Meanwhile telegrams spread the report all over the country and abroad
that the Bolshevik "adventure" had been disposed of and that Kerensky
had entered Petrograd and was establishing order with an iron hand. On
the other hand, in Petrograd itself, the bourgeois press, emboldened by
the proximity of Kerensky's troops, wrote about the complete
demoralization of the Petrograd garrison; about an irresistible advance
of the Cossacks, equipped with much artillery; and predicted the
imminent fall of the Smolny Institute. Our chief handicap was, as
already stated, the lack of suitable mechanical accessories and of men
able to direct military operations. Even those officers who had
conscientiously accompanied their soldiers to the lines, declined the
position of Commander-in-Chief.
After long deliberation, we hit upon the following combination: The
Garrison Council selected a committee of five persons, which was
entrusted with the supreme control of all operations against the
counter-revolutionary forces moving on Petrograd. This committee
subsequently reached an understanding with Colonel Muravief, who was in
the opposition party under the Kerensky regime, and who now, on his
own initiative, offered his services to the Soviet government.
On the cold night of October 30th, Muravief and I started by automobile
for the lines. Wagons with provisions, forage, military supplies and
artillery trailed along the road. All this was done by the workingmen of
various factories. Several times our automobile was stopped on the way
by Red Guard patrols who verified our permit. Since the first days of
the October revolution, every automobile in town had been requisitioned,
and no automobile could be ridden through the streets of the city or in
the outskirts of the capital without a permit from the Smolny Institute.
The vigilance of the Red Guards was beyond all praise. They stood on
watch about small camp fires, rifle in hand, hours at a time. The sight
of these young armed workmen by the camp fires in the snow was the best
symbol of the proletarian revolution.
Many guns had been drawn up in position, and there was no lack of
ammunition. The decisive encounter developed on this very day, between
Krasnoye-Selo and Tsarskoye-Selo. After a fierce artillery duel, the
Cossacks, who kept on advancing as long as they met no obstacles,
hastily withdrew. They had been fooled all the time by tales of harsh
and cruel acts committed by the Bolsheviki, who wished, as it were, to
sell Russia to the German Kaiser. They had been assured that almost the
entire garrison at Petrograd was impatiently awaiting them as
deliverers. The first serious resistance completely disorganized their
ranks and sealed the fate of Kerensky's entire undertaking.
The retreat of Krassnov's Cossacks enabled us to get control of the
radio station at Tsarskoye-Selo. We immediately wirelessed the news of
our victory over Kerensky's forces. Our foreign friends informed us
subsequently that the German wireless station refused, on orders from
above, to receive this wireless message.
[Footnote: I cite here the text of this wireless message:
"Selo Pulkovo. General Staff 2:10 P. M. The night of October 30th-31st
will go down in history. Kerensky's attempt to march
counter-revolutionary forces upon the capital of the revolution has
received a decisive check. Kerensky is retreating, we are advancing. The
soldiers, sailors and workingmen of Petrograd have shown that they can
and will, gun in hand, affirm the will and power of proletarian
democracy. The bourgeoisie tried to isolate the army of the revolution
and Kerensky attempted to crush it by Cossackism. Both have been
frustrated.
"The great idea of the reign of a workingmen's and peasants' democracy
united the ranks of the army and hardened its will. The whole country
will now come to understand that the Soviet government is not a passing
phenomenon, but a permanent fact of the supremacy of the workers,
soldiers and peasants. Kerensky's repulse was the repulse of the middle
class, the bourgeoisie and the Kornilovites. Kerensky's repulse means
the affirmation of the people's rights to a free, peaceful life, to
land, food and power. The Pulkovsky division, by their brilliant charge,
is strengthening the cause of the proletarian and peasant revolution.
There can be no return to the past. There is still fighting, obstacles
and sacrifice ahead of us. But the way is open and victory assured.
"Revolutionary Russia and the Soviet Government may well be proud of
their Pulkovsky division, commanded by Colonel Walden. May the names of
the fallen never be forgotten. All honor to the fighters for the
revolution--the soldiers and the officers who stood by the People! Long
live revolutionary and Socialist Russia! In the name of the Council of
People's Commissaries, L. Trotzky, Oct. 31st, 1917."]
The first reaction of the German authorities to the events of October
was thus one of fear--fear lest these events provoke disturbances in
Germany itself. In Austria-Hungary, part of our telegram was accepted
and, so far as we can tell, has been the source of information for all
Europe upon the ill-starred attempt of Kerensky to recover his power and
its miserable failure.
