The expedition against Niagara consisted of a detachment of the Royal
Artillery, the 44th and 46th British regiments, the 4th battalion of the
Royal Americans, two battalions of New York Provincials, and a large
body of Indians under Sir William Johnson: Brigadier Prideaux commanded
in chief. On the 20th of May the troops commenced their advance from
Schenectady, where they had assembled, and moved upon Oswego; they
embarked on Lake Ontario from that port on the 1st of July, after a
march of great difficulty, but without interruption from the enemy. A
detachment under Colonel Haldimand was left for the protection of
Oswego.
The British force landed, unopposed, on the 7th of July, about six miles
to the eastward of Fort Niagara, and at once set to work in opening a
communication between the landing place and the Niagara River. The fort
was situated on a narrow peninsula, the lake on one side, the broad,
deep stream on the other; it was thus a matter of little difficulty to
invest the position effectually on the land side, while the numerous
bateaux cut off from the besieged all communication by water. Prideaux
planned and advanced his approaches with skill and vigor. Batteries were
speedily erected, from which he fired upon the defenses, and kept under
the artillery of the French. Still, as the superiority of the besiegers'
guns told more and more upon the crumbling ramparts, the works were
pushed closer and closer, and fresh spirit was thrown into the attack.
On the first arrival of the English army before the fort, the general
had sent a peremptory summons to M. Pouchot,[171] the commandant, to
surrender at discretion; this was promptly refused by the stout
Frenchman, who answered that "his post was strong, his garrison
faithful, and that, the longer he held out, the more he should win the
esteem of his enemy." Early intelligence of the approaching danger had
reached Pouchot; he had not lost a moment in dispatching couriers
eastward to Frontenac, to inform the Canadian government, and southward
to Detroit, Presque Isle, Venango, and Le Boeuf, with orders for all the
French detachments to assemble with their Indian allies at the Niagara
Rapids, and to hasten to his relief.
On the 10th of July, M. Chaboust arrived, with a small party of French
and some savages, and succeeded in getting into the fort. On the 11th
the besieged attempted a sally upon the British trenches, but were
instantly overpowered, and pursued till they found shelter under the
fire of their guns. By the 14th the besiegers' parallels were finished
to the banks of the lake, and the fire became so heavy that the
defenders could only find safety in the covered way and behind the
ramparts. On the 19th the French schooner Iroquoise arrived from
Frontenac, and lay to abreast of the fort, but could not venture in
under the English guns, which still, night and day, kept up their
harassing fire.
General Prideaux being well informed of the enemy's formidable muster
for the relief of the fort, made every preparation that zeal and
prudence could suggest to meet their designs; but at this critical
moment a melancholy accident deprived the army of his useful services,
and gave to another the enjoyment of the honors which he had worthily
won. On the evening of the 19th, while issuing some orders in the
trenches, unperceived by the gunners in a battery close at hand, a
cohorn mortar was unhappily fired, the shell of which burst prematurely,
and a splinter struck the gallant general with a deadly wound. The
command devolved to the hands of Sir William Johnson.
Meanwhile the besieged, though hardly pressed, were still buoyed up with
the hope of relief from their advancing countrymen. On the 23d four
savages made their way into the fort with a letter to M. Bouchet,
informing him that MM. d'Aubry and De Lignieres were at hand with 1200
Frenchmen and a still larger force of Indians, and that they were about
to attack the British lines. On the result of this attack hung the fate
of Niagara and of all the Western country which still owned the sway of
France: preparations were made to second it with all the efforts of the
garrison. The cause of the French was, however, already all but
desperate; the feeble defenses of the fort shook and crumbled under the
heavy and increasing fire of their enemies. An overpowering artillery
forbade the approach of their vessel from the lake. The beleaguering
trenches intruded within 100 yards of their parapets, and gave shelter
to swarms of British and Indian marksmen. The little garrison was worn
by toil and wasted by death; the barracks and dwellings were ruined by
shot and shell; and, worst of all, the apparently favorable chance in
the death of the besieging general had only transferred the conduct of
the attack to hands even more able and skillful than those of the
deceased. It was true that the French detachment, then about to risk all
for their relief, were brave and veteran troops; but their numbers were
hopelessly inadequate, and little dependence could be placed in the
politic and faithless savages who marched with them, more to witness
than to contribute to their success or defeat.
