Another branch of his jurisdiction was with relation to the inquisitions

of office. There are many officers whose duty it is to take care of the

profits and revenues of the king, and to that purpose they are sworn in

the Exchequer; such as _escheators_, _sheriffs_, and others, whose duty

it is to make enquiry what the king is entitled to in their respective

limits, whether lands or chattels, or by what title. For this purpose

they are to summon juries, and to return the verdicts found to the court

of the revenue of the Exchequer, in order that that court may take care

of the king’s rights. These were called _inquisitions_, or _enquiries_,

_of office_, as proceeding from the duty of an officer that made them.

But these officers being negligent in the performance of this their

duty, it became sometimes necessary, and afterwards customary to quicken

them, by issuing writs for this purpose; and these writs issued out of

Chancery, the _Officina Brevium_; and then, that it might be seen they

were properly obeyed, the return of the inquisition was made into the

court that issued the writ, and thus, the Chancery gained a jurisdiction

in this point, and became an assistant to the Exchequer in the matters

of the king’s revenue; not indeed in the administration thereof, but in

bringing it into the king’s possession[367].

It is a maxim in the English law, that nothing can pass from the king

to a subject but by _matter of record_, which maxim was not only

advantageous to the royal estate, as preventive of persons getting

grants by surprise, but also advantageous to the subject in the firmness

of his title, when once he had obtained it. And, on the contrary, the

regular and equal way of restoring possessions to the crown was by record

also, that is, by inquisitions finding the king’s title returned, as I

have mentioned. But as the verdicts taken in these inquisitions may be

erroneous, and detrimental to another person, by finding what was really

his property, to have been the property of another, and to have accrued

to the king by forfeiture or escheat; and as, regularly, by another maxim

of law, there is no averring against or contesting a record, it was

necessary that the bare return of inquisition into Chancery should not be

final and conclusive, but that time should be given to any that thought

himself affected to claim his right. Hence a month’s time is given by

statute, after the return of the inquisition, in which any person may

come in and _traverse the office_, that is, contest the validity of it.

And here the chancellor is judge, in the same manner as in the repeal

of letters patents, that is, if the subject of the controversy depends

merely upon matter of law; but if the parties come to an issue on matter

of fact, he cannot try it, for the reason above given, but it must go to

the King’s Bench[368].

Another branch of the judicial business is the hearing of petitions to

the king for justice in his own causes. No man, by the feudal principles

of our law, can bring an action against the king. For the charging him

with wrong doing would be a breach of fealty. The king cannot, by our

law, do wrong; but yet, from the multiplicity of his occupations, or from

his being misinformed, the subject may sometimes suffer wrong from him.

The remedy thereof, in this case, is by humble petition to the king, that

he would enquire into the cause, and do justice to the party, which,

though conceived in an humbler strain, is as effectual as an action, and

must be tried in this court, the proper channel to convey his majesty’s

graces, and the king, by his chancellor, dispenses justice to the party.

Another branch of the judicial business of this court was the proceeding

in certain cases against persons privileged, that is, the officers of

the court, who being supposed to be constantly attendant, were to be

sued here, as the officers of other courts, were in their respective

courts.

Lastly, this court had jurisdiction with respect to proceeding upon

_recognizances_, or acknowledgments of obligations taken in this court,

which being here recorded, and not to be removed, were properly here

triable[369].

There are some other causes, proper for the jurisdiction of Chancery,

which would carry me too far at present. I shall, therefore, conclude

here with mentioning one striking difference between this and the other

courts, that they sit only in the times of the four terms, whereas it is

open all the year. The confining the others to the terms arose from the

religion of the times, and the inquisitions of canon law, which forbad

courts to be held during the seasons of the three great festivals, and

of harvest. In obedience to this law, I may say (for the papal power was

then very high in England) was our Michaelmas vacation set apart for the

solemnization of Christmas, the Hillary vacation for Easter, the Easter

vacation for Whitsuntide, and the Trinity or long vacation, for the uses

of husbandry. But great would be the evils, if that court which is the

_Officina Justiciæ_, the Shop of Justice, were to be ever shut. Writs,

therefore, issued hence at all times, and all such causes as, for the

public good, cannot brook delay till the ordinary times of sitting of

other courts, are here handled in the vacations, such as to mention a

few, _habeas corpus’s_ and _homine replegiando’s_, to restore persons

imprisoned to liberty, prohibitions to keep inferior courts within their

proper limits; and _replevins_, to restore the possession of goods

distrained.

