CEREMONIES AND MINISTERS OF RELIGION
With regard to the rites of the old Scandinavian religion a
considerable amount of information has been preserved, although mainly
relating to one part of the subject, the offering of sacrifice. It is
clear that this was the central feature in the worship of the gods, and
the great means towards propitiating their favour or averting their
displeasure. Hence the verb _blóta_, which was the distinctive word for
worshipping the heathen gods, very frequently (if not usually) implies
the accompaniment of sacrifice; and the noun _blót_ similarly means
either the act of worship or that of sacrifice. In the case of the
verb, the object of worship stands in the accusative case, the thing
sacrificed in the dative, the original sense being 'to worship (the
gods) with something.' In this killing of living things as an offering
to the divine powers lay one of the most obvious differences between
the old religion and the new, and it is consequently one which holds
a prominent place in the accounts of the struggle between heathenism
and Christianity. One of the first objects aimed at by the kings who
adopted the new faith was the suppression of the practice in every
form, while the adherents of the old religion clung to it tenaciously
as long as they could. Even after Christianity was the established
religion of Norway, it was still thought necessary to remind the
people that all _blót_ were forbidden, whether to 'the heathen gods,
mounds, or sacred cairns.' Here and in other passages where the word is
similarly employed, it may be assumed that sacrifices are to be thought
of as an essential part of the heathen worship.
Sacrifice might be offered either by individuals on their own account,
or by some prominent man on behalf of the community. It was, indeed,
the duty of the latter to 'keep up the sacrifices,' on which the public
peace and prosperity were believed largely to depend. The king as head
of his people was especially bound to maintain this religious rite,
and the adoption of Christianity by the Norwegian kings naturally
brought them into direct collision with the national feeling on this
point. When King Hákon in 952 proposed that his subjects should worship
Christ, give up the heathen gods and the sacrifices to them, and keep
holy each seventh day, he was met by the reply that they desired him
rather to follow the custom of his father, and 'sacrifice for peace
and plenty to them.' On the other hand, the importance attached to the
practice by the more religious among the people is shown in the case of
Loft the Old, who emigrated to Iceland from Gaular in Norway. He 'went
abroad every third summer on his own account and that of his uncle
Flosi, to sacrifice at that temple in Gaular of which his mother's
father, Thorbjörn, had been the custodian.'
The extent to which the common people shared in the expense attendant
on such sacrifices seems to have varied according to circumstances. In
some cases the offering was a collective one; in others some great man
showed his wealth and munificence by providing it entirely from his
own resources. Probably the latter course was somewhat exceptional, as
Snorri says of Earl Sigurd, that 'he did a thing that was widely famed:
he made a great sacrificial feast at Hladir, and stood all the expense
of it himself.' This he confirms by citing a verse from a poem in
praise of Sigurd, composed by the Icelandic poet Kormak. Otherwise, he
states, 'it was the old custom, when there was to be a sacrifice, that
all the householders should come to the place where the temple was,
and bring there the provisions they would require while the festival
lasted.' According to Adam of Bremen, too, the great festival which was
celebrated every nine years at Upsala was maintained by contributions
from the whole Swedish people, and attendance at it was compulsory;
even those who had adopted Christianity were only exempted on payment
of a fine. The national character of the festival is also certified by
Snorri, who calls it the 'chief _blót_,' and says it was held to obtain
peace and victory for the Swedish king.
The actual sacrifice consisted in the killing of various animals,
usually oxen, horses, sheep, or swine, but on special occasions even
human beings were offered to the gods. At the great Upsala festival,
according to Adam's account, nine male animals of each kind were
offered, as well as men; and a Christian eye-witness reported having
seen seventy-two carcases of slaughtered men and beasts (dogs and
horses) suspended together from the trees of the sacred grove adjoining
the temple. Whether this custom of hanging up the bodies of the
offerings was practised elsewhere in Scandinavia is unknown, but the
connection between Odin and death by hanging makes it probable that
it was more widely known than appears. In Denmark also human victims
were offered along with animals; according to Thietmar's chronicle the
great gathering in this country took place at Lejre (near Roskilde in
Sjælland) every nine years, in the month of January. The sacrifice
here consisted of ninety-nine men and as many horses, dogs, and cocks
(the latter being offered in place of hawks). How the victims were
selected or obtained is not stated; but it is probable that they were
usually captives taken in war, criminals, or thralls. In Sweden,
indeed, strangers appear to have run some risk of being selected as
victims; in 997 the Icelandic poet Hallfred nearly met with this fate.