On the other hand, Sir William Johnson had received ample notice of De
Aubry's approach, and, confident in his own strength and ability, made
steady preparation for the combat. His great superiority of force
enabled him to leave the trenches crowded with troops, chiefly
Provincials, while he marched out to overwhelm the advancing enemy.
About sunset on the evening of the 23d, he pushed forward strong
pickets, and the light companies of the regular regiments, into the
woods on either side of the rude track leading from Niagara Falls to the
Fort, and scattered small parties of Indians on the flanks of the
Europeans. Having posted their sentries, and no enemy being yet visible,
Johnson's advance lay down to rest upon their arms. Never, perhaps, has
a stranger scene been witnessed than the banks of the Niagara River
presented on that September night: the dark ramparts of the fort, every
now and then illumined by the flash of the defenders' guns, or suddenly
revealed by the red light of a salvo from the hostile trenches; in the
open plain beyond, the white tents and the huts of the besieging army;
and further on, the watch-fires of the advanced guard throwing their
flickering glare upon the lofty arches of the forest, and upon the
scattered groups of the British soldiery and Indian warriors. Away,
still further to the west, unseen in the gloomy woods, the weak but
gallant troops of France slept the sleep which most of them were to know
no more. High over all, the soft, misty spray from the neighboring
cataract stood like a huge pillar of lightest summer clouds up against
the sky, while the dull, deep roar of falling waters filled the air with
a solemn and unceasing voice.
At daylight on the 24th Sir William Johnson advanced his Grenadier
companies and part of the 46th regiment, under Lieutenant-colonel
Massey, to strengthen his front, while the 44th regiment, under
Lieutenant-colonel Farquhar, kept up the communication with Major
Beckwith, who commanded the troops in the trenches, and remained in
readiness to throw their force wherever aid might be required. These
judicious dispositions being made, the British awaited the approach of
the enemy.
At about eight o'clock the leading files of the French were first
perceived advancing through the woods, flanked by large bodies of
Indians; as they came on, the English outposts fell back on the reserves
steadily, and without firing. In the mean time, the Iroquois, serving
under Johnson, endeavored to parley with the Canadian savages, with a
view of inducing them to make peace; these overtures were, however,
unsuccessful, and the warriors of the Five Nations fell back on the
flanks of the British. By nine o'clock D'Aubry's force was formed, and
the order immediately given for the attack. With furious gestures and
terrible impetuosity, the Indians burst through the woods and fell upon
the English lines as they rushed to the charge, shouting the appalling
war-cry which had once struck terror into their foes; but it fell upon
accustomed ears: they were received with a calm front and steady fire.
The Grenadiers of the 44th, who had received a dreadful lesson in savage
warfare under the unfortunate Braddock, now bore the shock unmoved, and,
stoutly supported by the 46th, with a few rolling volleys they swept
away the fierce assailants. So complete was the discomfiture of the red
warriors that they rallied no more, and so sudden their disappearance
from the scene of strife that the French could only attribute it to
treachery which had prearranged defeat.
Undismayed by the dispersion of his allies, the gallant D'Aubry led on
his men against the besiegers' position, now strengthened by a force of
Provincials from the trenches. The attack was vigorously and bravely
pushed, but failed to shake the steady courage of the British troops;
meanwhile Johnson's Indians made their way through the woods, and fell
upon the flanks of the French. Attacked on all sides, deserted by
allies, outnumbered by foes, the assailants hesitated, gave way, and in
little more than half an hour broke into utter rout. D'Aubry and all his
surviving officers were taken, with a great part of his troops; the
remainder were pursued with deadly zeal, and slain or driven into the
wilderness.
It was not until two o'clock in the day that Pouchot and his garrison
were informed that the firing heard in the morning had ended in the ruin
of their hopes of succor. With great difficulty and danger, an Indian
had passed the besiegers' lines and borne them the unwelcome
intelligence of D'Aubry's defeat and capture. From the earliest dawn,
deep excitement had reigned in the beleaguered fort; while the shades of
night still lingered under the tall forest trees, flashes of scattered
musketry had occasionally burst forth. As the morning advanced, the
dropping shots quickened into the sharp rattle of a skirmish, the sounds
still approaching the besieged, and stimulating hopes of aid. A little
before nine o'clock the skirmish had breezed up into a battle; for half
an hour the line of fire waved to and fro, now bent toward the fort,
again receded up the banks of the Great River, then held pertinaciously
to a woody hollow, and at length fell back into the forest, became
broken, interrupted, indistinct, and disappeared. With it vanished the
last chance of succor for the garrison of Niagara.
