Also,—that the master daubers (layers on) shall take between the

Feasts of Easter and St. Michael 5d., and in the other half year

4d.; and their labourers are to take the same as the labourers of

the tilers.

Also,—that the sawiers shall take in the same manner as the masons

and carpenters take.

Also,—that no one shall pay more to the workmen aforesaid, on pain

of paying 40s. to the Commonalty, without any release therefrom; and

he who shall take more than the above, shall go to prison for forty

days....

Also,—that one person of every company may see that the vessel into

which their wine is drawn is clean, and from what tun their wine is

drawn; on pain of imprisonment, and of paying to the Chamber, for

the first time, half a mark; for the second time, one mark; for the

third time, 20s.; and every other time a person shall be found in

like default, let his fine be increased by half a mark.

Also,—that the measures shall be standing upright, and sealed with

the seal of the Alderman of the Ward; and he who shall sell by other

measures, let him go to prison, and further, be amerced in half a

mark.

Also,—that the pelterers shall make their furs according to the

ancient ordinances, of olden time ordained, and according to the

purport of their Charter; on pain of forfeiture and punishment for

the same, as of old ordained.

Also,—that no one should go to meet those who are bringing victuals

or other wares by land or by water to the City for sale, for the

purpose of buying them or bargaining for them, before that they

shall have come to certain places assigned thereto, where they ought

to be sold; on pain of forfeiture of the victuals and other wares,

and of their bodies being committed to prison, until they have been

sufficiently punished, at the discretion of the Mayor and Aldermen.

THE CHARTER TO THE DRAPERS (1364).

"Draper" originally meant a cloth-maker, not, as now, a dealer in cloth.

In the Middle Ages the drapers both made it and sold it, but gradually

their particular work was confined to supervising the manufacture and

selling the finished article. The Drapers' Gild must have been one of

the earliest associations of craftsmen, and was incorporated by royal

charter in 1364. One of the most important features of this charter

seems to be the instruction that the mistery of drapery should be

definitely separated from those of the tenterers, tellers, and fullers;

it appears to have been impossible to exercise proper supervision in a

trade which involved so many different operations, and the remedy was

obviously to split it up into several trades, each of which might have

its own organisation.

=Source.=—Herbert, _Livery Companies_, vol. i., p. 480.

The King, to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London, greeting. Whereas,

amongst other things ordained in our last parliament, it was for

certain causes proposed, and in the same parliament ordained, that

no English merchant should use merceries or merchandizes by himself

or another by any manner of covine, unless one only, and which he

should choose before the feast of Candlemas last past, as in the

said ordinances is more fully contained.

* * * * *

And whereas it has been shown to us and to our council, that people

of divers misteries of the city of London intermix themselves with

the mistery of Drapery, and cause divers deceits and frauds in the

use of the same mistery,—to the great damage of us and of our

people, and contrary to the ordinances aforesaid.

We, willing the said ordinances should be kept and maintained in all

points, accordingly have, by the assent of the great and others of

our council, ordained and granted, that none shall use the Mistery

of Drapery in the city of London, nor in the suburbs of the same,

unless he has been apprenticed in the same mistery, or in other due

manner been admitted by the common assent of the same mistery. And

that each of the misteries of tenterers, tisters, and fullers, keep

himself to his own mistery, and in no way meddle with the making,

buying, or selling of any manner with cloth or drapery, on pain of

imprisonment and loss of all the cloth so by them made, bought, or

sold, or the value thereof to us.

And that none who has cloth to sell in the said city, or in the

suburbs, do sell the same unless to drapers enfranchised in the said

mistery of drapery, or that it be in gross to the lords and others

of the commons, who will buy the same for themselves or servants by

retail, under the same penalty.

And that the drapers enfranchised in the mistery of drapery in the

said city, may elect each year four of their own mistery, who may be

sworn twice a year in the presence of the Mayor, to oversee that no

default or deceit be used or committed in the mistery aforesaid, and

to rule and govern the said mistery of drapery in the same city, to

the common profit of the people, and that due punishment be done on

them in whom defaults shall be found, according to the advice and

discretion of the said four persons, by the aid of the Mayor and

Sheriffs when need is; the which Mayor and Sheriffs we will shall be

intendants to the said four persons, when they shall be required by

them.

And we also will and give power to the said four persons who may be

elected and sworn, to take an oath of all those who shall be

received into the said mistery of drapery in the same city, to use

and do whatever appertains to the same mistery well and lawfully,

without fraud, evil design, or subtle management against the points

and ordinances aforesaid.

Saving always to our beloved in God the prior of St. Bartholomew, in

Smithfield, and other lords who have fairs in the said suburbs by

grant of our progenitors, their fairs, franchises, and free-customs,

which they have exercised in their said fairs, from the time of the

said grants, so that no damage or prejudice shall be done to them in

any way under colour of this our ordinance and grant; and saving the

franchises by us granted to the merchants, vintners of England and

Gascoigny, which we will shall remain in force in all points in

manner as in our letters patent to the said drapers is more fully

contained.

