MIDHAT PASHA IN EUROPE
The exile of Midhat Pasha to Europe, after his sensational downfall
from power on 5th February 1877, caused very much excitement in Europe.
The Emperor of Austria is reported to have exclaimed, “Good Heavens!
these Turks are incorrigible!”; while M. Thiers said, “Turkey’s most
inveterate enemy could hardly have devised such a diabolical piece of
advice to give to the Sultan.” The Cabinets lost all hope of seeing
reforms introduced into Turkey. The English, as well as the greater
part of the European Press, showed their sympathy towards the ex‐Grand
Vizier and their discontent with the Sultan. Amongst the Russian
newspapers the _Golos_ of St Petersburg, 9th February 1877, whilst
clearly showing the interest that Russia had in the disgrace of Midhat
Pasha, yet expressed its opinions in the following manner:—
“The end of the Turkish Empire in Europe has come. All that is now
wanted is patience, and waiting is not difficult, since war is
impossible with a State which will perish more quickly by the effect
of its internal crisis than through a foreign army. Russia will
have time enough to save the Christians from the misfortune that
might befall them through the fall of Turkey. It is now more to the
advantage of Russia, as well as of the Christians, to wait and see
how the course of Turkish decay will shape itself than to prolong the
process of dissolution by interference.”[20]
The exile of Midhat, and the consequent change in the Ministry, also
caused the very greatest commotion throughout the greater part of the
Turkish population.[21] But the Sultan had taken every precaution
against the possibility of any insurrection on the part of the people
in favour of the exiled Grand Vizier, and he hastened to assemble
Parliament, in order that he might gain the credit of being considered
even more liberal than his Grand Vizier; and to show that the
downfall of Midhat by no means involved the abolition of the recently
promulgated Constitution, he opened Parliament.
The opening of the new Parliament had been fixed for the 1st March,
but owing to the fact that many of the deputies from the more distant
provinces had not arrived in the capital, the ceremony was adjourned
till the 4th March. On that day Parliament was opened with great
ceremony by the Sultan in the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche.
On the right of the throne stood the Ministers and high functionaries,
the Chiefs of the Christian communities, and members of the Council of
State; on the left, the Ulema, and Cadi, and Heads of the High Courts
of Justice, with the Generals of Division; behind these the pages of
the Court. Behind the throne were the Foreign Representatives, and
interspersed between the groups on the right and left of the throne
were the Senators and Representatives in the Parliament. The Sultan
entered, dressed in black, and stood by the throne with his hand on his
sword, whilst his First Secretary read the following Opening Speech:—
_The Sultan’s Speech._
“SENATORS AND DEPUTIES,—GENTLEMEN,—The difficulties and dangers
which our general situation presents cannot be compared to any of
the crises through which the Empire has hitherto passed. I was
obliged, first of all, in order to guard the rights of the Empire,
to augment the effective force of our armies at various points,
and to call under arms 700,000 combatants. Next I considered it a
duty to try, by means of essential reforms, to put an end, with
God’s help, to the disorder of the situation, and thus to insure
our future in a permanent fashion. It is evident that, thanks to
the resources with which Providence has endowed our country, and
the aptitudes of our subjects, a good administration would enable
us in a short time to make considerable progress. If we have not
reached the level of progress of other parts of the civilised
world, the cause of this must be traced to the instability of the
institutions necessary to the State, and of the laws and regulations
issuing therefrom. This instability proceeded from everything,
being in the hands of an absolute Government, which disregarded the
salutary principle of common deliberation. The progress effected
by civilised States, the security and wealth they enjoy, are the
fruit of the participation of all in the enactment of laws and in
the administration of public affairs. This is why we thought it
necessary to seek in that course the means of arriving at progress,
and of enacting and enforcing laws adopted by the common consent of
the population. For this purpose I have granted and promulgated the
Constitution. By the promulgation of the Constitution, I have not
simply designed to invite the population to share in the direction
of public affairs; I have had the firm resolution of employing the
deliberative system as an effective means for the amelioration
of the administrative system of the country, to preserve it from
maladministration and absolutism. Irrespective of these fundamental
advantages, the Constitution guarantees the unity of the governed,
and confirms the principle of the welfare and fraternal solidarity
of the population; for our illustrious ancestors, having, by God’s
grace, extended their possessions and aggrandised the Empire, have
combined under their rule a large number of peoples. These peoples
being of various nationalities and religions, it was desirable that
a uniform law should unite and protect them all. I give thanks to
Divine Providence for this legitimate aspiration being at length
realised. Henceforth all my subjects will be considered children of
the same country, and will be placed under the protection of one law.
