We must now return to the proceedings in the British camp. In the stern
climate of Northern America the season for military action was very
limited. From the breaking up of the ice on the lakes and rivers, and
the melting of the forest snows, till they again hindered or forbid the
movement of troops, but little interval was left for the march of an
invading army. To pursue with effect the great plan of the campaign, it
was necessary to take the field with the earliest signs of returning
spring. General Amherst, therefore, left New York on the 28th of April,
1759, and arrived at Albany on the 3d of May: there he busied himself in
assembling and organizing his army for the field, preparing boats for
transporting the troops, artillery, and stores, and instructing the raw
Provincial levies in the rudiments of military discipline. Before this
time, he had dispatched the active partisan officer, Major Rogers, with
350 men, from Fort Edward, to feel the strength of the enemy at
Ticonderoga and Crown Point: they succeeded in surprising a French
working party close to the disastrous scene of the previous year's
defeat, killed some men, and took several prisoners, with but little
loss to themselves. The intense severity of the weather, however, made
the victors pay dearly for their success: two thirds of the detachment
were frost-bitten in the feet, some of them to such an extent that their
more fortunate companions were obliged to carry them back to the British
camp.
The whole month of May was occupied in preparation for the advance. The
Provincial regiments, as fast as they arrived at head-quarters, were
encamped, and instructed with all diligence. The regular troops were
pushed on by the road to Fort Edward, and posted at a place fifty-six
miles from Albany, while a detachment under Major West constructed a
small stockaded fort between Fort Edward and the lake. On the 3d of
June the near divisions of the army were ordered to take the field. That
same day the general left Albany, and encamped at Port Edward on the
6th.
During this time of military inaction but of tedious toil, an alarming
spirit of desertion broke out among the British troops. A large
proportion of even the regulars were young and untrained men,
unaccustomed to the dull restraint of discipline, and as yet almost
unconscious of that professional pride which, to a certain extent, may
practically supply the place of a higher principle in the soldier's
mind. The Provincials were chiefly new levies, and not always very
zealous recruits. The duties of the camp were harassing, the labors on
the works were wearying; before them lay a dreary and dangerous march,
behind them the pleasant villages and well-stored homesteads of New
England. The temptation was strong, the principle of resistance weak.
Appeals to patriotism, stringent orders, and moderate punishments proved
ineffectual; still by twos and threes, and at length by scores,
Amherst's army melted away into the neighboring forests. The last
example became necessary; a general court-martial sentenced two
deserters, Dunwood and Ward, to death, and they were immediately
executed. Despite this terrible warning, despite all promises and
threats, the vile treason still prevailed, especially among the
Provincials; two other traitors, Rogers and Harris, were also
apprehended, convicted, and shot.
An insidious attempt to examine the British strength, under the pretext
of a flag of truce from M. de Bourlemaque, was frustrated by Amherst's
vigilance; he would not suffer the French officers to enter the camp,
but examined the dispatches, and returned answer while they remained at
a suitable distance. The general's active care could not protect the
frontier settlers from the atrocious cruelties of the French and
Indians; although scouting parties were constantly moving through the
forests, the subtle and ferocious enemy eluded their vigilance, and
scalped men, women, and children without mercy. These outrages gave rise
to the following order by Amherst, which he found means to forward to
the Governor of Canada and his general:
"No scouting party, or others in the army, are to scalp women or
children belonging to the enemy. They are, if possible, to take them
prisoners, but not to injure them on any account, the general being
determined, should the enemy continue to murder and scalp women and
children, who are the subjects of the King of Great Britain, to revenge
it by the death of two men of the enemy for every woman or child
murdered by them."
It were a needless pain to dwell upon the cruelties of this bloody war.