In early times, however, the Swedes were credited with having burned
one of their kings in his own house as an offering to Odin, in order
to dispel a famine which they believed was due to his slackness in
maintaining the sacrifices. One of the early kings was also reported
to have offered up nine of his sons in succession to Odin, to obtain
long life for himself. In an account of the heathen period in the
isle of Gotland, which is given in _Guta Saga_, it is said that 'they
sacrificed their sons and daughters and their cattle. All the land
had its highest sacrifices with folk (=human beings), as also had each
third (of the country) by itself; but the smaller districts had lesser
sacrifices with cattle.'
In Norway and Iceland human sacrifices appear to have been more
exceptional, and only resorted to in extreme cases. The usual nature
of the victims is clearly indicated by the words assigned to King
Olaf Tryggvason in 998, when he found his subjects obstinate in their
determination to hold the midsummer _blót_. He then threatened 'to
make it the greatest kind of sacrifice that is in use, and offer up
men; and I will not choose thralls or criminals, but will select the
most distinguished men to give to the gods.' At the very crisis of the
conflict between paganism and Christianity in Iceland, in the year
1000, the adherents of the old religion resolved to sacrifice two men
out of each quarter, and 'called upon the heathen gods not to let
Christianity overrun the country.' Then Hjalti and Gizur held a meeting
of the Christians, and said that they would also make an offering of
as many men. 'The heathens,' they said, 'sacrifice the worst men, and
cast them over rocks or cliffs; but we shall choose the best men, and
call it a gift for victory to our Lord Jesus Christ.' Various methods
appear to have been in use besides that mentioned here; at Thorsness,
in the west of Iceland, tradition long pointed out the 'doom-ring,'
in which men had been adjudged for sacrifice, and the stone within
it--called _Thor's stone_--on which they were killed by being broken,
'and the stain of blood is still to be seen on it.' Another source
speaks of human victims as having been sunk in a fen close to the
temple on Kjalarness, which is supported by Adam of Bremen's statement
that near the temple of Upsala was a fountain in which 'a living man'
was immersed. A 'sacrificial pit' is also mentioned in _Vatnsdæla
Saga_, where one Thorolf was believed to sacrifice both men and
cattle. That in exceptional cases the victim may have been of higher
standing than the thrall or criminal is possible enough; as late as
985 Earl Hákon in Norway is credited with having given his young son
as an offering to Thorgerd, when he prayed to her for victory over the
vikings of Jómsborg. In other cases, such as that of Hallstein, who
'gave his son to Thor' in order that the god might send him pillars
for his house, the language is ambiguous, and may imply dedication
rather than sacrifice. When the sacrifice consisted of animals which
might be used for human food, it was apparently only the blood which
was regarded as belonging to the gods. To this was given the name of
_hlaut_, and it has already been stated (p. 41) that special bowls
were kept to receive it in. It was then smeared or sprinkled by means
of twigs, not only upon the altars and the walls of the temples (both
outside and in), but also upon the assembled people. The flesh was
then boiled in large pots over the fires which burned in the middle of
the temple, and was eaten by the worshippers, after being consecrated
by the chief man present. A prominent feature, at least of the more
important festivals, was the use of horse-flesh for this purpose--a
practice so intimately associated with heathenism that its abandonment
was strictly prescribed to those who accepted Christianity. This
appears in the strongest light in the case of Hákon the Good, who was
finally forced to appease his heathen subjects by eating some pieces
of horse-liver. In Iceland, however, it was permitted for a few years
after the new faith was publicly adopted.
When the drinking began, the horns of ale were carried round the fire
and solemnly dedicated to various gods. The first _full_ or toast was
assigned to Odin (see p. 18), and was drunk to obtain victory and power
for the king. Next came that of Njörd and Frey, for peace and plenty.