They will be designated by the name borne by the illustrious race
of the Founders of the Empire—a name associated with the glorious
annals of a history of 600 years. I have a firm conviction that from
this moment all my subjects will unite their efforts to make the
name Osmanli retain the force and power hitherto surrounding it.
I am therefore resolved, in view of this ideal and these reasons,
not to deviate from the course which I have just adopted, and ever
to adhere closely to it. I expect from you a real and intelligent
co‐operation, in order to derive legitimate benefit from the
Constitution, which is based on justice and the public security. I
have deemed it necessary to insure to all the advantages of liberty
and equality, to abolish the system of arbitrariness, to enact
and execute laws adopted in common accord with the population,
and, lastly, to found our administrative system on constitutional
and liberal principles. It is in order to realise this sincere
desire that I have created and convoked your body, composed of the
Senate and Chamber of Deputies. It now devolves on you faithfully
and honestly to fulfil the legislative duties intrusted to your
patriotism. In this task you should not be influenced by any personal
considerations, but have in view only the faithful maintenance of
the safety and welfare of the State and country. The improvements
which we now need, and the reforms in all the public services, are
of the highest importance. The gradual application of these measures
depends on the accord which shall prevail among you. The Council of
State is engaged in framing Bills which will be submitted to you. In
the present Session you will have before you Bills on the Standing
Orders of the Chamber, the Electoral Law, the General Law respecting
the Vilayets and the Government of the Communes, the Municipal Law,
the Civil Code of Procedure; the laws relative to the re‐organisation
of the Tribunal and the mode of promoting and superannuating Judges,
the Law concerning the functions and retiring pensions of all public
functionaries in general, the Law of the Press, that respecting the
Court of Accounts, and, lastly, the Budget Law. I desire that these
different Bills be successively studied and discussed. You will have
especially to occupy yourselves with the re‐organisation of the
Tribunals, the only safeguard for the rights of everyone, and with
the formation of the _gendarmerie_. In order to attain this end, it
will be necessary to augment the amount of special grants for these
two branches of the Service. As you will see from the Budget which
will be submitted to the Chamber, our finances are in an extremely
difficult situation. I recommend you, above all, to adopt common
measures adapted to meet the difficulties of the situation and to
restore our credit. You will have moreover, to take measures to
insure the supply of funds required for urgent reforms. One of the
greatest wants of our Empire and of our subjects is the development
of agriculture and industry, and the progress of civilisation and
of public wealth. This result can only be obtained by means of the
development of public instruction. Measures with the object of
improving educational establishments, and of fixing the programme of
studies, will be submitted to the Chambers in the Session of next
year. The Imperial Government attaches the greatest importance to
the choice and appointment of the functionaries who will be called
upon to apply and execute the above‐mentioned laws and those which
will be ultimately promulgated for the working of the Constitution.
Since my accession to the Throne I have given particular attention
to this question. It is for this reason that I have decided on
instituting, at my own expense, a special school for the education
of administrative officials. As stated by the published organic
regulations of that school, they will be admitted to the highest
administrative and political posts. The pupils will be selected
without distinction of religion, from all classes of my subjects.
Their promotion will be according to the degree of their capacity.
For nearly two years we have had to face internal complications.
During this period, especially during the hostilities with Servia and
Montenegro, our faithful subjects have given proofs of patriotism,
and our troops have done, at the price of great suffering, acts of
courage and bravery which I profoundly appreciate. In all questions
we have only had the defence of our rights in view. The efforts we
have made for this purpose have had the result of restoring peace
with Servia. As to the decision we shall take in the negotiations
with Montenegro, it will be referred to your deliberations at their
first sitting. I advise you to be prompt in deciding. Our relations
with friendly Powers are still marked by that courtesy and deference
which are among the most precious rules for our State. Several months
ago the Government of England proposed the meeting of a Conference in
our capital for the consideration of the present questions. The bases
proposed being also supported by the other Great Powers, our Sublime
Porte consented to the meeting of the Conference. Though a definite
understanding was not obtained in that Conference, we have given
proofs of our sincere desire to defer to the wishes and counsels
of friendly Powers. As to the causes of the non‐agreement of the
Conference, these lay rather in the form and the mode of execution
than in the substance. I thoroughly appreciate the imperative
necessity of continuing the efforts for progress, by which so much
has already been achieved, from the origin of the _Tanzimat_ till
this time, in all branches of the administration, and in the general
condition of my Empire. All our efforts still tend towards that
object. But on this occasion I considered it my duty to preserve the
country from all attacks on its honour and independence. Time will
prove the sincerity of our intentions. Our desire being in all cases
to maintain our rights and independence, we adopt also for the future
the same line of conduct. I rejoice to think that the proofs of
moderation and sincerity furnished by our State, before and after the
Conference, will have served to strengthen the bonds of friendship
and sympathy which unite my Empire to the Concert of European Powers.