Our countrymen must bear their share, although not an equal share, of
the deep disgrace. The contending parties readily acquired the fiendish
ingenuity in torture of their Indian allies; the Frenchman soon became
as expert as his red teacher in tearing the scalp from a prostrate
enemy; and even the British soldier counted these odious trophies with
unnatural triumph. In the exterminating strife, the thirst of blood
became strong and deep, and was slaked, not only in the life-streams of
the armed foe, but in that of the aged, the maimed, the helpless woman,
and the innocent child. The peaceful hamlet and the smiling corn-field
excited hostile fury alike with the camp, the intrenchment, and the
fort, and shared in their destruction when the defenders were
overpowered. Yet still over these murdered corpses and scenes of useless
desolation, the spotless flag of France and the Red Cross of St. George
waved in alternate triumph, proudly and remorselessly, by their symbolic
presence sanctioning the disgraceful strife.
The greater part of the troops, artillery, and stores being now arrived,
the general advanced from Fort Edward on the 21st of June, with about
6000 men, in two columns; he visited the several posts established on
the communications by the way, and that night encamped on the woody
banks of Lake George, where the following morning he traced out the plan
of a small fort.[166] The remainder of the troops and the boats were
brought up to this point with all dispatch, but the difficulties of the
carrying place, the intense heat of the weather, and the badness of the
roads proved harassing impediments to the British chief. During these
delays several unimportant affairs occurred between our advanced parties
and the French light troops and Indians, which usually ended in favor of
the enemy. However, the time was profitably employed by Captain Loring
of the navy, who exerted himself bravely and successfully in the
arrangements for embarkation: he raised, rigged, and armed the sloop
Halifax, and also a floating battery of eight heavy guns, both of which
had been sunk in the last campaign. On the 21st of July, all was in
readiness; the troops and stores had arrived; the army embarked upon the
lake.
The force with which General Amherst now undertook the invasion of
Canada consisted of 111 of the Royal Artillery, having under charge
fifty-four pieces of ordnance of various descriptions; six battalions of
regulars, numbering, officers included, 5743 men; nine battalions of
Provincials,[167] with a regiment of Light Infantry, newly raised and
commanded by General Gage, 5279 men, in all numbering 11,133. This army
crossed the lake in four columns: the following day it reached the
second Narrows without interruption except from the roughness of the
weather, and landed near the spot where Abercromby had disembarked the
year before. The British vanguard, composed principally of light troops,
pushed on rapidly into the bush, and soon fell upon a detachment of the
Regiment de Berry and some Indians, commanded by Captain Bournie; the
French were instantly overpowered and dispersed, two were "made
prisoners, and four were scalped: their wounded they carried off with
them in their flight." Amherst followed with his main body in good
order, and took up a position of great strength near the Saw-mills. He
learned from the French prisoners that M. de Bourlemaque commanded at
Carillon, his garrison, three battalions of regulars, and a large body
of Canadian militia, and some Indians, in all 3400 men.
That night the British troops lay on their arms, and at earliest dawn
the heavy sound of the advancing artillery warned the French that a
formidable attack was about to open upon the lines under the shelter of
which their brilliant victory of the preceding year had been gained.
They ventured not to try the issue of a second combat against a
different chief, and abandoning the blood-stained breast-works, fell
back upon the neighboring fort. The Grenadiers of the English regulars
immediately occupied the deserted intrenchments, and the rest of the
army encamped at a short distance to the rear.
In the center of these remarkable lines, the French had, in celebration
of the victory of Carillon, erected a lofty cross, which still remained;
a deep grave was sunk before it, and on the cross was affixed a plate of
brass, with this inscription:
"Pone principes eorum sicut Oreb et Zebec et Zalmanna."
The French kept up a warm fire from the fort upon the position where the
British lay encamped, but the great height and strength of the
breast-works erected for their own defense now sheltered their enemies,
and rendered the shower of shot and shells perfectly harmless. The
preparations for the siege rapidly progressed, and the garrison were
apparently equally vigorous in dispositions for defense; but M. de
Bourlemaque soon perceived that the English general possessed the skill
and determination, as well as the necessary force, to insure success; he
therefore silently abandoned the fort on the night of the 23d, leaving
400 men to continue such a resistance as might mask the retreat of his
army. This small but gallant band, while their countrymen filed
cautiously down toward the lake, made a sudden attack upon the advanced
guard in the besiegers' trenches, killed and wounded sixteen men, and
caused such confusion that in the darkness of the night the British
fired upon each other.
