus Palmer--1 mesuagium et 3 rodas terre reddens 12
d. et 2 precarias. _Servi_ Adam scot tenet 10 acras reddens 4 s. et 6
precarias.... _Cotarii_....'
[254] Rot. Hundred. ii. 715, a: 'In _servitute_ tenentes. Assunt et
ibidem 10 tenentes qui tenent 10 virgatas terre in _villenagio_ et
operantur ad voluntatem domini et reddunt per annum 25 s.'
[255] Rot. Hundred. ii. 690, 691: 'Villani--servi--custumarii. Et tenent
ut villani, ut servi, ut libere tenentes.' Rot. Hundred. ii. 544, b: 'De
custumariis Johannes Samar tenet 1 mesuagium et 1 croft ... per
servicium 3 sol. 2 d. et secabit 2 acras et dim., falcabit per 1 diem.
De servis. Nicholaus Dilkes tenet 15 acras--et faciet per annum 144
opera et metet 2 acras. De aliis servis ... De cotariis ... De aliis
cotariis.'
[256] Rot. Hundred. ii. 528, a: 'Henr. de Walpol habet latinos (_corr.
nativos_), qui tenent 180 acras terre et redd. 10 libr. et 8 sol. et 4 d.
et ob. Nomina eorum qui tenent de Henrico de Walpol in _villenagio_.'
Chapter House, County Boxes, Salop. 14, c: 'Libere tenentes ...
Coterelli ... Nativi.'
[257] Hale, in his Introduction to the Domesday of St. Paul's, xxiv,
speaks of the 'nativi a principio' of Navestock, and distinguishes them
from the villains. 'The ordinary praedial services due from the tenentes
or villani were not required to be performed in person, and whether in
the manor or out of it the villanus was not in legal language "sub
potestate domini." Not so the nativus.' Hale's explanation is not
correct, but the twofold division is noticed by him.
[258] Domesday of St. Paul's, 157 (Articuli visitationis): 'An villani
sive custumarii vendant terras. Item, an _nativi custumarii_
maritaverunt filias--vel vendiderint vitulum--vel arbores--succidant.' A
Suffolk case is even more clear. Registrum cellararii of Bury St.
Edmunds, Cambridge University Gg. iv. 4, f. 30, b: 'Gersumarius vel
custumarius qui _nativus_ est.... Antecessor recognovit se nativum
domini abbatis in curia domini regis.'
[259] Cartulary of Eynsham in Oxfordshire, MS. of the Chapter of Christ
Church in Oxford, N. 27, p. 25, a: 'In primis Willelmus le Brewester
_nativus domini_ tenet de dictis prato et terris...'
[260] Eynsham Cartulary, 49. b: 'Johannes Kolyns nativus domini tenet 1
virgatam terre cum pertinenciis in bondagio.'
[261] Cartulary of St. Mary of Worcester (Camden Series), 15. a:
'Nativi, cum ad aetatem pervenerint nisi immediate serviant
patri--faciant 4 benripas et forinsici similiter.' Survey of Okeburn,
Q.R. Anc. Miscell. Alien Priories, 2/2: 'Aliquis nativus non potest
recedere sine licencia neque catalla amovere nec extraneus libertatem
dominorum ad commorandum ingrediat sine licentia.'
[262] Domesday of St. Paul's, 80: 'Nativi a principio. Isti tenent
terras operarias.'
[263] Queen's Remembrancer's Miscellanies, 902-62: 'Rotuli de libertate
de Tynemouth, de liberis hominibus, non de nativis.'
[264] Queen's Remembrancer's Miscellanies, 902-77: 'Nativi de
Sebrighteworth (Proavus extraneus).' See App. X.
[265] Warwickshire Hundr. Roll, Queen's Remembrancer's Miscellaneous
Books, 29, 19, b: 'Johannes le Clerc tenet 1 virg. terre pro eodem sed
est libere condicionis.' Augment. Off., Duchy of Lancaster, Court Rolls,
Bundle 32, 283: 'Unum mesuagium et 19 acre terre in Holand que sunt in
manu domini per mortem W. qui eas tenuit in bondagio. Ipse fuit liber,
quia natus fuit extra libertatem domini.'
[266] Glastonbury Inquisitions of 1189 (Roxburghe Series), 48: 'Radulfus
niet tenet dimidiam virgatam.'
[267] Glastonbury Inquis. (Roxburghe Series), 26: 'Rogerus P. tenet
virg. terre: pro una medietate dat. xxx d. et pro alia medietate
operatur sicut neth et seminat dimidiam acram pro churset et dat
hueortselver.' Ibid. 22: 'Osbertus tenet 1 virgatam terre medietatem pro
ii sol. et dono et pro alia medietate operatur quecumque jussus fuerit
sicut neth.' Cartulary of Abingdon (Rolls Series), ii. 304: 'Illi sunt
neti de villa. Aldredus de Brueria 5 sol. pro dimidia hida et arat et
varectat et seminat acram suo semine et trahit foenum et bladum.' Ibid.
ii. 302: 'Bernerius et filius suus tenent unam cotsetland unde reddunt
cellario monachorum 6 sestaria mellis et camerae 31 d.'--'_De netis._
Robertus tenet dimidiam hidam unde reddit 5 sol. et 3 den. et arabit
acram et seminabit semine suo et trahet foenum et bladum. Hoc de netis.'
[268] Black Book of Rochester Cathedral (ed. Thorpe), 10, a:
'Consuetudines de Hedenham et de Cudintone. Dominus potest ponere ad
opera quemcumque voluerit de netis suis in die St. Martini. Et sciendum
quod neti idem sunt quod Neiatmen qui aliquantulum liberiores sunt quam
cotmen, qui omnes habent virgatas ad minus.'
[269] Cartulary of Shaftesbury, Harl. MSS. 61, f. 60: 'Et habebit unum
animal quietum in pastura, si est net, et de aliis herbagium. Et si idem
fuerit cotsetle debet operari 2 diebus.' Ibid. 59: 'Tempore Henrici
Regis fuerunt in T. 18 Neti sed modo non sunt nisi 11 et ex 7 qui [non]
sunt Nicholaus tenet terram [trium] et 4 sunt in dominico; et 7 cotmanni
fuerunt tempore Henrici Regis qui non sunt modo, quorum trium tenet
terram Nicholaus et 4 sunt in dominico.' Ibid. 65: 'Cotsetle ... debet
metere quantum unus nieth ... et debet collocare messem vel ... aliud
facere ... dum Neth messem attrahat ... pannagium sicut Neth.' Ibid. 89:
'Si moriatur cotsetle pro diviso dabit 12 d. et vidua tenebit pro illo
id divisum tota vita sua. Si moriatur neatus dabit melius catellum et
pro hoc tenebit quietus.'
[270] Glastonbury Inquis. 51: 'Et nieti tenent 9 acras unde reddunt 3
s.' Ibid. 47: 'Nieti habent unum pratum pro 5 s.'
[271] Glastonbury Inquis. 105: 'Ernaldus buriman dimidiam virgatam,
Iohannes burimannus dimidiam virgatam.' Cf. Custumal of Bleadon, p. 189;
Cartulary of Shaftesbury, Harl. MSS. 61, f. 45.
[272] It is to be found sometimes out of the Danish shires, e.g. in
Oxfordshire. Rot. Hundred. ii. 842, b: 'Bondagium: Johannes Bonefaunt
tenet unam virgatam terre de eodem Roberto ... reddit ... 11 sol. pro
omni servicio et scutagium quando currit 20 d.' Of course there were
isolated Danish settlements outside the Denelaw.
[273] Rot. Hundred. ii. 486, a: 'Tenentes Alicie la Blunde. _Bondi_, A.
habet in eadem villa 2 villanos, quorum quilibet tenet mesuagium cum 30
a. Id. Al. hab. 1 bondum qui ten. 20 a. _Custumarii_, Id. Al. habet 1
villanum, qui tenet 1 mes. cum 44 a.' Rot. Hundred. ii. 486, a: 'De W.
le Blunde. _Villani_, R. de Badburnham. _Bondi cotarii._' Cf. Ibid. 422,
b; 423, a: 'Libere tenentes ... Custumarii ... Bondi.'
[274] Ramsey Inquisitions, Galba, E. x. 34: 'W.L. tenet in landsetagio
12 a. pro 9 den. et ob. R. 24 a. de landsetagio et 12 a. de novo.'
Cartulary of Ramsey (Rolls Series), i. 426: 'G.C. dat dim. marcam ut K.
filius suus fiat heusebonde de 6 a. terrae de lancetagio.' Registr.
Cellararii of Bury St. Edmund's, Cambridge University, Gg. iv. 4, f.
400, b: '9 acre unde 4 a. fuerunt libere et 5 lancettagii.' Cartulary of
Ramsey (Rolls Series), i. 425: 'S. Cl. recognovit, quod 24 a., quas
tenet, sunt in lanceagio dom. Abbatis _salvo corpore suo_ et quod faciet
omnes consuetudines serviles ... _lancectus nacione_.'
[275] Domesday of St. Paul's, 17: 'Item omnes operarii dimidiae virgatae
debent invenire vasa et utensilia ter in anno ad braciandum.' Cf. 28.