When the first ardor of the pursuit had abated, and Sir William Johnson
had got his forces somewhat in hand again, he sent Major Harvey with a
flag of truce to inform the French chief of the morning's events, and to
exhort him to surrender without further bloodshed, conveying also a
terrible hint that in a little time he might not be able to restrain the
fierce vengeance of his Indian allies. Pouchot yet doubted, or affected
to doubt, the truth of the woeful disaster which had befallen his
countrymen, and, still endeavoring to gain time, requested that one of
his officers might be allowed to see the prisoners, and hear the tale of
defeat from their own lips. The request was granted, the facts were
ascertained, and, no further excuse for procrastination suggesting
itself, the stubborn Frenchman then surrendered with his fort and
garrison.[172]
The terms of capitulation were liberal, and worthy of both conquerors
and conquered. It was agreed that the French troops should march out
with the honors of war from the ramparts they had so well defended, and
lay down their arms on the banks of the lake. There they were to embark
immediately in vessels provided by Sir William Johnson, and to be
carried to New York by the shortest and easiest route. The French
ladies, and all females and children, were offered safe conveyance,
subsistence, and escort to the nearest port of France: and the sick and
wounded men were to be carefully tended till able to travel, when they
were to rejoin their comrades. The victors undertook to protect their
prisoners from every insult or injury, in person and in property. All
stores, provisions, and arms, with every thing belonging to his most
Christian majesty, were to be delivered up in strict faith by M.
Pouchot. At seven o'clock in the morning of the 26th of July, a British
guard was to take possession of the fort gates.
Accordingly, a little before mid-day on the 26th, the French garrison,
607 strong, marched out from the lost stronghold. Drums were beating,
colors flying, and bayonets fixed; but the downcast and sullen looks of
the bronzed veterans showed that these "honors of war" were but a
mockery to their dejected hearts. Many a glance of angry sorrow and
embittered regret was cast back upon the magnificent scene they were to
revisit no more; never again was the "spotless flag" to flaunt its ample
folds upon the breezes of the Western lakes; never again were the
martial strains of France to sound through the majestic roar of nature's
grandest wonder. A sufficient British guard attended under arms to keep
the fierce and vindictive Indians at a distance. But the humane and
extraordinary influence which Sir William Johnson exercised over the
minds of his savage followers proved more effectual in restraining their
ferocious passions than any mere show of force. The fear of alienating
the allegiance of his Indians weighed not a feather weight in his loyal
heart when the cause of mercy and his plighted word were at stake. For
the successful exercise of his well-earned power over the red warriors,
he must, upon this occasion, ever stand in most favorable contrast with
Montcalm, his more brilliant rival.
Every article of the capitulation of Niagara was strictly observed in
spirit and in letter: no insulting triumph dimmed the honor of British
victory, but a demeanor of respectful sympathy with the vanquished
characterized the gallant conquerors throughout the embarkation and all
subsequent proceedings.
The English loss in this siege and in the action was very slight, with
the exception of that of their worthy general, Prideaux, and of Colonel
Johnson, a provincial officer of courage and capacity. Sir William
Johnson enhanced the merit of his success by his modest and honorable
dispatch to General Amherst. "I have only to regret," he writes, "the
loss of General Prideaux and Colonel Johnson. I endeavored to pursue the
late general's vigorous measures, the good effects of which he deserved
to enjoy."