'After that it was the custom of many to drink Bragi's _full_. Men
also drank to those of their kinsmen who had been famous, and that was
called _minni_.' It is possible that this account may be imperfect
or inexact, as another passage mentions Thor as well as Odin in this
connection. This is a story of how St. Martin appeared in a dream to
King Olaf Tryggvason, and said to him: 'It has been the custom of men
in this country, as well as elsewhere among heathen people, that ale
is given to Thor and Odin, and toasts are assigned to the Æsir, when
there is drinking or feasting in common.' The saint then suggests that
in place of the old gods Olaf should substitute Martin himself, along
with God and His saints. This was actually what took place in Norway
and Iceland, a fact which shows how strong a hold on popular feeling
the practice must have had. In the early Christian law of Norway it
was enjoined that ale was to be brewed for certain festivals, such
as All Hallowmas and Christmas, 'and that ale shall be consecrated
to Christ and Saint Mary _for peace and plenty_.' Omission to do so
was punishable by a fine to the bishop. In place of drinking to the
heathen gods and their departed kinsmen, men now drank the _minni_
of Christ, of Mary, of St. Martin, St. Olaf, or other saints, and
even of the Holy Ghost, and this practice continued to be observed at
wedding-feasts in Iceland as late as the seventeenth century.
The great festivals took place especially at three seasons in the
year. One of these was at the close of autumn (about the middle of
October) 'to greet the winter.' At mid-winter came the festival of
Yule (_Jól_ or _Júl_), originally held in the middle of January,
but afterwards altered to correspond with Christmas. The third was
held at the end of the winter (about the middle of April) 'to greet
the summer.' The precise time of each, however, may have varied
in different parts of Scandinavia; Adam of Bremen, for instance,
represents the great Upsala festival as taking place about the spring
equinox, while Snorri places it a little earlier. As late as 1020
these three festivals were still kept up by the majority of the
inhabitants in the district of Thrandheim in Norway, and must have been
maintained in Sweden for nearly a century later. The return which the
worshippers hoped to obtain from the gods for the sacrifices offered
was mainly good seasons, abundant crops, peaceful times, and victory
in war if it arose. To some extent each festival appears to have had
a special object, but the statements on this point are not quite in
agreement with each other. No doubt the desires of the worshippers
were expressed in formal prayers offered up by the one who presided
over the sacrifices, but no specimen of these has been preserved. Adam
of Bremen asserts that in the sacrifices at Upsala use was made of
many incantations of an odious character, but of the precise nature
of these there is no indication. The drinking of the various toasts
was certainly accompanied by formal speeches, of which those used in
Iceland at a later date are probably the Christianised representatives.
It is noteworthy that in most of the references to these great
religious festivals there is no statement that the sacrifices were
offered to any particular deity, the usual expression being simply
'to sacrifice for peace,' etc., or 'to the gods.' The same vagueness
sometimes appears when more private offerings are mentioned; it is
simply said that the person 'performed a great sacrifice.' It may
naturally be assumed, however, that the deity appealed to would vary
according to the boon desired, or the preferences of the worshipper.
Adam of Bremen, in fact, states that in event of pestilence or famine
the offering was made to Thor; in case of war it was given to Odin;
while Frey was the recipient on the occasion of a wedding. The Swedes
are also said to have sacrificed to Frey for peace and plenty, and
Thorgrim in Iceland honoured the same god at the beginning of winter
(p. 26). Earl Hákon's sacrifice to Odin has already been mentioned (p.
16), and is in agreement with Adam of Bremen's statement.
Among the ancient Scandinavians there was no distinct priestly caste.
The duty of presiding over religious ceremonies, and of acting as
custodian of sacred places, was attached to persons who had also
temporal authority of a more or less extensive nature. Highest of all
stood the king, on whose attitude towards the gods and their worship
the prosperity of his people was believed largely to depend. Next to
him came the earls, who in this as in other respects acted as the
representatives of the king. Among the titles of honour given by the
poets to both kings and earls are those of 'ruler' or 'guardian' of
sanctuaries. Finally each district had its recognised religious head
in one or other of its most prominent men, whose power as a chief was
naturally augmented in no slight degree by his position as priest.