[276] Rot. Hundred. ii. 422, 423. Cf. 507, a: 'Libere tenentes ...
Nicholaus Trumpe 3 a. terre cum mesuagio et red. per ann. 20 d.
Custumarii ... Nicholaus Trumpe ten. 1 a. terre et redd. 2 sol.'
[277] Exch. Q.R. Misc. Alien Priories, 2/2. (Chilteham): '... Redditus
villanorum de 126 villanis 41 libre, 14 s. 11 d. Item sunt 70 custumarii
qui debent arare bis per annum cum 17 carucis.... Item sunt 25 villani
qui debent herciare quilibet eorum per 2 dies,' etc.
[278] Cartulary of St. Peter of Gloucester (Rolls Series), iii. 203:
'Omnes consuetudinarii majores habebunt tempore falcationis prati unum
multonem, farinam, et salem ad potagium. Et minores consuetudinarii
habebunt quilibet eorum 1 panem et omnes 1 caseum in communi, unam acr.
frumenti pejoris campi de dominico et unum carcasium multonis, et unum
panem ad Natale.'
[279] Cartulary of Malmesbury (Rolls Series), i. 154, 155. Cf. i. 186,
187. Cartulary of St. Mary of Worcester (Camden Society), 43, b; Rot.
Hundred. ii. 775, b.
[280] Rot. Hundred ii. 602, a. Cf. Exch. Q.R. Alien Priories, 2/2: 'Item
sunt in eadem villata de Wardeboys 6 dimidias virgatas--que vocantur
Akermannelondes, quorum W.L. tenet 1/2 virgatam pro qua ibit ad carucam
Abbatis si placeat abbati vel dabit sicut illi qui tenent 6 Maltlondes
preter 15 d.' Rot. Hundred, i. 208: 'Utrum akermanni debent servicium
suum vel servicii redempcionem.'
[281] Registr. Cellararii of Bury St. Edmund's, Cambridge University,
Gg. iv. 4, f. 26: 'Gersumarii (Custumarii).... Gersuma pro filia sua
maritanda.' Ibid. 108, b: 'Tenentes 15 acrarum custumarii--omnes sunt
gersumarii ad voluntatem domini.' Cartulary of Bury St. Edmund's, Harl.
MSS. 3977, f. 87, d: 'Nichol. G gersumarius tenet 30 a. pro 8 sol. que
solent esse custumarie.' I may add on the authority of Mr. F. York
Powell that _landsettus_ (land-seti), as well as _akermannus_
(aker-maethr) and _gersuma_ (goersemi), are certainly Danish loan-words,
which accounts for their occurrence in Danish districts.
[282] Hale, Introduction to the Domesday of St. Paul's, xxv: 'If we
compare the services due from the Hidarii with those of the libere
tenentes on other manors, it will be evident, that the Hidarii of
Adulvesnasa belonged to the ordinary class of villani, their distinction
being probably only this, that they were jointly, as well as severally,
bound to perform the services due from the hide of which they held
part.'
[283] Eynsham Inquest, 49, a: 'Summa (prati) xvi a. et iv perticas que
dimidebantur xi virgatariis et rectori ut uni eorum et quia jam
supersunt tantummodo 4 virgatarii et rector, dominus habet in manu sua 7
porciones dicti prati.'
[284] Cartulary of Battle, Augmentation Office, Miscell. Books, 57, f.
35, s: 'Yherdlinges ... custumarii.' Ibid. 42, b: 'Majores Erdlinges
scil. virgarii. Halferdlinges (majores cottarii) Minores cottarii.'
[285] Black Book of Peterborough, 164: 'In Scotere et in Scaletorp--24
plenarii villani et 2 dimidii villani--Plenarii villani operantur 2
diebus in ebdomada.'
[286] Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 23: 'Operatur ut alii
ferlingseti.'
[287] Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 137: 'Cotsetle debent
faldiare ab Hoccade usque ad festum S. Michaelis.' Cartulary of St.
Peter of Gloucester (Rolls Series), iii. 71: 'Burgenses Gloucestriae
reddunt una cum aliis tenentibus ad manerium Berthonae praedictae per
annum de coteriis cum curtillagiis in suburbio Gloucestriae quorum
nomina non recolunt 29 solidos 7 d. de redditu assiso.' Ibid. iii. 116:
'Cotlandarii: Johannes le Waleys tenet unum mesuagium cum curtillagio et
faciet 8 bederipas et 3 dies ad fenum levandum, et valent 13-1/2 d.'
[288] Norfolk Feodary, Additional MSS. 2, a: 'Et idem Thomas tenet de
predicto Roberto de supradicto feodo per predictum servicium sexaginta
mesuagia; 21 villani de eodem Thoma tenent. Item idem Thomas tenet de
predicto Roberto 9 cotarios, qui de eo tenent in villenagio,' Cf. Rot.
Hundred, ii. 440, a.
[289] Cartulary of Battle, Augment. Office, Misc. Books, 57, f. 37, b:
'Virgarii ... Cotarii, qui tenent dimid. virgatam.' Ibid. 36, b:
'Cottarii majores et minores.'
[290] Glastonbury Inquis. (Roxburghe Series), 114: 'Rad. Forest. 1/2
cotsetland pro 18 d. et operatur sicut dimidius cotarius sed non
falcat.'
[291] Glastonbury Inquis. (Roxburghe Series), 14: 'Predictus W. habet
tres bordarios in auxilium officii sui. Illi tres bord. habent corredium
suum in aula abbatis, in qua laborant.' Terrae Templariorum, Queen's
Rem. Misc. Books, 16, f. 27: 'Unusquisque bordarius debet operari una
die in ebdomada.' Cf. 27, b.
[292] The history of the terms in Saxon times and the terminology of the
Domesday Survey will be discussed in the second volume. My present
object is to establish the connexion between feudal facts and such
precedents as are generally accepted by the students of Saxon and early
Norman evidence.
[293] Thorold Rogers, History of Agriculture and Prices, i. p. 71.
[294] Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., i. f. 225, b (Bodleian Libr.):
'Noverit universitas vestra me vendidisse domino Ricardo vicario de
Domerham Philippum Hardyng nativum meum pro 20 solidis sterling unde ego
personam ipsius Philippi ab omni nativitate et servitute liberavi.' Cf.
Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), ii. 4. Madox, Formulare Anglicanum,
416, gives several deeds of sale and enfranchisement by sale. Dr. Stubbs
had some doubts about the time of these transactions, but deeds of sale
of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries occur, and are preserved in the
Record Office. See Deputy Keeper's Reports, xxxvi. p. 178.
[295] Glastonbury Inquis., tempore abb. Michaelis, Addit. MSS. 17,450,
f. 7: 'Petrus filius Margarete tenet virgatam terre .. nec potest filiam
suam maritare sine licentia domini vel ballivorum.' Cf. Cartulary of
Newent, Add. MSS. 15,668, f. 46: 'emit filiam suam.' Cartulary of St.
Peter of Gloucester (Rolls Series), iv. 219: 'Item, quod quilibet
praepositus habeat potestatem concedendi cuicunque nativae, ut possit se
maritare tam extra terram domini quam infra, acceptis tamen salvis
plegiis pro ea de fine faciendo ad proximam curiam; cum si forte
praesentiam ballivi expectasset in partibus remotioribus agentis casu
interveniente forte nunquam gauderet promotione maritali.'
[296] Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, Harl. MSS. 1006, f. 55:
'Tenens de monday land, si filiam infra villam maritaverit 16 d. et si
extra homagium 2 sol.' Black Book of Coventry, Ashmol. MSS. 864, f. 5:
'Radulfus Bedellus de 10 hidis tenet 1 virgatam terre et prati. Et dabit
merchettam pro filia sua maritanda, si eam maritaverit extra villenagium
Episcopi.'
[297] Cartulary of Glastonbury, Wood MSS. i. (Bodleian), f. 111. s: 'Si
nul de neffes folement se porte de son corps parque le seignour perd la
vente de eux.'
[298] Warwickshire Hundred Roll, Queen's Rem. Misc. Books, No. 26, f.
26, a: 'Redempcio carnis et sanguinis et alia servicia ad voluntatem
domini.' Rot. Hundred. ii. 335, b: 'In villenagio 8 virgate terre quarum
quelibet debet ei per annum 6 s. vel opera ad valorem, tenentes etiam
illarum sunt servi de sanguine suo emendo ad voluntatem dicti Abbatis et
ad alia facienda, que ad servilem condicionem pertinent. In cottariis
cotagia 6 de eadem servitute et condicione.'
[299] How very difficult it was sometimes to decide the question,
whether merchet had been paid or not, may be seen from the following
instances:--Coram Rege, 27 Henry III, m. 3: 'Et non possunt inquirere
nec scire quod tempore Johannis Regis dederunt merchettum vel heryettum
sed bene credunt quod hoc fuit ex permissione ipsius Regis et non per
aliquam convencionem, quam fecerat eis pro predictis 50 libris.'
Cartulary of Ramsey (Rolls Series), i. 441: 'De merchetto nesciunt sine
majori consilio.'