But the great business of this court, as a court of common law, was,

that it was the _Officina Brevium_, the shop where original writs were

purchased by suitors, in order to commence their actions. An _original

writ_, in the most common form, is an order to the sheriff to summon

the party complained of to do justice to, or else to answer to the

complainant in the proper court; containing a short description of the

complainant’s title, and the wrong done to him, from whence, in Latin,

it is called _Breve_, and answers to the original citation in the Roman

and ecclesiastical laws. This, and the making out patents, was the

principal business of the chancellor in the _curia regis_, and therefore

naturally continued with him after the division of the courts. The

reasons assigned by Gilbert for having one of these superior courts a

public shop for justice, are three; first, that it might appear that all

power of judicature flowed from the crown; secondly, that the crown might

not be defrauded of the fines due to it for suffering persons to desert

the inferior courts, and to sue for justice immediately from the king;

and lastly, to preserve an uniformity in the law; for these writs being

made out in one constant form contributed greatly thereto, being both a

direction to the judge, and a limitation of his authority.

Originally, the chancellor heard the complaints of the person injured,

and formed a writ according to the nature of the case, but as, among

a rude military people, little versed in commerce, and the variety of

transactions that attend it, the complaints of the people were confined

in a narrow compass, it but seldom happened, after some time, that there

was occasion for making a new writ, in a form different from what had

been used before. These forms, therefore, were collected into a book

of our law, called the _Register_, the antientest book of our law; and

the making them out, being now matter of course, nothing more than

copying out the old terms, inserting the proper names of persons, and

places, and the chancellor’s business encreasing, became devolved upon

the chancellor’s clerks, the _Clerici_, as they were antiently, or the

_Masters_, as they are now called, of Chancery; and they were restrained

from making out any of a different form from those in the Register.

However, as, in process of time, cases would happen which none of the

forms in that book would suit, and it was looked on as the corner-stone

of the law, the chancellor could not of himself venture to make out new

and unusual writs, but referred the complainants, in such cases, to

petition the parliament for remedy[370].

These petitions afterwards growing too frequent, and interrupting the

public business, it was found necessary to enlarge the power of the

Masters of Chancery, and to give them a qualified power of forming new

writs. This was done by the statute of Westminster the second, cap.

24, in Edward the First’s reign; it runs thus: _Quotiescunque de cætero

evenerit me cancellaria, quod in uno casu reperitur breve, & in consimili

casu cadente sub eodem jure, & simili indigente remedio, non reperitur,

concordent clerici de cancellaria in breve faciendo, vel atterminent

querentes in proximum parliamentum, & scribantur casus, in quibus

concordare non possunt, & referant eos ad proximum parliamentum, & de

consensu jurisperitorum fiat breve ne contingat de cætero, quod curia

domini regis deficiat conquerentibus in justitia perquirenda_; which last

words, _ne contingat_, &c. gave a handle, as I shall shew hereafter, to

this court to erect their equitable jurisdiction[371].

We see how this power given to the Masters was limited: it must be

exercised only in cases parallel to such as there was a remedy already

provided for; all the Masters must agree in the form of the new writ; and

the remedy must be the same as was in the similar case in the Register.