On the 24th and 25th, the remaining French in the fort kept up a
continuous fire upon the besiegers' camp, and, having ascertained the
range, caused much annoyance and some loss. Colonel Townshend, a brave
and beloved officer--the Lord Howe of Amherst's army--was struck down by
a cannon shot in the trenches, and he instantly expired, to the great
grief of all who knew him. Meanwhile the English approaches were
advanced within 600 yards of the fort, and the Indians, under Major
Rogers, harassed the defenders with a continuous fire from the advanced
works. At ten o'clock on the night of the 26th some deserters to the
British camp informed the general that the French had abandoned the
fort, but that they had left every gun loaded and pointed, several mines
charged for the utter destruction of the defenses, and a lighted fuse
communicating with the well-stored powder magazine. While they yet
spoke, an awful explosion, bursting upon the silence of the night,
confirmed the tale; then, from under the dense cloud of smoke and dust,
and the shower of burning embers, arose the flames of the wooden
breast-works, barracks, and stores, while at intervals, from the mass of
fire, the yellow flash of the bursting guns and the exploding mines
varied the tints of the light that fell far and near upon the lake and
the surrounding forest.
The retreat of the French had been so hurried that they were unable to
give warning to their scouting parties, who, on returning to the fort,
fell into the hands of the English. Colonel Haviland, with some
Rangers[168] and light troops in fast boats, pursued the flying enemy
across the lake, and succeeded in capturing some bateaux laden with
powder, and sixteen prisoners. At daylight in the morning a sergeant of
the British regulars volunteered for the dangerous duty of entering the
burning fort, to strike the French flag and raise that of England in its
place; he succeeded, and carried the white banner in safety to his
general. Soon afterward a detachment was sent to extinguish the flames,
and save any guns which yet might have remained uninjured. This object
was accomplished with some difficulty, but no loss. No more than
seventy-six men of the British force had been killed and wounded in all
the preceding operations.
Amherst set vigorously to work in repairing the fort of Ticonderoga;
most of the ramparts, the covered way, and the walls of the buildings
remained uninjured; his principal exertions were therefore employed in
leveling his own now useless siege works, and completing the road from
the shore. Meanwhile Captain Loring still labored to strengthen the
British naval power on the lake; he weighed some French bateaux which
had been sunk, and constructed a brig with all possible dispatch. The
general was intent, in the mean time, on forwarding the main objects of
the campaign. Crown Point was the next obstacle to be overcome; little
was known as to its defenses or situation, but it at least was not
guarded by the gloomy memories which had hung around the neighboring
stronghold of Ticonderoga.
Major Rogers, who had so often proved his activity and skill, was pushed
on with about 200 Rangers to feel the strength of the enemy and examine
the position of Crown Point; his orders were to seize some strong and
safe post near the fort, and, in case of attack, to hold out at all
hazards until relieved by the advancing army. After a little fruitless
skirmishing and scalping, the Rangers established themselves in a
commanding situation, but on the 1st of August intelligence arrived
which proved that all precautions had been needless: the enemy had
abandoned Crown Point. A small English detachment immediately took
possession, but Amherst, with the main army, did not arrive till the
4th. He then encamped his troops, and traced out the lines of a new
fort, as a defense in future against the savage scalping parties which
had so long been a terror to the frontier settlers of New York.
The skillful and cautious movements of the British general had thus,
with scarcely any loss, secured possession of the two important
strongholds which ruled the destiny of the long-disputed lakes: where
his predecessor had not only been baffled, but had received a terrible
chastisement, he, with an inferior power, had almost uninterruptedly won
his way, and overcome all opposition more by demonstration than by
force. The country, now thus cheaply won, was rich and beautiful; far as
the eye could reach, magnificent forests and verdant turf alternated on
the undulations of the landscape, down to the margin of the transparent
lake. The sugar-tree, and various fruits and flowers, abounded in the
sunny valleys, and the scent of aromatic herbs filled the pure air with
a delightful perfume. Deep was the sorrow of the French when they
abandoned forever that lovely land which had been adorned by their taste
and industry, strengthened by their skill and toil, defended by their
best blood, and endeared to their vain but gallant hearts by memories of
glorious victory.