[300] Y.B. 21/22 Edw. I, p. 107.
[301] Note-book of Bracton, pl. 1230.
[302] Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 218: 'Item quod non
permittitur, quod aliquis vendat equum masculum vel bovem sibi vitulatum
sine licentia, nisi consuetudo se habeat in contrarium.' Rot. Hundred.
ii. 628, a: 'Si habeat equum pullanum, bovem vel vaccam ad vendendum,
dominus propinquior erit omnibus aliis et vendere non debent sine
licentia domini.' Rochester Cartulary (ed. Thorpe), 2, a: 'Si quis
habuerit pullum de proprio jumento aut vitulum de propria vacca et
pervenerit ad perfectam etatem, non poterit illos vendere, nisi prius
ostendat domino suo et sciat utrum illos velit emere sicut alios.' Rot.
Hundred. ii. 463, a: 'Item si ipse habeat pullum vel boviculum et
laboraverit cum illo non potest vendere sine licentia domini, sed si non
laboraverit licitum.'
[303] Cartulary of St. Mary of Beaulieu, Nero, A. xii. f. 93. b: 'Pro
filio coronando et pro licencia recedendi faciet sicut illi.' Cartulary
of St. Peter of Gloucester (Rolls Series), iii. 218: 'Item quod nullo
masculo tribuatur licentia recedendi a terra domini sine licentia
superioris hoc proviso, quod consuetudines a servis dominus debitas ad
plenum recipiat, contradicentes attachiando ut inde respondeant ad
curiam.'
[304] Duchy of Lancaster Court Rolls, Bundle 85, No. 1157 (Record
Office): 'Et quia non sunt residentes dant chevagium.' Lancaster Court
Rolls, Bundle 62, No. 750, m. 1: 'Johannes le Grust dat comiti ii
solidos et ii capones ut possit manere ubi sibi placuerit.'
[305] Lancaster Court Rolls, Bundle 62, No. 750, m. 3: 'Capones de
reditu ut custumarii possint manere super terram Radulfi de Wernore sed
dictus Will. erit in visu franciplegii dom. comitis.'
[306] Suffolk Court Rolls (Bodleian), 3: 'Preceptum inquirere nomina
eorum qui terram servilem vendiderunt per cartam et quibus, et qui sunt
qui terram liberam adquisierunt et ibi resident et prolem suscitant et
ob hoc libertatem sibi vindicant.' Cartulary of St. Alban's, 454: 'Ubi
villani emunt terras liberorum de catallis nostris.'
[307] Cart. Glouc. (Rolls Ser.), iii. 217: 'Item, inhibeatur nativis
domini manerii ne aliquid alicui dent per annum in recognitione, ut
aliquo gaudeant patrocinio.'
[308] Lancaster Court Rolls, Bundle 62, No. 756, m. 1: 'Nativus
receptatus apud Latfeld sine licentia domini.'
[309] Cartulary of Shaftesbury, Harl. MSS. 61, f. 59: 'Fugitivi domine,
R. fil. Al. manet in Br. sub Willelmo.' Ramsey Inqu., Galba E. x. f. 27,
b: 'Isti sunt nativi abbatis: E. et O. manent apud Gomcestre.' Ibid. 51:
'A. est nativus domini abbatis, sed dicit se esse hominem episcopi.'
Cartulary of Shaftesbury, Harl. MSS. 61, f. 59: 'Nicholaus habet 4
nativos domine, partim terram tenentes in calumpnia domine partim super
terram Nicholai.'
[310] Coram Rege, Pasch. 7 Edw. I, m. 7: 'Villanus fugitivus an in
villenagio tenens et adventicius.'
[311] Eynsham Inqu. (Chapter of Christ Church, Oxford), 25, a: 'Quas
Adam pater ipsius adquisivit et quia _quicquid servis adquiritur domino
adquiritur_ faciat inde dominus quod sibi videatur expediens.'
[312] Register of St. Mary of Barnwell, Harl. MSS. 3601, f. 60: 'Quidam
villanus de Bertone tenuit unum mesuagium de duobus dominis ...
_quicquid servus acquirit acquiritur domino suo_.'
[313] Black Book of Coventry, Ashmol. MSS. 864, f. 6: 'Et cum obierit,
dominus habebit suum melius animal et nihilominus habebit omnes equos
masculos, carrectam ferratam, ollum eneum, pannum laneum integrum,
bacones integros, omnes porcos excepta una sue, et omnes ruscos apium,
si qua hujusmodi habuerit.'
[314] Formulary of St. Alban's, Camb. Univ., Ee. iv. 20.
[315] Lancaster Court Rolls, Bundle 32, No. 283: 'Petrus filius Gerardi
nativus domini defunctus est et habuit in bonis domino pertinentibus
unam vaccam que appreciatur ad 5 sol. et venditur W. instauratori.'
Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, Addit. MSS. 6157, f. 25, b: 'Et
sciendum, quod si quis custumarius domini in ipso manerio obierit,
dominus habebit de herietto meliorem bestiam. Et si bestiam non
habuerit, dabit domino pro herietto 2 sol. 6 d.'
[316] Cartulary of Battle, Augment. Off. Misc. Books, No. 57, f. 21, a:
'Et post mortem cujuslibet predictorum nativorum dominus habebit pro
herieto melius animal, si quod habuerit, si vero nullam vivam bestiam
habeant, dominus nullum herietum habebit ut dicunt. Filii vel filiae
predictorum nativorum dabunt pro ingressu tenementi post mortem
antecessorum suorum tantum sicut dant de redditu per annum.
[317] Gloucester Cartulary, iii. 193: 'Et post decessum suum dominus
habebit melius auerium ejus nomine herieti, et de relicta similiter. Et
post mortem ejus haeres faciet voluntatem domini, antequam terram
ingrediatur.'
[318] Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 208: 'Dicunt etiam quod
relicta sua non potest in dicta terra maritari sine licentia domini.'
Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, Add. MSS. 6159, f. 25, b: 'Si
autem per licenciam domini se maritaverit, heredes predicti defuncti
predictum tenementum per licenciam domini intrabunt et uxorem relictam
dicti defuncti de medietate dicti tenementi dotabunt.' Rot. Hundred. ii.
768, b: 'Item si obierit, dominus habebit melius auerium nomine herietti
et per illum heriettum sedebit uxor ejus vidua per annum et unum diem et
si ulterius vidua esse voluerit faciet voluntatem domini.'--The custom
in some of the manors of St. Peter of Gloucester was peculiar.
Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 88: 'Matilda relicta
Praepositi tenet dim. virg. contin. 24 a. (8 sol.)--Et tenet ad terminum
vitae abbatis.... Et debet redimere filium et filiam ad voluntatem
domini.... Et si obierit, dominus habebit melius auerium nomine domini,
et aliud melius auerium nomine rectoris, et de marito cum obierit
similiter.' When the lord was an ecclesiastical corporation he not
unfrequently got two beasts, one as a heriot and the other as a mortuary
due to him as rector of the parish.
[319] Worcester Cartulary (Camden Series), 102: 'De antiquis
consuetudinibus villanorum, quaelibet etiam virgata dabit iii heriet,
sc. equum cum hernesio et duos boves, et dimidia virgata duos heriet,
sc. equum cum hernesio et bovem. Alii autem dabunt equum vel bovem.'
[320] Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 89, a: 'Item non vendet
bovem vel equum de sua nutritura sine licencia domini, nec coronare
faciet filium nec maritabit filiam sine licencia domini, dabit heriettum
melius animal, faciet finem cum domino pro ingressu habendo ad
voluntatem domini communiter per 40 solidos et omnia alia faciet que
nativo incumbunt.' The relief ought to be discussed in connexion with
the obligations of the holding. I speak of it here because the documents
mention it almost always with the heriot.
[321] Cartulary of St. Mary of Beaulieu, Nero, A. xx. f. 84, b: 'Pro
filio coronando, filia maritanda, fine terre ... secundum qualitatem
personarum et quantitatem substancie et terre.'
[322] Rot. Hundred. ii. 747, a: 'Debet talliari ad voluntatem domini
quolibet anno.'
[323] Ibid. ii. 528, b: 'Et debet talliari ad voluntatem domini semel in
anno et debet gersummare filiam et fieri prepositus ad voluntatem
domini.'
[324] Cartulary of Battle, Augment. Off. Misc. Books, No. 57, f. 93, a:
'Amerciamenta tenentium, qui redditum tempore statuto non persoluerunt.'
Reg. Cellararii of Bury St. Edmund's, Cambridge Univ., Gg. iv. 4. 52, b;
cf. Eynsham Inqu. ii. a: (Inquisitio de statu villani): 'Subtraxerunt
sectam curie a longo tempore dicendo se esse liberos.'
[325] Formulary of St. Alban's, Cambridge Univ., Ee. iv. 20, f. 165, a:
'Servilia--videlicet secta curie de tribus septimanis in tres et secta
molendini.' We find it denied in the king's court that a free man can be
bound to do suit to the lord's mill; Bracton's Note-book, p. 161: 'Nota
quod liber homo non tenetur sequi molendinum domini sui nisi gratis
velit.'