To illustrate this by the example of the first writ formed by the Masters

upon this statute, and which therefore, by way of eminence, is called a

_writ, in consimili casu_. The statute of Glocester ordered the Chancery

to form a writ for the relief of the person in reversion, where a tenant

in power had aliened her dower. The writ was accordingly framed, and

inserted in the Register. Now, by virtue of this statute of Westminster,

the Masters framed the writ _in casu consimili_, in favour of the person

in reversion, where a tenant by the courtesy, or tenant for life, had

aliened, he being equally damaged as the former case. But though this was

particularly called _a writ, in casu consimili_, there were many others

formed by virtue of this statute, such as for various kinds of trespasses

unknown in former ages, and actions upon the case, so frequent in these

our days, and so called, because the writ is formed according to the

circumstances of the case, and not upon the old forms continued in the

Register.

This new employment of Masters in Chancery, and the business of the court

encreasing, created a necessity of erecting new officers, to make out the

_brevia de cursu_, namely, those in the Register, who were therefore

called _Curritors_. The chief of the Masters is _Keeper of the Rolls_ of

this court, which was formerly a part of the chancellor’s business; and

he is therefore called _Master of the Rolls_. For ages past, since the

Equity business multiplied in England, this officer has been there, in

matters of equity, an assistant judge to the chancellor, but his decrees

are liable to a rehearing, and to be reversed by the chancellor. But in

this kingdom, the office hath not had any judicial authority annexed to

it.

LECTURE XXXIV.

_The court of Common Bench or Common Pleas—The jurisdiction

of this court—Actions real, personal, or mixt—The court of

Exchequer—The jurisdiction of this court—Exchequer chamber—The

judicature of Parliament._

The next of the superior courts, is the _Common Bench_, or _Common

Pleas_, as it is more commonly called, being the proper court for the

determining suits between subjects, wherein the king is not concerned;

and upon the multiplication of business in the _curia regis_, it was

separated from it, for the more speedy and easy dispatching the affairs

of the people. As in the very old times the king often sat in person in

the _curia regis_, and that he might have an opportunity of so doing when

he pleased, that court always followed the king wherever he went within

the kingdom of England; and in those days it was customary for the kings

to take progresses; and reside in the different seasons of the year in

different parts of the kingdom, as we see, by the variety of places where

the parliaments were held in old times. The same practice of the courts

and the records following the person of the king continued in France

longer than in England. For when king John was taken by the black prince

at the battle of Poictiers, the antient records of that kingdom were

lost, and there are scarce any now remaining there, of what had passed

previous to that time, except enrolments made since, of the antient

charters that were in the hands of the subjects.

But in England the constant removal of the courts was found very

burdensome to the people, who had suits much earlier. For their ease,

therefore, it was enacted in _Magna Charta_, that _communia placita non

sequantur curiam nostram, sed teneantur in aliquo certo loco_; that the

Court of Common Pleas should no longer be ambulatory, but held in one

certain place. Westminster was the place fixed upon, and there, if we

except some occasional removals, on account of epidemical sicknesses,

hath it been held ever since. And in long space of time after, the other

courts became, though not in pursuance of any positive law, fixed

there also. By their becoming settled in a certain place, one great

inconvenience, besides the hardships on the suitors, was avoided, namely,

the loss and imbezzlement of the records by these frequent removals. For

it is very remarkable, that there is not a record remaining of the times

previous to the fixing of the courts, not even the enrolments of the acts

of parliament themselves, except a few, and a very few, of the courts

of Exchequer, which, concerning the king’s revenue, were more carefully

preserved[372].

But the greatest advantage that attended this change was the improvement

of the law, and, what was a consequence thereof, the preservation of

the liberty of the subject. For now it became much more convenient

for persons to apply to that study, when they were no longer under

a necessity of removing. And we therefore, soon after, find the

practitioners of the law settled together, something in a collegiate

manner; and after the dissolution of the order of Knights Templars, the

habitation of these latter, called the _Temple_, was granted to them

for their residence and improvement. Here, they continued to confer the

degrees of _Apprentices, or Barristers at law_, and _Sergeants at law_,

which they had began before, in imitation of the bachelors and doctors

degrees in universities.