The orders of M. de Bourlemaque were to impede more than to resist the
overwhelming British force. The naval superiority which he still
retained upon the lakes enabled him to carry out these orders, despite
the vigor and skill of his opponent; but his losses in material, if not
in life and honor were considerable. Besides a large quantity of guns,
ammunition, and stores sunk or destroyed, several pieces of cannon of
various sizes, some swivels, small arms, powder, and intrenching tools
fell into the hands of the English.
On the 16th of August, Amherst was informed by deserters that the French
had encamped on Isle aux Noix, at the northern extremity of Lake
Champlain, where a strong position gave them the command of the entrance
to the Richelieu River. Joined by some small detachments, sufficient to
repair their losses by defection and in the field, they still mustered
3500 men; 100 pieces of cannon, and four armed vessels, commanded by
naval officers, and manned by picked soldiers of the line, enabled them
even yet to offer a formidable front.
The fate of this portion of the campaign now evidently turned upon the
relative strength of the contending parties on the waters of the lake.
Amherst's great superiority of troops was unavailable while French
vessels cruised triumphantly between him and his enemy. He therefore
stimulated Captain Loring to increased exertions; on the 17th, a large
raft to carry six heavy guns was commenced. But the enemy were also
active, and in a fortnight afterward launched a new vessel pierced for
sixteen guns. On the 3d of September the English began the construction
of a sloop equal in size to that of the French. It was not, however,
till the 11th of October that the raft, the brig from Ticonderoga, and
the new sloop were ready for action. And already the bleak autumnal
winds were sweeping over the lake; the nights fell dark and chill; the
dreary winter approached, when no zeal or courage could avail an
invading force. Montcalm had therefore insomuch succeeded, and Amherst
failed, in their several objects: the main force of the British army was
destined once again to waste its strength upon the very threshold of
Canada,[169] and played no part of real importance in the great results
which the hand of Providence directed surely but unexpectedly elsewhere.
In consequence of intelligence received of General Prideaux's death
before Niagara, Brigadier-general Gage had been dispatched by Amherst on
the 28th of July to join that army, and the second battalion of the
Royal Highlanders was also sent from head-quarters to Oswego, to
support, if necessary, the movement in the West. Gage had been
instructed, in case of the reduction of Niagara, to take post
immediately at a place called La Galette, a position commanding the
entrance of the River St. Lawrence from Lake Ontario. Amherst knew that
the occupation of this post was so essential for the security of the
British frontiers from the enemy's scalping parties, that on the receipt
of Gage's dispatch he instantly sent Major Christie to the brigadier to
repeat and enforce his former orders. The difficulties in the way of
this movement were, however, considerable, and General Gage had
conceived himself justified in representing them to his chief, and
deferring the execution of his orders until a more favorable
opportunity. Meanwhile the dreary winter advanced apace, and difficulty
became impossibility; to Amherst's infinite chagrin, this important
operation was necessarily postponed to another year.
General Gage does not appear to have sufficiently felt the importance of
fulfilling the portion of the great scheme which fell to his lot;
doubtless the difficulties in his path were many and formidable, but it
was to overcome difficulties that he was selected for the proud post of
leader to thousands of gallant men. His first duty, assuredly, was to
fulfill the task confided to him, upon which, perhaps, the success or
failure of the campaign, and his country's glory might depend. One
object lay distinctly before him; in accomplishing that object, he could
not have been too cautious, or too precious of his men; but rather than
abandon the enterprise, and fail in his share of the combination, far
better would it have been for England's cause and his own honor had he
dared the worst dangers of the trackless wilderness and of the stormy
lake.
Meanwhile General Amherst sent Captain Kennedy with a flag of truce to
the warlike Indians of St. Francois, offering them peace and amity:
their populous village lay at the western extremity of Lake St.
Francois. The savages, however, detained the British officer and his
party as prisoners, and returned no answer to their communications.