[326] Bury St. Edmund's, Registrum album, Cambridge Univ., Ee. iii. 60,
f. 155, b: 'Liberi excepti a falda domini.'
[327] As to Scotale, see Stubbs, Const. Hist. Sec. 165.
[328] Reg. Cellararii of Bury St. Edmund's, Cambridge Univ., Gg. iv. 4.
30, b: 'Per fidelitatem custumarii ... et per alias consuetudines
serviles.'
[329] Y.B. 20/21 Edward I, p. 41: 'Kar nent plus neit a dire, Jeo tenk
les tenements en vileynage, ke neit a dire ke, Jeo tenk les tenements
demendez ver moy a la volunte le Deen,' etc. See above, Chapter II.
[330] Chron. Mon. de Abingdon, ii. 25 (Rolls Series).
[331] Exch. Q.R., Misc. Books, No. 29, f. 8, a: 'Habet 22 servos
tenentes 35 acras terre ad voluntatem domini in servagio.' f. 10, b:
'Habet ibidem 25 servos tenentes 12 virgatas terre et dimidiam in
servagio ... et possunt omnes removeri pro voluntate domini.'
[332] Harl. MSS. 1885, f. 7: 'Volens autem dominus de Wahell retinere ad
opus suum totum parcum de Segheho ... abegit omnes rusticos qui in
predicto loco iuxta predictum boscum manebant.' Cf. Cor. Rege, Pasch. 14
Edw. I, Oxon. 9.
[333] Battle Abbey, Augment. Off. Misc. Books, 57, f. 21, a: 'Et
memorandum quod omnes supradicti nativi non possunt ... prostrare
maremium crescens in tenementis que tenent sine licencia et visu ballivi
vel servientis domini et hoc ad edificandum et non aliter.' Add.
Charters, 5290 '(transgressiones Stephani Chenore) ... fecit vastum ...
in boscis quos idem Stephanus tenuit de domino in bondagio cum de
quercis fraxinis pomariis et aliis arboribus vastos (ramos?)
asportavit.'
[334] Suffolk Court Rolls (Bodleian), 2, a: 'Rob. Gl. assertavit pomaria
sua et fecit wastum super vilenagium Comitis.'
[335] Suffolk Court Rolls (Bodleian): 'Quia Henricus bercarius plegios
non potuit invenire ad heredificandum mesuagium quod fuit W.C. et ibi
attractum suum facere.'
[336] Duchy of Lancaster Court Rolls (Record Off.), Bundle 32, No. 285:
'Emma ... venit et sursum reddit 1 cotagium et 5 acras et dimidiam terre
quas tenuit de domino in bondagio. Et venit Thomas filius ejus et capit
dictam terram et dat ad ingressum 10 solidos.' B. 62, No. 750:
'Galfridus percarius venit et tradidit terram suam ... domino comiti pro
paupertate. Robertus filius eius postea venit et finem fecit pro habenda
seisina dicte terre.'
[337] Duchy of Lancaster Court Rolls, B. 43, No. 484: 'Dicit etiam quod
dicta terra capta est in manu domini Edmundi pro redditibus et serviciis
inde a retro existentibus.' Essex Court Rolls, 3 (Bodleian): 'Preceptum
est capere in manu prioris totam residuam terram custumariam quam
Matildis le Someters predicta tenet de feodo prioris quia vendidit de
terra sua custumaria ... libere per cartam contra consuetudinem
manerii.'
[338] Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 65; Gloucester Cartulary
(Rolls Series), iii. 196.
[339] Capitula halimoti, Bodleian MSS., Wood, i. f. 111, b: 'Si nul soit
en un graunt tenement e ne puisse les droitures de son tenement sustener
e un aultre homme en un petit tenement que meutz tendroit le graunt
tenement al prow le seigneur e le tenement.'
[340] Rot. Hundred, ii. 321, a: In villenagio tres virgatae et
dimidia.... Et sunt tenentes illarum servi de sanguine suo emendo.... In
libere tenentibus _pro certis serviciis_ per annum,' etc.
[341] Glastonbury Inquis. (Roxburghe Series), 21: 'Quantum quisque
teneat, omne ejus servitium; quis tenet libere et quantum et quo
servitio et quo guaranto et quo tempore; si aliqua terra fuerit facta
libera in tempore Henrici episcopi, vel postea, que debuit operari; quo
guaranto hoc fuit, et in quantum sit libera; si dominicum sit occupatum
vel foras positum in libertate vel vilenagio, et si ita fuerit domino
utilius sicut est vel revocatum.'
[342] Ibid. 130: 'J. clericus tenuit in tempore Henrici episcopi apud
Domerham unam virgatam quam adhuc tenet et aliam virgatam apud Stapelham
pro 10 solidis. Recepta villa de Domerham ad firmam, ipse propria
auctoritate dimisit virgatam de Stapelham et dimidiam virgatam in
Domerham in excambium cepit quia propinquior fuit. Hec dimidia virgata
operari solet, nunc autem est libera. Virgata vero de Stapelham post
illud excambium operari solet que ante hoc libera fuit.'
[343] Ibid. 121: 'De dono xxix solidi et vi denarii. Et de Anderdo
deficiunt vj den. quia tenet liberius quam predecessores sui solebant
tenere.'
[344] Ramsey Cartulary (Rolls Series), i. 364: 'De his septem hydis est
una _hyda libera_. De sex hydis, quae restant, tenet Marsilia filia A.
de R. duas virgatas ad censum. Quinque hydae et tres virgatae, quae
restant, tenentur _in puro villenagio_.'
[345] Galba, E. x. f. 38.
[346] Extensio de terris Roberti de Sto. Georgio (Lincoln) Inquis. p.
mort. 30 Henry III, No. 36: 'Idem habuit in _villenagio_ 13 bovatas
terre et 3 partes unius bovate que 9 rustici tenent et quelibet bovata
valet per annum 5 sol. pro omni servicio ... habuit in _liberis
serviciis_ unam bovatam quam Radulfus filius G. de eo tenuit per cartam
pro 2 solidis per annum pro omni servicio.'
[347] Bury St. Edmund's, Reg. Cellararii, Cambr. Univ., Gg. iv. 4, f.
32, a: 'W. de Bruare tenet i rodam custumarie et per alias consuetudines
serviles ... alteram libere et per servicium 2 denariorum.' Cf.
Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 65.
[348] Battle Abbey, Reg. Augment. Off. Misc. Books, No. 57, f. 72, b:
'Isti prenominati (liberi tenentes) sunt quieti per redditum suum de
communibus servitiis, debent tamen herietum et relevium.' Glastonbury
Cart., Wood MSS., i. p. iii.: 'Si nul soit enfraunchi de ces ouveraignes
dont la uile le est le plus charge.'
[349] Ramsey Inqu., Galba, E. x. 39, d: 'Walterus abbas fecit R. francum
de terra patris sui que fuerat ad furcam et flagellum.... Multos de
servicio rusticorum francos fecit.' Ramsey Cartulary (Rolls Series), i.
487: '... quaelibet virgata de fleyland.' The same land appears as
'quaelibet virgata operaria quae non fuerit posita ad censum.'
[350] Spalding Priory, Reg., Cole MSS., vol. 43, f. 272: 'De tenentibus
terram operariam de priore in Spalding: W. de A. tenet 40 acras terre
pro quibus debet operari qualibet die per annum ad voluntatem Domini ad
quocumque opus Dominus voluerit, cum Carecta, Cortina, Vanga, Flagello,
Tribulo, Furca, Falce.' Coram Rege, Mich., 51/52 Henry III, m. b: 'Et
similiter predictus Petrus distringit eos pro consuetudinibus et
servitiis que nec antecessores eorum nec ipsi facere consueverunt ut cum
furcis et flagellis.'
[351] Eynsham Cartulary, Christ Church MSS., No. 97, f. 6, a: 'Willelmus
F. tenet unum cotagium et quartam partem unius virgate terre qui facere
consuevit pro rata porcione sicut virgatarius. Modo ponitur ad firmam
dum domina placet ad 6 solidos, 8 d.,' etc. Cf. Domesday of St. Paul's
(Camden Series), 81. This is in substance the difference between
'bondagium et husbandland,' Inquis. p. mort. 46 Henry III, No. 25;
Hexham Priory Cartulary (Surtees Series), p. xx.
[352] Domesday of St. Paul's (Camden Series), 49.
[353] St. Alban's Formulary, Cambridge Univ., Ee. iv. 20: 'Ne uno homini
plures terre tradantur, et si modo unus plures tenet, dividantur, si
commode et honeste fieri poterit.'
[354] Domesday of St. Paul's (Camden Series), 52; Duchy of Lancaster
Court Rolls, B. 62, No. 750: 'Et quia huiusmodi tenementum nullus potest
vendicare hereditarie ut de aliis villenagiis successive.'
[355] Hereford Rolls, 8 (Bodleian): 'Et concessum est ei tenere dictum
mesuagium et unam acram terre sibi et heredibus suis secundum
consuetudinem manerii per servicia inde debita et consueta.' Essex
Rolls, 8 (Bodleian): 'Amicia de R. que tenet ex consuetudine manerii.'