The holder of this double office appears in the Icelandic writings
under the name of _goði_ (also _hof-goði_), a derivative of _goð_
'god(s)'; it may be assumed that the name was also known in Norway,
and its existence in Denmark is certified by its occurrence in Runic
inscriptions. The sagas contain numerous references to these priestly
chiefs, who are sometimes named after the god whom they specially
worshipped (as _Freys-goði_), sometimes after the place where they
resided (as _Tungu-goði_), or after those whose religious head they
were (as _Ljósvetninga-goði_). By the older constitution of Iceland
the number of recognised _goðar_ was thirty-nine, distributed pretty
equally in the various parts of the island. The office itself was, at
least in Iceland, known by the name of _goð-orð_, and was regarded
as an item of personal property, which might even be shared by more
than one person, so that we find such statements as 'he had a third of
the _goð-orð_ with Thorgeir.' The right to the office was hereditary,
and could also be transferred by one person to another, and this
was frequently done, especially when the rightful holder was to be
absent from the country for a time. In one case the claimant to a
_goð-orð_ is described as performing a ceremony which may have been a
usual accompaniment of such transference. He 'said, "we shall redden
ourselves in the _goði's_ blood in the old fashion," and killed a ram,
in the blood of which he reddened his hands, and claimed Arnstein's
_goð-orð_.' The _goði_ being as much a chief as a priest, the name did
not disappear with the adoption of Christianity into Iceland, though
it naturally lost its religious associations and thenceforward denoted
only the recognised leader in the various districts of the island.
It appears also that women to some extent acted as priestesses, and in
Iceland, at least, these were designated by the name of _gyðja_, or
_hof-gyðja_, a feminine form corresponding to _goði_ and _hof-goði_.
In one passage where a Thord _Freys-goði_ is spoken of, a female
relative of his is also mentioned as being _hof-gyðja_. When the
missionary Thorvald was preaching Christianity at Hvamm in the west of
Iceland about 984, a certain Fridgerd 'was meanwhile in the temple and
performed sacrifice, and each of them could hear the other's words';
then Thorvald made a verse in which he gives the name of _gyðja_ to
Fridgerd. Other women are also mentioned with this appellation, but
the precise place of the priestess, and her relation to the priest,
remains somewhat obscure.
That the public worship of the gods was thus in the hands of the most
prominent men in the community, and not merely of a separate priestly
class, indicates that the Scandinavian peoples as a whole were really
interested in their religion. This is also shown by the thoroughly
popular character of the great sacrificial feasts. In earlier times it
is probable that the belief in the native gods was strong even to a
degree of fanaticism, of which traces are still found in the historic
period, especially in Sweden and in the more northerly districts of
Norway. The words of Gudbrand already quoted (p. 10) no doubt express
a genuine religious attitude common to many worshippers of the Æsir,
and similar confessions of faith are to be met with in other accounts.
When King Hákon wished his subjects to adopt Christianity, 'and believe
in one God, Christ the son of Mary, and abandon all sacrifices and
the heathen gods,' there arose a great murmur in the assembly, and
the speaker who replied protested against the idea 'that we should
abandon that faith which our fathers have had before us ... and yet
this faith has served us well.' Instances have already been given of
the strong attachment which individuals had for certain gods, whom
they regarded as their dear and faithful friends, consulted them in all
their difficulties, and gave them joint-ownership of their possessions.
Others again were zealous in erecting temples and maintaining
sacrifices, such as Hall in Thorskafirth, who 'raised a great temple,
because Ulf,' the chief man of the district, 'was no sacrificer.' By
such men the encroachments of Christianity were naturally regarded
with resentment and dismay. At the Althing in Iceland in 996 it was
decided that any one blaspheming the gods should be prosecuted by a
near kinsman, and for one to be a Christian was reputed a disgrace to
all the kindred. Four years later, while the adoption of Christianity
was being debated at the Althing, a volcanic eruption was reported from
the neighbourhood, whereupon the heathens said, 'It is no wonder that
the gods are angry at such talk.' In 1020 the men of Thrandheim held
sacrifices after the old fashion, drinking to the gods, killing cattle
and horses, and reddening the altars with the blood; this was done
on account of a great dearth in that part of Norway, 'and it seemed
clear to all men that the gods were angry because they had turned to
Christianity.' So late as the twelfth century the people in some parts
of Sweden were still inclined to throw off such Christianity as they
had, and revert to the sacrificial rites of the old religion.