May the Almighty deign to grant success to our common efforts!”
Thus, against his will, the Sultan had been obliged to keep his word
and to open the Chamber of Deputies, but he now left no means untried
in order to deprive the people of the privilege which he had just
granted them. It so happened that events occurred which furnished
him with certain opportunities, of which he took advantage with the
greatest astuteness, and which were very much to the detriment of the
nation.
The refusal of the Porte and of the Grand Council to accept the
propositions formulated at the Conference had placed Turkey in an
exceedingly critical position, although the whole civilised world, with
the exception of Russia and the Sultan Abdul Hamid, were convinced that
this refusal was of no great importance, since the solemnly proclaimed
Constitution had assured the Empire that the necessary reforms should
be made, and that the maladministration should be brought to an end.
Nevertheless, the fall of Midhat, of the very man to whom the empire
owed this Constitution, gave rise to doubt as to the execution of
the promised reforms. On 19th April, Prince Gortchakoff sent out his
Circular to the Powers, and on the 24th of April hostilities were begun
by Russia.
Public opinion in Turkey was thus entirely engrossed by the danger
with which the empire was threatened from outside, and was no longer
able to concentrate itself on the changes that were taking place in
the internal government. All minds were excited at the near approach
of Russia, and were unable to occupy themselves in the maintenance of
those rights which had been conferred by the new charter. The Sultan
was thus able to attain his object, and finding no longer any obstacle
to his will, he closed the Parliament and exiled the few deputies who
dared to raise their voice in protest.
The war declared by Russia was the necessary result of the policy
which Abdul Hamid had proposed to follow. Having exiled Midhat Pasha,
and closed Parliament without having executed a single reform, he was
equally obliged to crush every liberal tendency in order that he might
monopolise the supreme power, and spared no effort to rid himself of
every force that was capable of thwarting his designs. He now began
to get secret information as to the opinions of all the principal
Ministers and Generals, and took care at once to deprive of all power
those whom he feared might be dangerous to him. The contradictory
instructions that he gave to the Generals, the absurd military orders
that he issued from his Palace of Yildiz, were transmitted after
reports which attributed revolutionary designs to certain of his
Generals—designs which they were far from cherishing—had reached him.
It was in consequence of these suspicions on the part of the Sultan
that the Commander‐in‐Chief Abdul Kerim and the Marshal Suleiman Pasha
were brought before a Council of War and condemned, _not_ on account of
faults committed, but simply because one of these two chief officers
had participated in the deposition of the Sultan Abdul Aziz, and the
other was known to have liberal opinions.
The Sultan’s efforts were crowned by the Treaty of San Stefano. The
Circular of Prince Gortchakoff, which had appeared in the Official
Journal of St Petersburg on the 9th April 1877, showed that what Russia
had wished to obtain from Turkey by the Conference of Constantinople,
differed but very little from the conditions which she imposed on the
Porte in the Treaty of San Stefano, a fact to which Lord Salisbury
rendered due justice in his despatch of 1st April.
Although the Cabinet of Great Britain had firmly stated its intentions
of not entering into the quarrel, the general interests of Europe
and the special interests of England were so deeply involved in the
dispute, that it was impossible for that Power not to be obliged
sooner or later to take some share in the proceedings. The intervention
of England, although unhappily it came rather late in the day, led to
the Congress of Berlin, which blotted out the Treaty of San Stefano.
As Midhat Pasha, however, played no part in the Russo‐Turkish War, nor
in the events that followed, we will pass over them, and relate the
vicissitudes of his journey in Europe, including the interviews which
he had with the heads of States and celebrated politicians.