[356] Extractus Rotulorum de Halimotis, Cambridge Univ, Dd. vii. 22, f.
1, a.
[357] Essex Rolls, 8 (Bodleian), m. 6: 'Johannes filius W.B. venit et
clamavit unum mesuagium et quatuor acras terre cum pertinenciis ut jus
et hereditatem suam post mortem dicti W. patris sui faciendo inde
dominis predictis servicia debita et consueta nomine villenagii et dat
domino ad inquirendum de jure suo et si sit plene etatis et heres dicti
W. nec ne,' etc.
[358] Eynsham Cartulary, Christ Church MSS., No. 27, f. 11, b: 'Matildis
B. tenet de domino unum cotagium cum curtilagio in voluntate domini.'
Cf. Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 66; Gloucester Cartulary
(Rolls Series), iii. 134; Domesday of St. Paul's (Camden Series), 23.
[359] Reg. Cellararii Mon. Bury St Edmund's, Cambridge Univ., Gg. iv. 4,
f. 52, b: '(Curia 7 Edw. II) ... dicunt quod quidam Robertus Heth pater
dictorum R.W. et J. tenuit de conventu per virgam in villa de Berton
magna ... Et quia dedixerunt cepisse dictam terram per virgam ideo
potest seisiri dicta terra in manum domini.' Registr. album vestiarii
abbatiae S. Edmundi, Cambridge Univ., Ee. iii. 60, f. 188, b: 'Tenentes
de mollond ... tenent per virgam in curia.' Eynsham Cartulary, Christ
Church MSS., No. 97: 'Ricardus W. tenet unum cotagium et duas acras
terrae campestres per rotulum curie pro 3 sol.' Cf. 12, a.
[360] Note-book of Bracton, pl. 1237.
[361] Ely Register, Cotton, Claudius, C. xi. f. iii. b: 'Habebit duas
pugillatas avene ex gratia, ut juratores dicunt, per longum tempus
usitata.'
[362] Warwickshire Roll, Exch. Q.R. No. 29, f. 94, b: 'Servus ... cum
fecerit exennium ... comedet cum domino.'
[363] Christ Church, Canterbury, Cartulary, Add. MSS. 6159, f. 22, b.
Cf. Gloucester Cartulary (Rolls Series), iii. 203.
[364] Custumal of Battle Abbey (Camden Ser.), 30: 'Et debet herciare per
duos dies ... pretium operis iiij. d. Et recipiet de domino utroque die
repastus pretii iij d. Et sic erit dominus perdens j. d. Et sic nichil
valet illa herciatio ad opus domini.'
[365] Coram Rege, Pasch., 14 Edw. I, Lege, 18: 'Villani circulare (sic)
non consueverunt nisi ex voluntate.'
[366] Glastonbury Inqu. (Roxburghe Series), 82: 'Sed non debet carriare
nisi dominus prestaverit suum plaustrum.'
[367] Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi, f. 30, b: 'Sed juratores dicunt quod
nunquam hoc fecerunt nec de iure facere debent.'
[368] Rot. Hundred. ii. 758, a: 'Servi ... nec potest filiam maritare
nec uxorem ducere sine licencia domini; debet et salvo contenemento suo
talliari et ad omnia auxilia communia scottare et lottare secundum
facultatem suam,' etc.
[369] Rot. Hundred. ii. 528, b: 'Et modo omnia illa arrentata sunt et
dant per annum 14 sol. 8 d.'
[370] Exch. Q.R. Min. Acc., Bundle 510, No. 13: 'Et solebant facere
servicia consueta, sed per voluntatem et ad placitum domini extenta sunt
in denariis.' Cf. Abingdon Cartulary, ii. 303. Rot. Hundred. ii. 453, a:
'Omnes isti prenominati nomine villenagii sunt ad voluntatem domini de
operibus eorundem,' Cf. Ibid. 407, b.
[371] Worcester Cartulary (Camden Series), 54, b: 'Haec villa tradita
est ab antiquo villanis ad firmam, ad placitum cum omnibus ad nos
pertinentibus.' Cf. Gloucester Cartulary, iii. 37.
[372] Worcester Cartulary (Camden Series), l. c.: 'Praeterea percipimus
medietatem proventuum et herietum, praeterea debent metere, ligare et
compostare bladum de antiquo dominico de Hordewell ... et gersummabunt
filias.'
[373] Glastonbury Cartulary, Bodleian MSS., Wood, i., f. 241, a:
'Jocelynus dei gratia Bathoniensis episcopus.... Noveritis nos quietos
clamasse omnes homines abbatie Glastonie de Winterburne in perpetuam de
arruris et aliis operacionibus quas facere debebant castro Marleberghe
de terra de Winterburne, quos homines nostros Henricus illustris rex
Anglie nobis concessit.'
[374] Wartrey Priory Cartulary, Fairfax MSS. f. 19, a: 'Et Adam dicit
quod predictus Prior villenagium in persona ipsius Ade allegare non
potest quia dicit quod dudum convenit inter quemdam Johannem dudum
priorem de Wartre ... et quendam Henricum de W ... patrem ipsius Ade
videlicet quod isdem Prior ... per quoddam scriptum indenturam
concesserunt Henrico ... quoddam toftum simul cum duabus bovatis terre.'
[375] Malmesbury Cartulary (Rolls Series), ii. 199: 'Nos tradidisse ...
Roberto le H. de K. et Helenae uxori suae, et Agneti filiae eorum
primogenitae nativis nostris, omnibus diebus vitae eorum, unam domum.
Ita quod non licet praedicto Roberto alicui vendere nec occasione istius
traditionis aliquam libertatem ipsis vendicare.'
[376] As to molmen, I shall follow in substance my article in the
English Historical Review, 1886, IV. p. 734. We already find the class
in Cartularies of the twelfth century, in the Burton Cartulary, and in
the Boldon Book. See Round in the English Historical Review, 1886, V.
103, and Stevenson, ibidem, VI. 332.
[377] Any number of examples might be given. I referred in my article to
a Record Office document, Exch. Treas, of Rec. Min. Acc. 32/8: 'Rogerus
prepositus tenet 28 acras pro 13 solidis solvendis ad 4 terminos
principales. Et dat 2 gallinas at Natale domini de precio 3 den., et 18
ova ad Pascham, et debet 2 homines ad 2 precarias ad cibum domini et non
extenduntur eo quod nihil dabunt in argento si servicium illud dominus
habere noluerit. Item idem adiuvabit leuare fenum ad precariam domini
quod nihil valet ut supra. Item idem faciet 2 averagia Londinium que
valent 2 d.... _Custumarii_. Johannes Cowe tenet 13 acras et dimidiam pro
27 d.... Et debet 3 opera qualibet septimana, scilicet per 44 septimanas
videlicet a festo Natali beate Marie usque ad gulam Augusti que continet
in operibus per predictum tempus vi^{xx}xii (i.e. 132) et valet in
denariis 5 sol.' etc.
[378] Black Book of St. Augustine, Canterbury, Cotton MSS. Faustina, A.
i. 31: 'De quolibet sullung (_ploughland_) 20 solidos de mala ad quatuor
terminos quos antecessores nostri dederunt pro omnibus iniustis et
incausacionibus (_sic_) quas uobis ore plenius exponemus.'
[379] Rochester Costumal (ed. Thorpe), 2, b: 'F. habet 21 jugum terre te
Gavelland unius servicii et unius redditus. Unumquodque jugum reddit 10
solidos ad 4 terminos--hoc est _Mal_. In media quadragesima 40 d. Hoc est
_Gable_.' The Cartulary of Christ Church, Canterbury, in the British
Museum (Add. MSS. 6159) always gives the rents under the two different
headings of _Gafol_ and _Mal_.
[380] The etymology of the word is traced by Stevenson, l. c.
[381] Ashley, Economic History, i. pp. 56, 57.
[382] Registrum Album Abbatiae Sancti Edmundi de Burgo, Cambridge
University, Ee. iii. 60 f.; 188, b: 'Memorandum quod anno regni Regis
Edwardi filii Regis Henrici 18--dominus Johannes de Norwold abbas Sti.
Edmundi ad ulteriores portas manerii sui de Herlawe, ad instanciam
Cecilie le Grete de Herlawe hereditatem suam de mollond infra campum
dicte ville jacentem post mortem viri sui a pluribus tenentibus Abbatis
petentis coram eodem Abbate, eo pretextu quod vir suus adventicius
dictam hereditatem suam ipsa invita vendidit et alienauit, per
subscriptos inquisivit, utrum ipse seu alii quicumque infra villam
predictam mollond tenentes libere tenuerunt seu tenent, et per cartas
aut alio modo.... Qui omnes et singuli jurati dixerunt per sacramentum
suum quod omnes _tenentes de molland solebant esse custumarii_ et
fuerunt, sed Abbas Hugo primus et Abbas Sampson posterum et alii
_Abbates relaxarunt eis seruicia maiora et consuetudines pro certa
pecunia_; modo arentati in aliquibus operibus ceteris, sed nihil habent
inde nec tenent per cartas, sed per virgam in curia. Et sunt geldabiles
in omnibus inter custumarios et quod omnes sunt custumarie et servilis
condicionis sicut et alii.'