Historians have dwelt with admiration upon the striking military merit
displayed at this time by two untaught generals, Clive in the East, and
Johnson in the West, "who, by a series of shining actions have
demonstrated that uninstructed genius can, by its own internal light and
efficacy, rival, if not eclipse, the acquired art of discipline and
experience." Thus writes Smollett: the learned doctor's remark is
capable of far more general application than to the cases here
mentioned. Our military system always has trusted, and still trusts, to
this "uninstructed genius" in our chiefs, and by its own provisions
furnished no teaching to a Marlborough and a Wellington beyond the
knowledge of drill in a field day, and of the forms of discipline in a
barrack yard. While we rest with pride and pleasure on the undoubted
predominance of success over all foes which has attended our arms, we
may not deny that to the never failing chivalry of the officers and to
the stubborn courage of the soldiery are these successes due. Many and
sad are the records of combats where torrents of British blood have
flowed to redeem the errors, or to make amends for the want of military
science in a British chief. Our great captains, great in genius and
skill as well as in success, have indeed been "lone stars," presenting,
in comparison, to those not so gifted, very much the proportion which
"uninstructed genius" usually displays among men in other pursuits of
life.
It may be urged that the officers of our instructed corps, the artillery
and engineers, have never supplied the general service with a chief of
conspicuous ability; but it is a remarkable fact that, except in the
brief Syrian campaign of 1840, no member of those corps has ever led an
English army, or even a brigade. Through the unvarying rule of promotion
by seniority, no officer of artillery or engineers arrives at a
sufficient rank to command, until a time of life when the experience of
the veteran can hardly be aided by the energy of the man. Rare indeed
must be the instances of those who have passed nearly half a century of
service, in which the hope of reward was too faint to stimulate
industry, the dread of censure too slight to alarm indolence, and who
still retain sufficient zeal and vigor for their country's need. They
are probably equally rare with the instances of successful "genius"
among their uninstructed brethren of the rest of the British army.
Many worthy and earnest, though mistaken men there are, who dread the
instruction of the toiling millions of our countrymen; who believe in
all sincerity that the penetrating light of awakened intellect would
flash upon the squalid purlieus of Manchester and Liverpool only to
render degradation more degraded, and misery more miserable, by a
keener appreciation. There can hardly, however be found any one, beyond
those grown gray under the existing system, who fears that professional
education could perniciously influence the qualifications of our
officers for their station in life, or damp their undoubted chivalry and
spirit. To cast aside political or personal considerations, and select
for command the man most conspicuous by merit and genius, has not been
an unvarying rule with those in high authority. But a system requiring
the qualifications of at least a careful education[173] from all to whom
the lofty trust of England's military honor is confided, might to a
great extent supply the deficiencies of chiefs unendowed with the gift
of genius, and undistinguished by pre-eminent merit.
By the capture of Niagara, the French posts to the westward, on the
lakes and rivers, were cut off from all aid; and by the destruction of
D'Aubry's army, composed principally of their garrisons, they were
rendered incapable of any effectual resistance. Colonel Bouquet,
therefore, who, with a small force, had been detached by
Brigadier-general Stanwix against the principal of these, Presque Isle,
Venango, and Le Boeuf, had only to summon them to surrender and then to
take possession, with no greater difficulties than those presented by
the long and rugged route.
We must now, for a moment, return to Colonel Haldimand, who was, as
before related, left in command at Oswego by General Prideaux. In the
forenoon of the 5th of July, while superintending the works at the fort,
he was startled by the well-known sound of the Indian war-whoop close at
hand, but no enemy then appeared. The English colonel immediately sent
out scouts upon the lake, who brought word that an armament of 100 boats
was lying in a neighboring cove. About mid-day some Indians and
Canadians appeared in the borders of the forest near the fort, and made
a show of attacking two detached redoubts, but were speedily driven back
among the trees; from thence, however, they kept up a dropping fire,
which was only silenced by the approach of night. A deserter who had
passed over under cover of the darkness, gave information that the
attacking party consisted of 300 colony troops, 1300 Canadian militia,
and 150 Indians, and that M. de la Corne was in command. The French had
hoped to carry the fort by surprise: their zeal was stimulated by the
vindictive fury of a Canadian priest, named Piquet, who marched at their
head till the fire commenced, urged them on with the hope of plunder,
and denounced all who might give quarter to the heretic enemy.
The night passed without any alarm. At first dawn, however, the dusky
forms of the Indians were seen cautiously approaching the western angle
of the intrenchments, and mustering for an attack. But two guns loaded
with grape, and a sharp volley of musketry from the fort, at once drove
them back yelling into the woods. After a time they gathered sufficient
determination to make an attempt at burning the English boats in the
harbor, which they again and again repeated, but always without success.