On the other hand, it is clear that even in the ninth and tenth
centuries the worship of the Æsir was gradually losing its hold.
Some of the early settlers in Iceland were either wholly or partly
Christian; among the latter were, for example, Helgi the Lean, who
believed in both Thor and Christ, and the kinsmen of the Hebridean
Örlyg, who 'believed in Columcille, though they were not baptized.' A
belief 'in their own might and strength' was all the faith that some
of the Scandinavians of this period would own to. Many who came into
intercourse with southern peoples accepted the _prima signatio_, or
first sign of adoption into the Christian Church. From at least the
beginning of the ninth century zealous missionary efforts were made by
the Church to supplant Thor and his hammer by Christ and the cross;
while, on the other hand, the Scandinavian religion, however strong
its hold upon its adherents, never succeeded in spreading beyond its
original limits. The combination of all these facts explains the
comparatively rapid manner in which the old faith finally succumbed
before the new, leaving behind it only the imperfect traces which have
been summed up in these pages, and a mythology which has a profound
interest of its own and is inextricably associated with the history of
Old Norwegian and Icelandic poetry.
SELECTED WORKS
The chief works in English in which information on ancient
Scandinavian mythology and religion may be found are the
following:--
G. VIGFUSSON and F. Y. POWELL.--_Corpus Poeticum Boreale; the Poetry
of the Old Northern Tongue._ 2 vols. Oxford, 1883.
B. THORPE.--_The Edda of Sæmund the Learned._ London, 1866.
G. W. DASENT.--_The Prose or Younger Edda._ Stockholm, 1842.
I. A. BLACKWELL.--_The Prose Edda_ (in Mallet's _Northern
Antiquities_).
R. B. ANDERSON.--_The Younger Edda; also called Snorre's Edda or the
Prose Edda._ Chicago, 1880.
R. B. ANDERSON.--_Norse Mythology; or the Religion of our
Forefathers._ Chicago, 1875.
C. F. KEARY.--_Mythology of the Eddas._ London, 1882.
(Miss) W. FARADAY.--_The Divine Mythology of the North._ London,
1902. (No. 12 of Nutt's _Popular Studies in Mythology_, etc.)
GRIMM'S _Teutonic Mythology_, translated by Stallybrass. 3 vols.
London, 1880-83.
RYDBERG'S _Teutonic Mythology_, translated by R. B. Anderson. London,
1889.
S. LAING.--_The Heimskringla, or Chronicle of the Kings of Norway._
London, 1844.
R. B. ANDERSON.--_Snorro's Heimskringla, or the Sagas of the Norse
Kings._ (Revised edition of the preceding.) London, 1889.
W. MORRIS and E. MAGNUSSON.--_The Heimskringla, or the Stories of
the Kings of Norway._ 4 vols. London, 1893-1906. (Vols. iii.-vi.
of the _Saga Library_.)
J. SEPHTON.--_The Saga of King Olaf Tryggwason._ London, 1895. (Vol
i. of Nutt's _Northern Library_.)
W. MORRIS and E. MAGNUSSON.--_The Eyrbiggia Saga._ London, 1892.
(Vol. ii. of the _Saga Library_.)
G. VIGFUSSON and F. Y. POWELL.--_Origines Islandicæ._ 2 vols.
Oxford, 1905.
MALLET'S _Northern Antiquities_. (Bohn's Library.) London, 1847.
P. DU CHAILLU.--_The Viking Age._ 2 vols. London, 1889.
Printed by T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty at the
Edinburgh University Press.
FOOTNOTES
[1] Based upon the Latin discourse _De correctione rusticorum_, by
Martin of Bracara, who died in 580.
[2] This discrepancy between the Roman and Scandinavian myths is also
noticed by Saxo Grammaticus.
[3] Compare the vow of Hallfred and his companions mentioned on p. 19.
[4] In the ceremony of entering into 'foster-brotherhood,' each person
swore to avenge the other, 'and named all the gods as witnesses.'
TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES
Page ii, period added (JUDAISM.)
Page 19, "Hjalfi" changed to "Hjalti" (verse by Hjalti Skeggjason)
Page 65, "_hofgoði_" changed to "_hof-goði_" (also _hof-goði_)