[383] Exch. Treas. of Rec. 59/66. The classes follow each other in this
way: 'Liberi tenentes, Molmen, Custumarii.' Cf. Rot. Hundred, ii. 425,
a.
[384] Harl. MSS. 639, f. 69, b: 'Inquisicio facta per totam socam de
Badefeud dicit quod si aliquis servus domini moritur et plures habuerit
filios, si tota terra fuerit mollond primogenitus de iure et
consuetudine debet eam retinere; si tota fuerit villana iunior; si maior
pars fuerit mollond primogenitus, is maior pars fuerit villana iunior
eam optinebit.'
[385] I cannot surrender this point (cf. Stevenson, l. c.). That Borough
English existed in many free boroughs and among free sokemen is true, of
course, and there it had nothing to do with servile status. It would
have been wrong to treat the custom of inheritance as a sure test from a
general point of view. But as a matter of fact it was treated as such a
test from a local point of view by many, if not most, manorial
arrangements. I refer again to the case from the Note-book of Bracton,
pl. 1062. The lord is adducing as proof of a plea of villainage: 'Hoc
bene patet, quia postnatus filius semper habuit terram patris sui sicut
alii villani de patria.' I have said already that the succession of the
youngest son appears with merchet, reeveship, etc., as a servile custom.
[386] Q.R. Min. Acc. Box 587.
[387] Ramsey Cartulary (Rolls Series), i. 267: 'Decem hidae, ex quibus
persona, liberi et censuarii tenent tres hidas et dimidiam, et villani
tenent sex hidas.'
[388] Domesday Book, i. 204; Ramsey Cartulary, i. 270, 330-40.
[389] Rochester Cartulary (Thorpe), 2, a: 'Gavelmanni de Suthflete.'
[390] Cotton MSS. Tiberius B. ii, and Claudius C. xi.
[391] Cotton MSS. Claudius C. xi, f. 49, a: 'De hundredariis et libere
tenentibus. Philippus de insula tenet 16 acras de wara et debet sectas
ad curiam Elyensem et ad curiam de Wilburtone et in quolibet hundredo
per totum annum,' etc. For a more detailed discussion of the position of
hundredors, see Appendix.
[392] In the description of Aston and Cote, a submanor of Bampton,
Oxfordshire, _hundredarii_ are mentioned in Rot. Hundr. ii. 689.
[393] Leg. Henrici I, c. 7. The point has been lately elucidated by
Maitland, Suitors of the County Court, Eng. Hist. Rev., July 1888, and
Round, Archaeological Review, iv.
[394] Gloucester Cart. iii. 193: 'Et dicunt quod predictus Thomas et
socii sui subscripti debent aquietare villam de quolibet hundredo
Cyrencestriae et de Respethate praeterquam ad visum franciplegii bis in
anno.' Ramsey Inqu., Cotton MSS. Galba E. x, 35: 'Sequebatur comitatum
et hundredum pro dominico abbatis.' Madox, Hist. of the Exchequer, i.
74: 'Serviet eis nominatim in omnibus placitis ad quae convenienter
summonitus erit et ad defensionem totius villae Estone aderit in
hundredis et scyris in quibus erit quantum poterit.' Warwickshire Hundr.
Roll, Q.R. Misc. Books, No. 29, f. 73, a: 'Seriancia ad comitatum et
hundredum.'
[395] Ramsey Cart. i. 438: 'J.R. tenet dimidiam hydam de veteri
feoffamento et non reddit per annum aliquem censum abbati, quia est una
de quattuor virgatis quae defendunt totam villatam de secta comitatus et
hundredi per annum.'
[396] Gloucester Cart. iii. 77: 'Henricus de Marwent tenet unam virgatam
continentem 48 acras ... et facit forinseca [servitia], scil. sectas
comitatus et hundredi, et alia forinseca.' Cf. Cart. of Shaftesbury, 65.
'... defendebat terram suam de omnibus forinsecis avencionibus.'
[397] Seebohm, Village Community, 37, 38; Scrutton, Common Fields, 39.
[398] See the instances collected by Maitland, Introduction to Rolls of
Manorial Courts, Selden Soc., Ser. II, p. xxix, note 2.
[399] Maitland, op. c.
[400] A few instances among many: Gloucester Cart. iii. 49: 'Radulfus de
E. tenet unam virgatam terrae continentem 48 acras et reddit inde per
annum non reditum aliquem, sed sequetur comitatum Warwici et hundredum
de Kingtone pro domino, et curiam de Clifforde pro omni servitio.' There
are four other 'virgatarii liberi' besides this one. Domesday of St.
Paul's (Camden Soc.), 30: 'Thomas arkarius (tenet) iv virgatas pro 28
solidis et debet facere sectam sire et hundredi.' He is a freeholder.
Worcester Cart. (Camden Soc.), 64, C: 'De liberis Ricardus de Salford
tenet dimidiam hidam de priore, quam Thomas de Ruppe tenuit de eo, et
facit regale servitium tantum, et debet esse coram justiciariis
itinerantibus pro defensione villae ad custum suum.' The Ely
'hundredarii' are distinguished from the villains, and form by
themselves a group which ranks next to the 'libere tenentes' or with
them.
[401] Ramsey, Inqu. Cotton MSS. Galba, E. x, f. 52: 'Ecclesia ipsius
ville possidet dimidiam hidam liberam et presbiter debet esse quartus
eorum qui sequuntur comitatum et hundredum cum custamento suo.' Cf. 40,
54. Instead of attending separately the priest comes to be included
among the four hundredors.
[402] Britton, i. 177 sqq. See Maitland's Introd. to Manorial Rolls, p.
xxvii.
[403] Maitland, op. c. pp. xxix, xxx.
[404] Leg. Henrici I. c. 8.; Cf. Ely Register, Cotton MSS., Claudius, C.
xi, 52, a: 'et libere tenentes sui qui tenent per socagium debent unam
sectam ad frendlese hundred, scil. ad diem Sabbati proximum post festum
St. Michaelis.' The expression 'friendless' is peculiar. It appears in
other instances in the Ely Surveys. May it not mean, that all the free
tenants, even the small ones, had to attend and could not be represented
by their fellows or 'friends'?
[405] Glastonbury Cart., Wood MSS., i. f. 233, a: 'et N. et G. veniunt
et defendunt vim et iniuriam et talem sectam qualem ab eis exigit et
bene cognoscunt quod per attornatos suos debent ipsi facere duas sectas
per annum ad duos lagedaios ... sed si aliquis latro fuerit ibi
iudicandus tunc debent liberi homines sui et prepositi uel seruientes
sui debent interesse ad predictum hundredum ad faciendum iudicium et non
ipsi in propria persona sua.' Cf. Malmesbury Cart. (Rolls Ser.), ii.
178: 'Item recognouit sectam ad hundredum de Malmesburia per se vel per
sufficientem attornatum suum. Item recognouit et concessit quod omnes
liberi homines sui de Estleye sequantur de hundredo in hundredum apud
Malmesburiam sicut aliquo tempore predecessorum suorum facere
consueverunt.'
[406] This may possibly account for the curious fact, that in every
manor there are some tenants called 'Freeman,' 'Frankleyn,' and the
like. They seem to be there to keep up the necessary tradition of the
free element. For instance: Eynsham Cart. MSS. of the Chapter of Christ
Church, Oxford, xxix. f. 4, a: 'Iohannes Freman de Shyfford tenet unam
virgatam per cartam ... facit sectam ad comitatum et hundredum et hac de
causa tenet tenementum suum.' Cf. Coram Rege 27 Henry III, m. 3: 'Dicunt
quod non est aliquis liber homo in eodem manerio nisi Willelmus filius
Radulfi qui respondet infra corpus comitatus.' The fact is well known to
all those who have had anything to do with manorial records.
[407] Cf. Maitland, Suitors of the County Court, Eng. Hist. Review,
July, 1888.
[408] Is it not possible to explain by the 'hundredor' the following
difficult passage in Domesday, ii. 100? 'Hugo de Montfort invasit tres
liberos homines ... unus ex his jacet ad feudum Sancti Petri de
Westmonasterio testimonio hundredi, sed fuit liberatus Hugoni in numero
suorum hundredorum (_corr._ hundredariorum?) ut dicunt sui homines.' It
is true that the term does not occur elsewhere in Domesday, but the
reading as it stands appears very clumsy, and the emendation proposed
would seem the easiest way to get out of the difficulty.
[409] Y.B. 21/22 Edw. I. (ed. Horwood), pp. xix, 499.
[410] I may be excused for again referring to the Stoneleigh Reg. f. 32,
d: 'Quidam tenentes eiusdem manerii tenent terras et tenementa sua in
_Sokemannia in feodo et hereditate_ de qua quidem tenura talis habetur
et omne tempore habebatur consuetudo videlicet quod quando aliquis
tenens eiusdem tenure terram suam alicui alienare voluerit veniat _in
curiam_ coram ipso Abbate vel eius senescallo et per vergam sursum
reddat in manum domini terram sic alienandam ad opus illius qui terram
illam optinebit ... Et si aliquis terram aliquam huiusmodi tenure infra
manerium predictum per cartam vel sine carta absque licentia dicti
Abbatis alienaverit aliter quam per sursum reddicionem _in curia_ in
forma predicta, quod terra _sic extra curia_ alienata domino dicti
manerii erit forisfacta in perpetuum.'