Midhat arrived at Brindisi, 11th February, 1877, and after a few days’
rest left for Naples, where he had at first wished to live, withdrawn
from the world and its capitals. The following statement, which we
reprint from the _Neue Freie Presse_ of Vienna, was made by him on the
future of the Constitution:—
“It is not despotism which, by my banishment, has reacted against the
constitutional _régime_. That is not at all the case. Montesquieu has
taught us that the creation of a constitution is very difficult and
takes much time. A sovereign prince, accustomed to absolute power,
can only be persuaded little by little to abandon his prerogatives,
that being necessary to the constitutional _régime_. It is a
difficult task, frequently interrupted by contrary currents, but for
all that one need never despair of reaching the goal, for with time,
patience and perseverance success is attainable. It is not in the
person of the Sultan, nor yet through his present Ministers, that I
see danger for the Constitution, but rather in the want of character
and of courage so often to be found in those who are the Sovereign’s
Councillors, and who, instead of acting according to their
convictions, seek their own advantage in hiding the truth. I have
never hesitated about giving my opinion to the Sultan, whoever he
might be, whenever it happened to differ from his; I have always done
so with the greatest respect, but also without the least reticence.
Many a misfortune might have been avoided in this world of ours if
there had not been a great lack of men, capable of placing the whole
truth before their Sovereign.
“The danger to the Constitution lies, not in the lack of goodwill,
but in the ignorance as to how to manage the mechanism. The
Governmental form of despotism reminds me somewhat of a primitive
mill, which may be turned by the force of water, or may equally
be turned by its wheel. Constitutional Government also resembles
a mill—but one that is put in movement by a complicated and
artistically constructed mechanism. A knowledge as to how to work
this machine and to keep it in movement is absolutely necessary.
Thus, we must hope that the men of experience who find themselves at
the head of affairs at Constantinople will not put the machinery of
the new mill in motion, in accordance with the ideas and routine of
the primitive mill. Constitutional Government cannot have the customs
and the men of the Despotic system as its motive power. Reshid Pasha,
our great reformer, was one day reproached for employing young men
who had only just left college; he replied that it was right that it
should be so, as neither one man alone, nor yet ten, could possibly
do everything, and that it was therefore necessary to prepare a fresh
staff of administrators. This has always been my idea, and whenever I
have seen many rivals around me, I have delighted in the thought that
it was to the profit of my country.
“If a man would render real and genuine services to his Sovereign and
his Nation, he must be _patriotic_, and very much depends upon the
way in which each person interprets this word. As for me, I consider
that man to be a true patriot who, renouncing his own private
interests, devotes himself morally and physically to one supreme
aim—the welfare of his country. One must be willing to renounce
everything—to be ready at a moment’s notice to sacrifice happiness,
family, and life itself for what one realises to be the good of the
Fatherland.
“I have frequently been in a position in which I might have remained
Minister, or have acquired vast wealth, and so have been able to end
my days in the midst of luxury and covered with honours. But such is
not my idea of patriotism.
“The esteem, love and sympathy of my nation have been always valued
by me far above all other favours and all the splendours of this
world. I could not remain a Minister when my Sovereign refused to
allow me to act as I thought necessary for the honour and welfare of
my country, and I prefer poverty and exile to the swords of honour,
the diamonds and highest favours; and to be held in esteem by my
compatriots is to me the proudest and keenest satisfaction.”
Events in the East having now begun to assume a more and more
threatening aspect, Midhat felt he could not possibly remain in
inactivity at Naples, in the face of all the troubles that assailed his
country. He went to Paris, and thence he crossed to London. He was the
subject of the warmest welcome in each of the two capitals. Although
an exile, he worked his hardest to find some favourable issue, and
to deliver his country from the risk she ran in the Russian War. His
friendly relations with Lord Beaconsfield and with the other English
statesmen did not fail to produce some good effects in helping to save
his country from an unjust war. When he had seen that the English
Government were disposed to offer their good office for the promotion
of an honourable peace, he left London for Vienna, where he was granted
an audience by the Emperor Francis Joseph. On receiving news of the
resistance offered by the Turkish army to the Russians, he addressed
the following telegram to the Sultan Abdul Hamid:—
_To H.M. First Secretary, Saïd Pasha._
“During my stay in London, I have tried to employ all my feeble
efforts in favour of the Empire’s cause, and to obtain an honourable
peace. I flatter myself that I have achieved some results. Now that
I am at Vienna I am desirous of acting in the same way, subject of
course to the approval of His Imperial Majesty, but it naturally goes
without saying that in order that my efforts may be crowned with any
measure of success, I must be to some extent acquainted with His
Majesty’s plans, so that guided by the intentions of the Government,
I may, to the best of my ability, render those services which are
necessary in the crisis through which we are passing.—I am, etc.,
MIDHAT.”