Amherst promptly determined to inflict the severest chastisement for
the insult. The expedition undertaken for this purpose was perhaps the
most daring and extraordinary of any during the progress of the war.
Early in October, 200 men were sent against the Indians of St. Francois,
under the command of Major Rogers, an officer already distinguished for
courage and ability. His orders were to inflict condign punishment on
the warriors of this tribe for a long arrear of cruelties and atrocities
committed upon the unprotected British settlers, but to spare all women
and children. A glance at the map of North America will show the great
distance of the point of attack from Amherst's head-quarters. The route
lay through one vast forest, utterly a wilderness, and untrodden by
human foot, except where the invaders' deadly enemies lay in wait, or
scoured the country for their destruction. The casualties and hardships
of the march reduced Rogers's small detachment by more than a fourth of
its strength; the survivors, however, came in sight of the Indian
village on the evening of the 22d day. The leader left his men in a
place of concealment, and went forward alone, with necessary caution, to
observe the enemy. For several hours he hovered about, now approaching
close to the dangerous scene, now again falling back into the darkness
of the night, and still darker shades of the forest, until he had at
length fully informed himself of the situation and state of the village.
It so chanced that the savages were engaged in celebrating some of their
wild and mysterious rites: they danced and shouted furiously, and
devoured the war-feast with ravenous zeal. At length they lay down to
sleep, exhausted by fatigue and repletion. Major Rogers, satisfied with
his observations, returned to his party at two o'clock in the morning.
A little before dawn the English detachment marched silently to within
500 yards of the sleeping village, and laid aside their packs and all
other incumbrances. Not a sound arose, not a limb moved among the
Indians; in the fatal confidence of savage tactics, not a scout or
sentinel was placed to give notice of impending danger. When the sun had
already risen, but not yet gained sufficient strength to reach the
drowsy eyes of the slumberers, Rogers formed his men, and gave the long
wished-for order to attack; with a loud cry of vengeance they burst upon
the sleeping village. The surprise was complete; the Indians had no time
to arm or resist; they were slain without mercy; many never wakened,
others were struck down at the doors of their huts as they endeavored to
fly; some few escaped to the Great River, but were pursued by the
English, and, with their frail canoes swamped in the waters. The
conquerors then fired the village, saving only three houses where corn
was stored; the wretched savages who had concealed themselves in the
cellars and lofts perished in the flames. By seven o'clock in the
morning the destruction was accomplished, and more than 200 Indian
warriors were slain. Women and children were spared by the sword, but
doubtless many must have perished in the fire and in the confusion of
the strife: twenty were taken alive; six of these, however, only were
detained; the rest received the scant mercy of freedom to wander back to
their ruined homes, and to the now lonely hunting-grounds of their
tribe.
Five English captives were released from slavery by this success, and
taken under the protection of their countrymen. The loss to the victors
was very slight; one friendly Indian was killed, and Captain Ogden, with
six men, were wounded. The situation of the little detachment was,
however, most perilous; the prisoners informed Major Rogers that a party
of 300 French, with some savages, had discovered and seized his boats,
down the river, about four miles from the village of St. Francois. He
could not doubt the truth of this unwelcome news, for they told him the
exact number of his boats, and described the place where they had been
left. He also learned that another force of 200 French and 15 Indians
lay in wait for him higher up the stream. The English officers held a
hurried council on their almost desperate position, and agreed
unanimously that the only chance of safety lay in a return to the
British settlements by the upper branches of the Connecticut River. This
route was attended with toils and hardships well-nigh incredible.
Rogers marched his detachment for eight successive days to the southeast
without interruption, but provisions began to fail, and it became
necessary to divide his people into small parties, that each might
provide for themselves as they best could. A guide was appointed to
every division, and they parted near the beautiful shores of Lake
Memphremagog, with orders to reassemble at the point where the Amansook
pours into the Connecticut River: there the provident chief had before
caused a depot of provisions to be prepared. Major Rogers and his party
reached the place of meeting in safety on the 5th of November, worn out
with fatigue and cold, and almost famished.
Another party, commanded by Lieutenant George Campbell, of the Rangers,
underwent trials more severe than any of their companions had suffered.