[411] Madox, Exch. i. 724, e: 'Monstraverunt Regi homines et tenentes de
soca de Oswald Kirke in Com. Nottinghamiae, quod cum soka illa dudum
fuisset antiquum dominicum coronae Angliae et dominus Henricus quondam
Rex Angliae progenitor Regis socam illam cum pertinenciis dedisset et
concessisset Henrico de Hastyngges habendam et tenendam ad communem
legem ... Ac licet homines et tenentes predicti et antecessores sui
homines et tenentes de soca illa inter homines communitatis comitatus
Nottinghamiae et non cum tenentibus de antiquis dominicis Coronae Regis
a tempore escambii predicti talliari consueverunt, assessores tamen
tallagii Regis in dominicis in Comitatu Nottinghamiae praedicto ...
(eos) una cum illis de dominicis Regis praedictis talliari fecerunt.'
Cf. 428, b, c.
[412] Rot. Hundr. ii. 608, a: 'Liberi tenentes ... liberi sokemanni.'
Cf. 752, a.
[413] Inquisit. post mortem 53 Henry III, n. 4 (Record Office): 'Libere
tenentes ad voluntatem ... libere tenentes in socagio ... libere
tenentes per cartam.' Rot. Hundr. ii. 471, a. See Appendix xii.
[414] Warwicksh. Hund. Roll. Q.R. Misc. books, xxix. p. 44, b: '(tenens)
per antiquam tenuram sine carta.' Gloucester Cart. iii. 67: 'de liberis
tenentibus dicunt quod haeredes O.G. tenent tres virgatas terrae de
antiqua tenura.' Cf. iii. 47, 69. Christ Church Cart., Canterbury, Add.
MSS. 6159, p. 70: 'isti tenent antiquo dominico ... isti tenent antiquum
tenementum ... inferius notati sunt operarii.' Domesday of St. Paul's,
46, 47: 'de antiqua hereditate.' Cf. Pollock, Land-laws (2nd ed), p.
209.
[415] Rot. Hundr. ii. 501, b.
[416] Rot Hundr. ii. 774.
[417] Coram Rege, Hill. 30 Edw. I, m. 17 '(servicia sokemannorum) ...
merchet ad voluntatem.'
[418] Rot. Hundr. ii. 846, a.
[419] Rot. Hundr. ii. 781, b.
[420] Peterborough Cart., Cotton MSS., Faustina, B. iii. f. 97, 98.
[421] Spalding Priory Cart., Cole MSS., xliii. p. 296.
[422] Rot. Hundr. ii. 780 b.
[423] Spalding Cart. p. 295.
[424] Ibid. p. 283: '_bondus_ dat auxilium ... scil. omnes _sokemanni_
unam marcam.' Cf. 292.
[425] Ely Inqu., Cotton MS., Claudius, C. xi. 50, b: 'Tota villata tam
liberi, quam alii debent facere 40 perticatas super Calcetum de
_Alderhe_ [Aldreth's Causeway] sine cibo et opere.' Cf. Domesday of St.
Paul's, 75.
[426] Domesday of St. Paul's, 76, 77; Rot. Hundr. ii. 764, b.
[427] Domesday of St. Paul's, 32: 'Omnes isti libere tenentes metunt et
arant ad precarias domini et ad cibum eius sine forisfacto.' The general
rule is, that freeholders join only in the boon-works (precariae) and
not in the regular week-work. But socmen are found engaged in this
latter also.
[428] Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. f. 266: 'De feodis
militum et libere tenentibus ... heriet ... relevium ... sed non dabit
tallagium et gersumam.' 167 b: 'herietum ... relevium ... pannagium ...
tallagium.' Ramsey Cart. i. 297.
[429] Gloucester Cart. iii. 49 and 46; Battle Cart., Augm. Off. Misc.
Books, N. 57, f. 10, b.
[430] Ely Inqu., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. f. 186, b: 'Omnes
custumarii preter liberos qui non dant gersumam pro filiis et filiabus
...'
[431] E. g. ibid. 44, a.
[432] Bury St. Edmund's Registrum Album, Cambr. Univ., Ee. iii. 60, f.
154, b: 'Et nota quod si prepositus hundredi capiat gersumam de aliquo
libero, dominus habebit medietatem.' Suffolk Court Rolls, 3 (Bodleian):
'gersuma si evenerit filii vel filie, finem faciet in hundredo, sed
celerarius habebit medietatem finis.'
[433] Rot. Hundr. ii 484, b; 485, a.
[434] Ibid. ii 749, b.
[435] Ibid. i. 6.
[436] Coram Rege, Trin., 3 Edw. I, m. 14, d.
[437] Rot. Hundr. i. 19.
[438] Cf. a very definite case of oppression, Placit. Abbrev., 150.
[439] Statutes of the Realm, i. 224.
[440] Notebook of Bracton, pl. 1334 and 1644.
[441] Rochester Cart. (Thorpe), 19 a: 'Dominus non debet aliquem
operarium injuste et sine judicio a terra sua ejicere.' Ibid. 10, a: 'in
crastino Sancti Martini non ponet eos (dominus) ad opera sine consensu
eorundem.' Black Book of St. Augustine, Cotton MSS., Faustina, A. i. f.
185, d: '(Consuetudines villanorum de Plumsted) Villani de P. tenent
quatuor juga et debent inde arare quatuor acras et seminare ... et
debent metere in autumpno 8 acras de ivernagio vel 4 acras de alio
blado.... Et debent falcare 2 acras prati.... Item debent duo averagia
per annum a Plumsted ad Newenton et nihil debent averare ad tunc nisi
res que sunt ad opus conventus et que poni debent super ripam.'
[442] Notebook of Bracton, pl. 1334: '... et consuetudo est quod uxores
maritorum defunctorum habeant francum bancum suum de terris
sokemannorum.' Rot. Hundr. i. 201, 202: 'habent et vendunt maritagia
sokemannorum aliter quam deberent, quia in Kancia non est warda.'
[443] Cf. Elton, Tenures of Kent.
[444] Notebook of Bracton, pl. 1419: 'et ipsi veniunt et dicunt quid
nunquam cartam illam fecit nec facere potuit quia uillanus fuit et
terram suam defendidit per furcam et flagellum.'
[445] Seebohm, Village Community, 103; followed by Scrutton, Commons and
Common Fields, 38; and Ashley, Economic History, i. 18.
[446] Maitland, Introduction to Manorial Rolls, lxix.
[447] Chandler, Court Rolls of Great Cressingham, p. 14: '20 solidi de
toto Homagio quia recusaverunt preparare fenum domini. Debitum ponatur
in respectum usque proximam curiam et interea scrutatur le Domesday.' A
manorial extent is evidently meant. Comp. Domesday of St. Paul's.
[448] Ely Inq., Cotton MSS., Claudius, C. xi. 60, a: 'Anelipemen,
Anelipewyman et coterellus manens super terram episcopi vel terram
alicuius custumariorum suorum metet unam sellionem in autumpno ex
consuetudine que vocatur luuebene.' Cp. 42, a, 'quilibet anlepiman et
anlepiwyman et quilibet undersetle metet dimidiam acram bladi,' etc.,
and Ramsey, Cart. i. 50.--I have not been able to find a satisfactory
etymological explanation of 'anelipeman'; but he seems a small tenant,
and sometimes settled on the land of a villain.
[449] Of course in later times the test applied in drawing the line
between freehold and baser tenure was much rather the mode of conveyance
than anything else. The commutation into money rent of labour services
due from a tenement 'held by copy of court roll' (a commutation which in
some cases was not effected before the fifteenth century), did not
convert the tenement into freehold; had it done so, there would have
been no copyhold tenure at the present day. But I am here speaking of
the thirteenth century when this 'conveyancing test' could not be
readily applied, when the self-same ceremony might be regarded either as
the feoffment by subinfeudation of a freehold tenant or the admittance
of a customary tenant, there being neither charter on the one hand nor
entry on a court roll on the other hand. Thus the nature of the services
due from the tenement had to be considered, and, at least in general, a
tenement which merely paid a money rent was deemed freehold.
[450] It should be observed that the word demesne (_dominicum_) is
constantly used in two different senses, (_a_) the narrower sense in
which it stands for the land directly occupied and cultivated by the
lord or for his use, and excludes the land held by his villain tenants,
and (_b_) the wider sense in which it includes these villain tenements.
The first meaning is that which the word usually bears in manorial
documents, in which the _dominicum_ is contrasted with the _villenagium_
or _bondagium_. But in legal pleadings and documents which state the
doctrine of the common law and the king's courts the villain tenements
are part of the lord's demesne, he is seised of them in his demesne (_in
dominico suo_). This discrepancy between what I may call the manorial
and the legal uses of the term deserves notice as an indication of the
imperfect adjustment of law to fact. I shall use the term in its
narrower sense.