The preservation of the liberty of the subject was, as I said before,

another happy consequence that resulted from the fixing the courts, and

the uniting the professors of the law into one body. For as, about this

time the study of the civil and canon laws was eagerly pursued by the

clergy in the universities, and the English customs as much depreciated

by them as possible, and as those two laws were founded on maxims of

despotism, and, as such, encouraged and supported to the utmost by the

popes, and all kings that aimed at arbitrary power, the common lawyers

were necessitated, for the support of their profession, to take the

popular side of the question, and to stickle for the old Saxon freedom,

and limited form of government.

Hence the steady opposition they made, even in those early times, to

the king’s dispensing. Nay, they carried their zeal for liberty so far,

as (since they could not directly, in those days, oppose the weight

of the civil law) to quote the very passages of it that were in favour

of absolute power, and by their glosses make it speak the language of

liberty. Thus Bracton quotes that text: _Quod principi placet, legis

habet vigorem_; that is, in its true meaning, the monarch is sole

legislator: but Bracton’s comment is, _id est, non quicquid de voluntate

regis temere presumptum fuerit, sed quod concilio magistratuum suorum,

rege auctoritatem præstante, habita super hoc deliberatione & tractatu,

recte fuerit definitum_; that is, the king is not sole legislator;

directly contrary to the sense of the very text he quotes. And it must be

allowed, to the honour of the common lawyers, that, with the exception

of a few venal time-serving individuals, they have, for a succession of

ages, proved themselves true friends to a rational civil liberty in the

subject, and to reasonable power and prerogative in the king[373].

To come to the jurisdiction of this court. Its proper business, as

appears from its name, is to take cognizance of all _common pleas_, that

is, all pleas that are not pleas of the crown, or at the suit of the

king. With these it cannot meddle; for all actions at the suit of the

king for criminal matters, belong to the King’s Bench, as those for his

revenue do properly to the Exchequer. But it hath jurisdiction, and that

universally, throughout England, in all civil causes, whether _real_,

_personal_, or _mixt_; the distinction of which it will not be amiss just

to point out.

Real _actions_ are those that are brought to recover land itself, where

the claimant has a right to an estate in it for life at least; and these,

until within these two hundred and fifty years, were the only ones used

for that purpose; but, since that time, they are gone almost entirely out

of use, on account of their nicety, their delays, their being conclusive;

and their place is supplied by mixed actions, which are easier, shorter,

and may be tried again. However, if any one was inclined, at this day, to

bring such an action, this is the court to bring it in; and therefore all

_common recoveries_, which antiently were, and still carry the form of,

real actions, are suffered in this court.

Personal _actions_ are those that are brought for the recovery either of

some duty, or demand in particular, or of damages for the non-performance

of some promise or contract, entered into, or lastly such as are brought

by a man to recover a compensation in damages for some injury sustained

in his person—or property. To give but one or two instances of these

last: If my ground is trespassed on, if my person is assaulted, my

reputation injured, the remedy is by the personal actions of _trespass_,

_assault & battery_, or _slander_. All actions for breach of covenants

are likewise personal actions; for, by the common law, damages only

are recoverable thereon, and the party is not obliged to perform the

covenant. Wherefore, if a man chuses rather to have his covenant

performed than receive a satisfaction in damages, he must go into a Court

of Equity, which will oblige a man to perform in specie, what he hath

specifically engaged to perform, if the performance is possible. This

court, therefore, being the proper court for personal actions, fines of

lands are levied here; for they are fictitious actions, founded on a

fictitious breach of covenant.

Mixed actions are designed for the recovery of a specific thing, and

also damages, and consequently partake of the nature both of real and

personal actions. For instance: If a tenant for life, or years, or at

will, commits waste, he forfeits to the owner of the inheritance the

place wherein the waste was done, and treble damages. The _action of

waste_, therefore being brought to recover both, is a mixed action.