M. de la Corne did not bring his French troops into action. Finding
Colonel Haldimand well prepared for his reception, he abandoned the
enterprise, having buried his dead, and carried off his wounded to the
boats. The French chief acquired little honor by this impotent
demonstration; not a prisoner rewarded his efforts, nor did he obtain a
single scalp, although the deserters affirmed that he had offered 1000
livres for one such horrible trophy. The fierce priest, Piquet, gained a
reputation for cruelty and ferocity which was not forgotten when Canada
had passed from the sway of France.
Thus every where in the far West success attended the British arms. One
small fort, indeed, at the remote extremity of Lake Erie, on the banks
of the Detroit River, still remained in the possession of France, but
distance and comparative insignificance were its sole protection: shut
out from supplies or re-enforcements, and feebly garrisoned, it only
awaited the summons to surrender. The English force on Lake Ontario
rested upon their arms after their somewhat easy victory; Amherst's
strength, as we have seen, lay paralyzed by the opposing winds on Lake
Champlain; the plan of the campaign as yet had failed. Opposition had
been overpowered, forts taken, guns, trophies, and stores captured, but
still, at the vital point, at the great Canadian stronghold, from the
lofty headland of Quebec, the wise and gallant Montcalm, with an
outnumbering host, looked down in unshaken confidence upon the invader's
force. There the real battle was to be fought; there alone the die was
to be cast which should decide the fate of France's noblest colony. Time
rolled on, spring had warmed into summer; summer now deepened into
autumn; the broad sycamore leaf drooped upon the stem; the rich foliage
of the maple betrayed in its chameleon tints the approaching fall; the
mysterious northern lights reappeared in the chilly darkness, and
illumined the unclouded sky. Still, while these symptoms of the coming
winter crowded upon the eyes of the British generals on Champlain and
Ontario, they gained no tidings of their colleague's fate, save such
vague rumors as a wandering Indian or a false deserter might convey; and
yet, with wonder be it said, they sat them down to rest, and inactively
awaited the event of that all-important struggle.
[Footnote 171: He was a captain in the regiment of Berri.]
[Footnote 172: "Le General Prideaux avoit ete charge de l'attaque de
Niagara; ce fort situe pres de la fameuse cataracte pouvoit etre
considere comme le point militaire le plus important du Canada; il
commande, en effet, le passage qui sert de communication entre le Lac
Erie et le Lac Ontario, en sorte qu'il sert de clef a la navigation de
ce vastes mers interieures; il commande en meme temps la seule
communication par terre entre les regions situees au nord et midi du
fleuve et des Grands Lacs. Les Francais connoissoient toute la valeur de
cette position admirable; mais abandonnes comme ils etoient par la
mere-patrie, ayant consume pendant cinq ans leurs soldats, leurs armes,
leurs munitions, a se defendre par leurs seules ressources, ils
n'avoient pu mettre que six cents hommes dans Niagara, et ils n'en
purent pas rassembler plus de dix-sept cents parmi les milices
Canadiennes et leurs sauvages allies, pour marcher a la delivrance de
cette fortresse. Le General Prideaux en avoit commence l'attaque depuis
peu de jours, lorque le 20 Juillet il fut tue a la tranchee; Sir W.
Johnson qui le remplaca, continua l'attaque avec le meme vigueur. Le 25
Juillet il livra bataille a la petite armee qui s'avancoit au secours de
la place assiegee, il la defit avec un grand carnage, et le meme jour le
fort capitula, et la garnison de six cents hommes qu'il centenoit se
livra prisonniere de guerre."[174]
Sismondi gives the following reason for his exclusive use of English
authorities throughout his narration of the last French war in Canada:
"Car les Francais se sont refuses a donner aucun detail sur des combats
dont les resultats etoient si funestes, encore que leurs compatriotes y
eussent deploye souvent autant d'heroisme que dans les victoires."]
[Footnote 173: An order has at length been issued that all candidates
for commissions shall pass a certain examination in general
acquirements.]
[Footnote 174: _Annual Register_, 1759, vol. ii., chap. vi., p. 29;
Smollett, vol. vii., b. iv., chap. xi., Sec. xiii., p. 56.]