[451] Eynsham Cartulary, MSS. of Christ Church, Oxford, N. 27, f. 1, a:
'Est una cultura nuncupata Shyppelond, et continet in toto septem acras
dimidiam acram et dimidiam rodam, et valet acra 4 d., et bis successive
seminatur.' Inqu. p. mortem 20 Henry III, N. 14 (Record Office):
'Extensio manerii de Remdun (Lincoln). Sunt ibidem 360 acre terre et
faciunt duas carucatas. Et seminata sunt per annum 240 acre ... De
waracto per annum 12 d.'
[452] Glastonbury Survey of 1189 (Roxburghe Ser.), 99: 'Idem tenet de
dominico tres acras a tempore Henrici episcopi quas colit in uno anno et
altero non.'
[453] Eynsham Cart., 1, a: 'Est ibidem prope alia cultura nuncupata
Clay-furlong et continet cum capitali inferiore octo acras unam rodam
tres perticas cum dimidia, et potest ter seminari successive, videlicet
post warectum ordium, anno sequente cum grosso pulstro et anno tercio
cum frumento, et valet acra 8 d.... (Alia cultura) et potest ter seminari
ut supra mutato grosso pulstro in pisas.'
[454] Two husbandry treatises were chiefly in use in mediaeval England.
The fourteenth-century MS., Merton College 91, contains both, and both
mention the two systems. (Modus qualiter balliui et prepositi debent
onerari super compotum reddendum et qualiter manerium custodiri), f.
152: 'E la vu les chaumps sunt semez e parti en deus, le iuernage e le
trameys sunt tous semez en un champ.'--(Maior husbonderia, otherwise
Walter of Henley's treatise), f. 155: 'Si les terres seent partiz en
iii, la une partie en le yuernage, lautre partie en le quaremel, e la
tierce partie a warect, donqes est la charrue de terre de x^{xx} acres'
(sic, corr. ix^{xx}). 'E si vos terres seent partez en ii, com sont en
plusurs pays, la une partie a yuernage e a quaremel, e lautre partie a
waret, donqes serra la charue de terre de viii^{xx} acres.' Cf. Thorold
Rogers, Six Centuries, 75.
[455] Fleta, ii. 72.
[456] Malmesbury Cart. (Rolls Ser.), ii. 186: 'De terris inbladandis et
inhoc faciendis in campis de Brokeneberewe et de Burestone, a ponte de
Jule-brocke usque ad Halbrigge de Bremelham, ubi dictus Ricardus dicebat
se habere communam, ita quod nec abbas et conventus, nec eorum tenentes
possint inhoc facere sine consensu dicti Ricardi, nec pro voluntate sua
terras suas ibidem inbladare ... Abbas et conventus concesserunt
praedicto Ricardo ... ut cum terrae prenominatae inbladatae fuerint et
blada a terris amota, liberam et plenam communam in praefatis terris una
cum abbate et suis hominibus (habeat) sicut ipse vel praedecessores sui
unquam melius et plenius habere consueverunt.... Ita quod si de campo
predicto in quo factum est inhoc pars quaedam remaneat inculta sine
blado, in eadem parte habebunt predictus Ricardus et heredes sui
communam cum abbate et conventu et suis. Similiter si villani praedicti
Ricardi nolint inhokare terras suas infra praedictum inhoc sitas,
habebunt liberum ingressum et egressum ad warectandum eas.'
[457] Coram Rege, Hill. 3 Edw. I, m. 17, d: 'Item quicumque facit
inheche scilicet excolit warectum frumento, ordeo vel auena, dabit pro
qualibet acra unum denarium, excepta una acra quam habere debet
quietam.' See App. xii.
[458] Gloucester Cart. iii. 35, 36: 'Omnes dictae particulae jacent pro
uno campo, summa 174 acre arabiles, etc.... Et de predicto campo possunt
inhokari quolibet secundo anno 40 acre et valet inde commodum eo anno 10
solidos.... De dictis 63 acris possunt quolibet secundo anno inhokari 20
acre, et valet inde commodum eo anno 11 sol. 8 d.... Et est summa totalis
omnium acrarum arabilium 412. Et est summa dictarum acrarum in valore
denariorum 9 librae 12 solidi. De quibus subtracta tertia parte pro
campo jacente ad warectum, 64 sol. scilicet, remanent ad extentam annuam
de puro 6 librae 8 sol. et de commodo terrae quae singulis annis potest
inhokari 15 sol. 10 d.'--Cf. Minor husbanderia, Merton Coll. MS. 91, f.
152: 'E si li ad Inhom, i deit veer quele cuture i prent del Inhom, e de
quel ble est seme checune cuture, e tel semail deit il cuiler tut per ly
e respondre tut per ly, hors des autres blees.'
[459] Cart. of Boxgrave, Cotton MSS., Claudius, A. vi. p. 2: 'Debet
compostare unam helvam ad frumentum et aliam ad ordeum.' Essex Court
Rolls (Bodleian), 4: 'Milencia Tegulatrix posuit fimos in communa ad
nocumentum custumariorum.' Glastonbury Inquest of 1189 (Roxburghe Ser.),
141: 'A. de N. occupavit quendam mariscum per concessum Roberti abbatis
et illum marliavit et coluit.' Cf. Domesday of St. Paul's (Camden Ser.),
8: 'Dicunt eciam quod emendatum est manerium in 50 acris marlatis per
Willelmum Thesaurarium ad summam 10 solidorum.' Ib. 21.
[460] Malmesbury Cart. (Rolls Ser.), ii. 27: 'Concessimus ... Roberto
filio Roberti ... illam virgatam terre quam A. de C. tenuit in campis,
scilicet in uno campo 21 acras et in alio campo 21 acras.'
[461] Gloucester Cart., iii. 194: 'Robertus Abovetun tenet unam virgatam
terre continentem 44 acras in utroque campo.'
[462] Ramsey Register, Cotton MSS., Galba, E. x. 27, d: 'Radulfus tenet
11 seliones in uno campo et 5 in alio de vilenagio.' Worcester Cart.
(Camden Ser.), 62, a: 'Henricus clericus tenet unam virgatam, 16 acras
in uno campo et 14 in alio. Item tenet aliam virgatam similiter. T.T.
tenet unam virgatam, 15 acras excepto dimidio furtendello in uno campo
et 11 in alio. O. le E. tenet unam virgatam 13 a. et 1/2 in uno campo et
12 et dimidiam in alio. T. le F. tenet unam virgatam, 16 acras in uno
campo et 12 in alio.'
[463] As in Gloucester Cart., i. 246: 'Ecclesiam Omnium Sanctorum ...
cum omnibus pertinenciis suis, videlicet unam virgatam terrae, undecim
acras terrae in campo lucrabili.' Cf. 247.
[464] Dunstable Cart., Harleian MSS. 1885, f. 7, d: 'Postquam buttum
habuimus bis seminatio fuerit et non amplius, quia omnes ceteri non
excolunt ibi terram, sed at pascua reservant.'
[465] Eynsham Cart., Christ Church, Oxford, MSS., N. 27, f. 74, b:
'Placitum de Haneberge in recordo de banco de termino S^{ti} Trinitatis
anni xliij (Edw. III) ... Est quidam hamelettus vocatus Tilgerdesle
infra bundos ville de Eynesham, infra quem hamelettum tam in vastis quam
in terris, pratis et pasturis eiusdem hameletti iidem Johannes Smyth et
omnes alii habent communam cum omnibus averiis suis tanquam pertinens ad
tenementa sua que ipsi separati tenent in Hanberge, scilicet in vasto et
pastura quolibet anno per totum annum et in terris arabilibus post blada
messa et asportata quousque ... resemenentur et quolibet tercio anno
tempore warecti per totum annum eo quod omnes terrae arabiles infra
dictum hamelettum per duos annos continuos debent seminari et tercio
anno warectari, et in pratis post fenum levatum et asportatum usque ad
festum purificacionis beate Marie.... Et dicunt quod diversis vicibus
quibus predictus Abbas nunc queritur etc. diuerse parcelle terrarum
arabilium in hameletto predicto que tunc temporis warectare debuissent
per predictum abbatem et alios seminate fuerunt per quod ipsi tam in
parcellis illis sic seminatis que tunc temporis warectare debuerunt quam
in aliis vastis, pratis et pascuis hameletti predicti in communa sua cum
aueriis suis prout eis bene licuerit usi fuerunt ... Et predictus abbas
non cognoscit quod terre arabiles infra hamelettum predictum quolibet
tercio anno debent warectari, immo protestando quod eedem terre per tres
annos continuos debent seminari et quarto anno warectari.' The case is a
rather complicated one, because the persons claiming common are not
tenants of the Abbot but of the King. Still, their pretensions are
grounded on the customary order of farming in a hamlet belonging to the
manor of Eynsham, and this is the point which concerns us. Cf. Coram
Rege, Pascha, 25 Henry III: 'Abbas ... partitus fuit terras suas in tres
partes quae antea partitae fuerunt in duas partes.' See also Placit.
Abbrev. 153. The case is quoted by Scrutton, Common Fields, 57.