The action of _ejectment_ also, which was originally proper to recover

damages for being put out of a lease for years, but is now the common

remedy, substituted in the lieu of real actions, is now of the same

nature; because both the land itself, and damages for the wrong are

recovered[374].

These three kinds of actions are properly the business of this court,

though, as to the two last, actions personal and mixed, the courts

of King’s Bench and Exchequer have, by fictions, gained a concurrent

jurisdiction with this court; the King’s Bench, by supposing the

defendant to be in the custody of the marshal thereof; and the Exchequer,

by supposing the plaintiff to be a debtor to the king.

The proper way of founding the jurisdiction of this writ, is by a writ

out of Chancery, returnable hither, either to begin a cause originally

here, or to remove one depending in an inferior court not of record; but,

in some cases, they proceed without any writ from Chancery, as in causes

brought by or against an officer of the court, and likewise, in granting

prohibitions to other courts that attempt to enlarge their jurisdictions.

Before I conclude, I must observe, that this court, though one of the

four high courts derived out of the _curia regis_, is not, however,

supreme, but subordinate to the King’s Bench. For judgments given therein

are reversible in the King’s Bench, by a writ of error issuing from the

Chancery, suggesting the king’s being informed that manifest error has

interveened, and commanding the record to be transmitted into the King’s

Bench; the judges belonging to which, upon the face of it, and nothing

else, are to affirm or reverse the judgment; for the error must be

manifest; and no error in point of fact, but error only in point of law,

can be averred against a record.

The lowest in rank of the four great courts, though from antient times

one of the greatest importance, is the court of _Exchequer_, whose

business was to collect in the several debts, fines, amerciaments,

or other duties or properties belonging or accruing to the king, and

likewise, to issue money by his orders; and this court being originally

solely erected for the king’s profit, is the reason, I presume, why

it is held in rank the lowest; it being more honourable to the crown

to give precedence of rank to those courts that were intended for the

administration of justice to the subject, above that which was intended

merely for the king’s temporal advantage. Besides, this court was, in its

original, distinct from the _curia regis_, the treasurer being the judge

in this, as the _justiciarius Angliæ_ was in the other; and therefore,

it was regular, that the Chancery, and Common Pleas, as having been once

part of the supreme court, should take place before this. Its having

been originally a distinct court, accounts for its independency on the

King’s Bench; for, no writ of error lies from it to the King’s Bench,

as doth from the Common Pleas, but its errors are rectified in another

manner[375].

This court, as well as the Chancery, hath, properly speaking, two courts:

one, ordinary, proceeding according to the strict rules of the common

law; the other, by equity; for, as it is the king’s duty to render

justice with mercy, so, in this court, the rights of the king are not

always exacted with rigour; but, on circumstances of reason and equity,

may be mitigated or discharged. The court of common law in this court

had antiently much more business than of late. Originally, whilst the

royal demesnes were unalienated, they had the setting of them for years;

but, afterwards, people chusing rather the authority of the great seal,

took them in Chancery. That court, as I mentioned when treating of it,

had likewise gained the returns of inquisitions of office, and had

also gained by act of parliament, the composition of forfeitures, for

the king’s tenants _in capite_ aliening their lands without license;

which, otherwise, would have belonged to this court. The erection of the

_Court of Wards_, also, by Henry the Eighth, took off that branch of its

jurisdiction; and the abolishing of the military tenures by Charles the

Second took away the business of calling in their fruits. The erecting

the office of _the Treasury_, as distinct, for the issuing of money, had

the same effect; but, above all, the erecting new jurisdictions, and

appointing new judges to try causes relative to the new taxes, as the

Commissioners of the Customs and Excise, and Commissioners of Appeal,

diminished the peculiar business of the court[376].

Lectures on the constitution and laws of England With a commentary on Magna Charta, and illustrations of many of the English statutes · 第 30 / 41 段