(1877.)
The Sultan informed him in reply that he would never accept peace, and
he would refuse to listen to any _pourparlers_ on this subject, and
that he did not hesitate to declare that any man who should contemplate
such a step was far from being a true patriot.
Midhat Pasha, seeing that peace was impossible, returned to London,
where he never wearied of striving by every means in his power to
be of assistance to his country. The Sultan, on his side, was doing
his best to vilify Midhat’s name in his own capital, and it is this
that elicited the following letter from him to the Grand Master of
Ceremonies, Kiamil Bey.
_To Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of Ceremonies._
“DEAR SIR,—I am thoroughly aware of how anxious you must be to avoid
a correspondence with me in my present disgrace, but I must ask your
indulgence for the few lines that I find myself obliged to address to
you.
“It has been brought to my knowledge that the publication of a letter
in one of the newspapers of Constantinople has given rise to various
attacks directed against me. I know very well that if an exile,
instead of seeking for indulgence and pity, dares to make use of
the language of criticism as to the acts of the Government, in such
a way as to provoke the enmity of certain personages, he will not
even be able to avoid hurting his friends. But as these observations
only relate to the defence of my own personality, it would be better
to pass them over in silence, for there is no greater crime than
to be occupied with one’s own individuality whilst the State is in
the midst of such serious dangers. I believe that no one who has
studied my letter can deny that it only contains the absolute truth.
If there is a certain crudeness to be found therein, it comes from
the truth of the words. If I have been able to remain indifferent to
the attacks of my enemies, who for more than a year have done their
best to injure me in the eyes of His Majesty by inserting articles
and pamphlets against me in the newspapers, it is also in my power
to bear with patience the vexatious attacks against my character.
But no one must be surprised that the right of nationality which I
possess in common with thirty‐six million fellow‐countrymen prevents
me from keeping silence whilst our country is in the midst of such
terrible vicissitudes, and our Ministers are involved in such great
difficulties. Yet time presses, and the perilous situation, which
has been dreaded for more than forty years, draws nearer and nearer.
It is therefore the duty of every child of the country to let his
complaint be heard and to lay his fears before his Sovereign. Those
to whom the door of access to the Sovereign is closed must naturally
employ every possible means by which their words may reach him. It is
high time to realise that to place the truth before a Sovereign is
an act of fidelity, and to hide it is a felony. Recent events have
successively shown us the faults of those who are opposed to the wise
measures which had been recognised by our Sovereign as necessary to
save the Nation and the Government, and, putting aside all personal
enmity, I am tempted to believe that they will profit by the goodwill
of our august Sovereign and devote all their efforts to the good
of the country. I end this letter with a request to you to be
indulgent towards my expressions, which are free from all adulatory
emphasis.—I am, etc.,
“MIDHAT.
“_27 Zilhidje 1294, Hegira._”
(_November 1877._)
The Sultan, beginning to fear lest his former Grand Vizier’s sojourn in
Europe should prove a danger to him, decided to recall him. We publish
the following correspondence which passed between the Grand Master of
Ceremonies and Midhat Pasha on this subject, and which resulted in the
return of the latter to Turkey and his tragic death. Midhat committed a
great error in accepting the reversal of his exile, an error which has
cost the Party of Reform at the very least twenty years of progress.
_Letter from Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of Ceremonies, to Midhat Pasha,
in exile._
“YOUR HIGHNESS,—His Majesty having questioned me some time ago on
Your Highness’ situation, I replied that you were wandering, sad and
dispirited. As to your means of subsistence, I stated that you were
living on what you borrowed. His Majesty, on whom these facts made
the deepest impression, and who was much touched, shed tears and
wished to send Your Highness at once the sum of £T1000, to provide
for your absolute necessities. But I took the liberty of saying
that it was first of all necessary to ask how the money should be
sent, and also if you would wish to appoint someone to draw it—and
then to act accordingly. What I have just related to you is only
known to His Majesty, Your Highness, and to me, and must be kept
secret. His Majesty even went so far as to say—‘The poor man was
deceived.’ As to Your Highness’ present situation, it may come to a
happy termination through a correspondence with your humble servant,
according to the Imperial desire. I shall await with impatience the
immediate reply of Your Highness to this letter, as well as a letter
of thanks for the favour which Your Highness has received from His
Majesty.
“I am, etc.,
“KIAMIL.
“_13th‐25th November 1293_ (1877.)
“_P.S._—His Majesty repeatedly enjoined that all that I have just
told you should be kept secret.”