At one time they were four days without a morsel of food; they had
wandered from the direct route, and knew not whither they went. The weak
in mind went mad from suffering and despair; the weak in body sank. They
had already devoured their leather straps, and the covers of their
cartouch boxes: no resource, and but a faint glimmering of hope
remained. At length, on the 28th of October, in crossing a small stream
dammed up with logs, they espied some human bodies, scalped and horribly
mangled, probably the corpses of their companions. Their furious hunger
knew no restraint; they did not wait even for a fire to prepare the
ghastly banquet, but ate like beasts of prey; then collecting carefully
the remnants, pursued their journey. A squirrel and a few roots helped
to keep them alive till the 4th of November, when, to their unutterable
joy, they saw a boat on the Connecticut River, sent by Rogers to their
relief. On the 7th they rejoined their companions.
We must now return to the insignificant conclusion of General Amherst's
campaign. On the 10th of October, the brig arrived from Ticonderoga with
eighteen guns; seventy seamen and sixty soldiers embarked as marines.
The following day the little fleet was completed by the arrival of the
new sloop carrying sixteen guns, sixty sailors, and fifty soldiers,
under the command of Lieutenant Grant, of Montgomery's Highlanders. In
the afternoon the troops embarked for Isle aux Noix in the bateaux; the
armed vessels got out first, and sailed up the lake with a fair wind,
the army following in four divisions. As night fell, lights were hoisted
on board the brigantine and Great Radeau, to guide the expedition. In
the gray of the morning, some guns were suddenly heard in the advance,
and a message was sent to the general that his armed vessels were in
action with those of the French. He hastened to the front, and soon
discovered the mistake. The bateaux containing a wing of the 42d
Regiment, under Major Reid, had gone astray in the night, and got
unexpectedly among the enemy's sloops; the first light of day revealed
the dangerous error, and they happily ran the gauntlet of the French
guns in safety. One boat, however, with a lieutenant and twenty men,
being very far in advance, could not effect an escape, and was captured.
The enemy's squadron, content with this small advantage, crowded all
sail, and disappeared among the numerous islands. Toward the evening of
the 12th the wind increased, and the waters of the lake rose into
formidable waves; the light bateaux and clumsy rafts were equally unfit
to face this boisterous weather. The general was most unwillingly
compelled to order the expedition to seek the shelter of a neighboring
bay on the western shore, where commodious anchorage opportunely
offered. The troops were then landed, and allowed to stretch their
cramped limbs, while Gage's Light Infantry scoured the adjacent forest
to guard against surprise; at the same time, the Rangers disembarked on
an island that commanded the entrance of the harbor, and overlooked the
lake. Meanwhile, despite the angry skies, Captain Loring, with the armed
vessels, still stoutly kept at sea, and strove with untiring zeal to
bring the enemy to action. At daylight in the morning he had caught
sight of a French schooner, about forty-five miles down the lake, and
crowded all sail in her pursuit; but, ignorant of the navigation in
those strange waters, he had run two of his vessels ashore. After much
exertion, however, he succeeded in getting them off. At length, to his
great joy, he espied three hostile sloops, and immediately gave chase
with all the sail he could carry. The French, finding escape impossible,
ran for a small bay on the western shore, drove one of the vessels
aground, and sunk the two others. The crews, under their commandant, M.
de Bolabarras, made their escape through the woods, after having
encountered extreme difficulty and hardship.
The deepening shades of evening prevented the English from seeing the
catastrophe of the enemy's squadron, and rendered it difficult or
impossible for them to pursue into the rocky shallows; they therefore
prepared as they best could to brave out the stormy night, and cast
anchor at the entrance of the bay. When daylight came they saw the
abandoned vessels; the French schooner, however, had escaped. Captain
Loring left Lieutenant Grant with the sloop to endeavor to save the
stranded vessel, with her guns, stores, and rigging; he himself again
put out into the lake in pursuit of the only hostile sail now left upon
the waters.