* * * * *

Wherefore we command and firmly enjoin you forthwith that at your

peril you cause to be proclaimed and published in the said city and

suburbs, and all places where it should be done, that all the said

things so by us granted may be firmly held and kept in form

aforesaid.

And hereof in no manner fail.

Given at Westminster the 14th day of July (1364).

A LETTER FROM EDWARD III. (1365).

The Battle of Crecy had first demonstrated the immense superiority of

archers over mounted knights in battle. It became necessary to insist

that Englishmen should be fully and properly trained in the use of the

bow and arrow, if this superiority was to be maintained. The youths of

London appear to have been addicted at this time to more exciting and

less serviceable sports than the old exercise of archery, and Edward

III.'s letter is at once a reprimand and an instruction.

The King to the Sheriffs of London, greeting.

Because the people of our realm, as well of good quality as mean,

have commonly in their sports before these times exercised the skill

of shooting arrows; whence it is well known, that honour and profit

have accrued to our whole realm, and to us, by the help of God, no

small assistance in our warlike acts; and now the said skill being,

as it were, wholly laid aside, the same people please themselves in

hurling of stones and wood and iron; and some in hand-ball,

foot-ball, bandy-ball, and in Cambuck, or Cock fighting; and some

also apply themselves to other dishonest games, and less profitable

or useful: whereby the said realm is likely, in a short time, to

become destitute of archers.

We, willing to apply a seasonable remedy to this, command you, that

in places in the foresaid City, as well within the liberties as

without, where you shall see it expedient, you cause public

proclamation to be made, that every one of the said City, strong in

body, at leisure times on holidays, use in their recreations bows

and arrows, or pellets, or bolts, and learn and exercise the art of

shooting; forbidding all and singular on our behalf, that they do

not after any manner apply themselves to the throwing of stones,

wood, iron, hand-ball, foot-ball, bandy-ball, cambuck, or

cock-fighting, nor such other like vain plays, which have no profit

in them, or concern themselves therein, under pain of imprisonment.

Witness the King at Westminster, the twelfth day of

June (1365).

A LEASE TO GEOFFREY CHAUCER (1374).

Modern English poetry may be said to have begun in London. Chaucer was

born in London, was the descendant of a long line of Londoners, and

lived in London the greater part of his life. Many of his

contemporaries, including Gower, Occleve, and Lydgate, were connected

with London, and spent much of their time there.

Chaucer's father was a citizen and vintner of London, and owned a house

in Thames Street, close to Walbrook. Geoffrey Chaucer was in all

probability born in this house; it became his own property, and he

parted with it in 1380. Six years before this he acquired the lease of

the dwelling-house above the city-gate of Aldgate, on condition that he

kept it in good repair; he seems to have made this his usual residence

till 1385. In it he must have composed several of his poems, including

_The Parlement of Foules_, _The House of Fame_, and _Troilus_. He did

not commence the _Canterbury Tales_ until the following year.

=Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, p. 377.