Discontent was rife among Krassnov's Cossacks. They began sending their
scouts into Petrograd and even official delegates to Smolny. There they
had the opportunity to convince themselves that perfect order reigned in
the capital, thanks to the Petrograd garrison, which unanimously
supported the Soviet government. The Cossacks' disorganization became
the more acute as the absurdity of the plan to take Petrograd with some
thousand horsemen dawned upon them--for the supports promised them from
the front never arrived.
Krassnov's detachment withdrew to Gatchinsk, and when we started out
thither the next day, Krassnov's staff were already virtually prisoners
of the Cossacks themselves. Our Gatchinsk garrison was holding all the
most important military positions. The Cossacks, on the other hand,
though not yet disarmed, were absolutely in no position for further
resistance. They wanted but one thing: to be allowed as soon as possible
to return to the Don region or, at least, back to the front.
The Gatchinsk Palace presented a curious sight. At every entrance stood
a special guard, while at the gates were artillery and armored cars.
Sailors, soldiers and Red Guards occupied the royal apartments,
decorated with precious paintings. Scattered upon the tables, made of
expensive wood, lay soldiers' clothes, pipes and empty sardine boxes. In
one of the rooms General Krassnov's staff had established itself. On the
floor lay mattresses, caps and greatcoats.
The representative of the Revolutionary War Committee, who escorted us,
entered the quarters of the General Staff, noisily dropped his
rifle-butt to the floor and resting upon it, announced: "General
Krassnov, you and your staff are prisoners of the Soviet authorities."
Immediately armed Red Guards barred both doors. Kerensky was nowhere to
be seen. He had again fled, as he had done before from the Winter
Palace. As to the circumstances attending this flight, General Krassnov
made a written statement on November 1st. I cite here in full this
curious document.
* * * * *
November 1st, 1917, 19 o'clock.
About 15 o'clock today, I was summoned by the Supreme
Commander-in-Chief, Kerensky. He was very agitated and nervous.
"General," said he, "you have betrayed me--your Cossacks here positively
say that they will arrest me and turn me over to the sailors."
"Yes," I answered, "there is talk about it, and I know that you have no
sympathizers here at all."
"But are the officers, too, of the same mind?"
"Yes, the officers are especially dissatisfied with you."
"Then, what am I to do? I'll have to commit suicide."
"If you are an honest man, you will proceed immediately to Petrograd
under a flag of truce and report to the Revolutionary Committee, where
you will talk things over, as the head of the Government."
"Yes, I'll do that, General!"
"I will furnish a guard for you and will ask that a sailor accompany
you."
"No, anyone but a sailor. Don't you know that Dybenko is here?"
"No, I don't know who Dybenko is."
"He is an enemy of mine."
"Well, that can't be helped. When one plays for great stakes, he must be
prepared to lose all."
"All right. Only I shall go at night."
"Why? That would be flight. Go calmly and openly, so that everyone can
see that you are fleeing."
"Well, all right. Only you must provide for me a dependable convoy."
"All right."
I went and called out a Cossack from the 10th Don Cossack regiment, a
certain Rysskov, and ordered him to appoint eight Cossacks to guard the
Supreme Commander-in-Chief.
Half an hour later, the Cossacks came and reported that Kerensky had
gone already--that he had fled. I gave an alarm and ordered a search for
him. I believe that he cannot have escaped from Gatchinsk and must now
be in hiding here somewhere.
Commanding the 3rd Corps,
Major-General Krassnov.
* * * * *
Thus ended this undertaking.
Our opponents still would not yield, however, and did not admit that the
question of government power was settled. They continued to base their
hopes on the front. Many leaders of the former Soviet parties--Chernoff,
Tseretelli, Avksentiev, Gotz and others--went to the front, entered into
negotiations with the old army committees, and, according to newspaper
reports, tried even in the camp, to form a new ministry. All this came
to naught. The old army committees had lost all their significance, and
intensive work was going on at the front in connection with the
conferences and councils called for the purpose of reorganizing all army
organizations. In these re-elections the Soviet Government was
everywhere victorious.
From Gatchinsk, our divisions proceeded along the railroad further in
the direction of the Luga River and Pskov. On the way, they met a few
more trainloads of shock-troops and Cossacks, which had been called out
by Kerensky, or which individual generals had sent over. With one of
these echelons there was even an armed encounter. But most of the
soldiers that were sent from the front to Petrograd declared, as soon as
they met with representatives of the Soviet forces, that they had been
deceived and that they would not lift a finger against the government of
soldiers and workingmen.