The storm continued to the 15th of October; on the 16th there was frost;
on the 17th a contrary wind again rose. During all this time General
Amherst was forced to remain inactive. Every hour was precious; the fate
of the campaign, his fame and England's interests might have hung upon
his movements, and he did not stir. By flags of truce and letters of
ceremony from the hostile chief, he had received information, vaguely,
that a British fleet lay before Quebec; that combats had been fought,
and blood had freely flowed; and while the balance of victory trembled
under the walls of the great stronghold, he, with his overwhelming
power, lay helpless, as in a nightmare, on the banks of the stormy
lake.[170]
On the 18th the waters became somewhat calmer, and a south wind blew
gently up Lake Champlain. Amherst made one other effort; the troops were
once more hurried into the bateaux, and the expedition pushed on to the
north. They reached in a few hours the bay where the French vessels had
been driven ashore a few days previously; there again, however, the
uncertain winds veered round; the clouds darkened in the north, and a
chill blast swept down the lake, plowing the angry waters. The British
general was now finally baffled; winter had almost commenced; he had no
hope of grappling with the enemy before the season closed; the fate of
Quebec must, ere then, have been decided; there was much to risk and
little to gain by another effort upon the lakes. Nothing was left but to
prepare for the inglorious step of disposing his army in winter
quarters. Amherst therefore fell back upon Crown Point on the 21st,
directed the completion of the defenses, made roads and bridges, and
nursed the Provincials, who had become uncommonly sickly. Thus ended his
campaign.
[Footnote 166: This is the Fort George marked in modern maps, nearly on
the same spot where Fort William Henry formerly stood.]
[Footnote 167: "Four hundred of these young troops (Provincials) are to
be stationed here.... The privates are a poor, mean, ragged set of men,
of all sizes and ages; their officers are sober, modest men, and such of
them as have been upon service express themselves very distinctly and
sensibly; but their ideas, like those who have not been out of their own
country, or conversed much with Europeans, are naturally confined; they
make a decent appearance, being clothed in blue, faced with scarlet,
gilt buttons, laced waistcoats and hats; but their ordinary soldiers
have no uniforms, nor do they affect any kind of regularity."--Knox's
_Historical Journal_, vol. i., p. 237.]
[Footnote 168: "The Rangers have got a new uniform clothing: the ground
is black ratteen or frieze, lapelled and cuffed with blue. Here follows
a description of their dress: a waistcoat with sleeves, a short jacket
without sleeves; only arm-holes, and wings to the shoulders (in like
manner as the Grenadiers and drummers of the army); white metal buttons,
linen or canvas drawers, with a blue skirt, or short petticoat of stuff,
made with a waistband and one button: this is open before, and does not
extend quite to their knees: a pair of leggins of the same color with
their coat, which reach up to the middle of their thigh (without flaps),
and from the calf of the leg downward they button like spatterdashes.
With this active dress they wear blue bonnets, and, I think, in a great
measure resemble our Highlanders."--Knox's _Historical Journal_, vol.
i., p. 238.]
[Footnote 169: "Dear Sir--Let no persuasion or plausible reason
determine you to leave the plan of operations by the River St. Lawrence.
To go by the lakes, through wild and almost inaccessible forests, has
already proved dangerous, tedious, and expensive; will prolong the war,
and, at the same time, enrich your commanders and contractors. What is
more, we have seen that our regulars do not fight well in woods: the
Indian yell is horrid to their ears, and soon throws them into
confusion. If France had the superiority at sea we now enjoy, they would
not leave us a single province or colony in all North or South
America."--Mr. Beckford's _Letter to Mr. Pitt_. Fonthill, Dec., 1758;
_Chatham Correspondence_, vol. i., p. 378.]
[Footnote 170: "Ils durent evacuer encore la position de Fort Frederic
(Crown Point). Toutefois leur commandant, Burlamaque, se fortifia a
l'Ile aux Noix, a l'extremite du Lac Champlain; et comme il avoit encore
sous ses ordres trois mille cinq cents hommes, il reussit a fermer le
chemin de Quebec au General Amherst, et a l'empecher de seconder
l'attaque du General Wolfe contre cette ville."--Sismondi, _Histoire des
Francais_, vol. xxix., ch. liv.]