_Letter from Midhat Pasha in reply to Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of
Ceremonies._
“MY VERY DEAR SIR,—I have received your letter of November 13th. I
was at first surprised and astonished to find that a friend, who ever
since my departure from Constantinople had taken care not to send me
even a simple greeting, should now have the courage to write me a
letter with his own hand; but after having read it I understood the
motive. Thank you for having wished to attract the Imperial kindness
towards me, and for having replied—‘He wanders, sad and dispirited’
to the question that His Majesty kindly put to you. But at the same
time I must point out to you that these words are used for the
unhappy and the bewildered. If His Majesty has sent me away from
Constantinople and exiled me to Europe, it was in order to put an
end to the calumnies which were spread against me in Constantinople,
where my presence caused a certain amount of anxiety. As it is
neither in keeping with the dignity of the State nor yet with the
Imperial will that a man who has occupied the highest rank in the
Government, and who has so frequently received the public proofs of
the Imperial favour, should be treated as one who wanders bewildered
through foreign countries, I think you would have been nearer the
truth and also have better pleased His Majesty had you said, ‘Midhat
Pasha has retired to Naples, where he is praying for the happiness of
the Sultan.’
“As to the rest of your letter, I must beg you to excuse me before I
begin to comment on it. You know that I am the son of Hadji Echref
Effendi, and that I have no other protector than God. I have worked
very hard to acquire knowledge and virtue, but I have not succeeded.
I own that my capacities and accomplishments are inferior to those
of my colleagues. Now, if under these circumstances I have still
been able to reach a rank so much above my merits, it can only be
thanks to my plain dealing; and all the difficulties that I have
met with during my life, are entirely due to my having spoken the
truth.... What has happened, and to what is it due that I have been
deceived? It was necessary that there should be a Sovereign at the
head of the State after the Sultan Abdul Aziz, and, in accordance
with the law, he was succeeded by the Sultan Murad. He became
ill—was deposed—and, still in accordance with the law, the Sultan
Abdul Hamid ascended the throne. It has been recognised that he
manifested a sincere desire and also the necessary capacity to lead
the State into the paths of progress; he showed much esteem for
everyone, and his esteem and benevolence for me were prodigious. In
the report which the late Mustapha Fazil Pasha laid before the Sultan
Abdul Aziz, it is stated that the truth is always the last to gain
admittance into the palace of Sovereigns, and indeed this is the
case. But the more dangerous the word of truth, the more profitable
is the result when it is spoken to the Sovereign in the hope of
serving the State. This is the reason why, subordinating my private
opinions to the public interests, I have never failed to speak the
truth, and have never hesitated to point out clearly which was the
way of salvation, and which path would lead to the destruction of our
country. Men of evil intention have, I know, made use of this as a
weapon against me, but all the events of to‐day are proving one by
one how just were my words. Unhappily, there are certain personages
who, instead of trying by every means to save their country in
the present dangerous situation, think only of their own private
interest, and desiring to preserve their prestige, have committed
serious faults, which are incompatible with humane feeling and quite
impossible to correct. And by these acts not only have they created
a bad name for themselves, but they have been the principal cause
of the destruction of the empire. I can, however, only be grateful
to His Majesty, and ever since my departure from Constantinople,
wherever I have been, I have never ceased to repeat with fervour
how good are His Majesty’s intentions. Those who know the constancy
of my words and deeds will realise that there is no other course
possible to me. My most ardent desire at present is to see my country
delivered from the horrors of war—my own personal consideration can
only hold a secondary place in my thoughts.—I am, dear Sir, etc.,
“MIDHAT.
“_28th November 1293, O.S._”
(_10th December 1877._)
_Letter from Kiamil Bey, in reply to Midhat Pasha._
“YOUR HIGHNESS,—I hope that Your Highness has perfectly recognised
from the tone of my letter from what source it came. I was expecting
to hear some expressions of gratitude from Your Highness, but
your reply has in no way fulfilled this expectation, and you have
ruthlessly exposed the real state of affairs without giving the least
consideration to the shades of meaning in my expressions. This has
been a great grief to me, and has diminished the hope I had of seeing
you aiding the course of progress. In certain circles it is suggested
that Your Highness may be waiting for a change in the Khalifat. I
have been in Egypt for some months for change of air, and if you
should wish to answer me, I would beg you to address your letters to
me in Egypt.—I am, etc.,
“KIAMIL.
“_24th December 1293, O.S._”
(_6th January 1878_).