To all persons to whom this present writing indented shall come,

Adam de Bury, Mayor, the Aldermen, and the Commonalty of the City of

London, greeting. Know ye that we, with unanimous will and assent,

have granted and released by these presents unto Geoffrey Chaucer

the whole of the dwelling-house above the Gate of Aldgate, with the

rooms built over, and a certain cellar beneath, the same gate, on

the South side of that gate, and the appurtenances thereof; to have

and to hold the whole of the house aforesaid, with the rooms so

built over, and the said cellar, and the appurtenances thereof, unto

the aforesaid Geoffrey, for the whole life of him, the same

Geoffrey. And the said Geoffrey shall maintain and repair the whole

of the house aforesaid, and the rooms thereof, so often as shall be

requisite, in all things necessary thereto, competently and

sufficiently, at the expense of the same Geoffrey, throughout the

whole life of him, the same Geoffrey. And it shall be lawful for the

Chamberlain of the Guildhall of London, for the time being, so often

as he shall see fit to enter the house and rooms aforesaid, with

their appurtenances, to see that the same are well and competently,

and sufficiently, maintained and repaired, as aforesaid. And if the

said Geoffrey shall not have maintained or repaired the aforesaid

house and rooms competently and sufficiently, as is before stated,

within forty days after the time when by the same Chamberlain he

shall have been required to do so, it shall be lawful for the said

Chamberlain wholly to oust the before-named Geoffrey therefrom, and

to re-seise and resume the same house, rooms, and cellar, with their

appurtenances, into the hand of the City, to the use of the

Commonalty aforesaid; and to hold the same in their former state to

the use of the same Commonalty, without any gainsaying whatsoever

thereof. And it shall not be lawful for the said Geoffrey to let the

house, rooms, and cellar, aforesaid, or any part thereof, or his

interest therein, to any person whatsoever. And we, the Mayor,

Aldermen, and Commonalty aforesaid, will not cause any gaol to be

made thereof, for the safe-keeping of prisoners therein, during the

life of the said Geoffrey; but we and our successors will warrant

the same house, rooms, and cellar, with their appurtenances unto the

before-named Geoffrey, for the whole life of him, the said Geoffrey,

in form aforesaid: this however excepted, that in time of defence of

the city aforesaid, so often as it shall be necessary, it shall be

lawful for us and our successors to enter the said house and rooms,

and to order and dispose of the same, for such time, and in such

manner, as shall then seem to us to be most expedient. And after the

decease of the same Geoffrey, the house, rooms and cellar aforesaid,

with their appurtenances, shall wholly revert unto us and our

successors. In witness whereof, as well the Common Seal of the City

aforesaid as the seal of the said Geoffrey, have been to these

present indentures interchangeably appended.

Given in the Chamber of the Guildhall of the city

aforesaid, the 10th day of May, in the 48th year

of the reign of King Edward, after the Conquest

the Third.

THE CITY ARMS (1375).

Beneath Pierce's statue of Walworth in Fishmongers' Hall is an

inscription:

"Brave Walworth, Knight, Lord Mayor, y^t slew

Rebellious Tyler in his alarmes;

The King, therefore, did give in liew

The dagger to the City armes.

"In the 4th year of Richard II., Anno Domini 1381."

It seems that it has always been a popular belief that the weapon

represented in the arms of the City is "Walworth's dagger"; but, as Stow

points out, it is intended to represent the sword of St. Paul, who was

the patron saint of this Corporation.

=Source.=—Stow's _Survey_, p. 222.

It hath also been, and is now grown to a common opinion, that in

reward of this service done, by the said William Walworth against

the rebel, King Richard added to the arms of this City, (which was

argent, a plain cross gules) a sword or dagger, (for so they term

it) whereof I have read no such record, but to the contrary. I find

that in the fourth year of Richard the second in a full assembly

made in the upper chamber of the Guildhall, summoned by this William

Walworth, then Mayor, as well of Aldermen as of the common Council

in every ward, for certain affairs concerning the king, it was there

by common consent agreed and ordained, that the old seal of the

office of the Mayoralty of the city being very small, old,

unsuitable, and uncomely for the honour of the city, should be

broken, and one other new should be had, which the said Mayor

commanded to be made artificially, and honourable for the exercise

of the said office thereafter in place of the other: in which new

Seal, besides the images of Peter, and Paul, which of old were

rudely engraven, there should be under the feet of the said images,

a shield of the arms of the said City perfectly graved, with two

lions supporting the same with two sergeants of arms, on either part

one, and two tabernacles, in which above should stand two Angels,

between whom above the said images of Peter and Paul, shall be set

the glorious virgin: this being done, the old seal of the office was

delivered to Richard Odiham Chamberlain, who brake it, and in place

thereof, was delivered the new seal to the said Mayor to use in his

office of Mayoralty, as occasion should require. This new seal

seemeth to be made before William Walworth was knighted, for he is

not here entitled Sir, as afterwards he was: and certain it is that

the same new seal then made, is now in use and none other in that

office of the Mayoralty, which may suffice to answer the former

fable, without shewing of any evidence sealed with the old seal,

which was the Cross, and sword of Saint Paul, and not the dagger of

William Walworth.

WAT TYLER IN LONDON (1381).

Froissart's description of the Peasants' Revolt is one of our main

sources of information concerning this important event, and seems likely

to be fairly accurate. He himself was, of course, an aristocrat, and was

in no way disposed to be favourable to the "wicked rebels"; but he seems

anxious to represent their case as fairly as possible, although he is

plainly out of sympathy with the ideas and arguments of the rebels. It

is noteworthy that the rising was almost simultaneous in many parts of

the country, but its chief headquarters were in Kent, one of the most

prosperous counties in the kingdom, where actual distress was least

likely to be prevalent; and it is probable that the peasants in this

county had benefited to no small extent by the economic changes which

succeeded the Pestilence of 1349, and had improved both their material

conditions and their intellectual outlook. The ideas of liberty which

formed the motive of the revolt were somewhat vague, but were

strengthened by numerous concrete instances of injustice and injury; and

the concentration of the insurgents upon London forms one of a long

series of indications of the importance of the city as the determining

factor in vital issues.

=Source.=—Froissart's _Chroniques_.

In the mean season there fell in England great mischief and

rebellion of the common people, by which deed England was at a point

to have been lost without recovery....

It was a marvellous thing, and of poor foundation, that this

mischief began in England, and to give ensample to all manner of

people, I will speak thereof as it was done, as I was informed, and

of the incidents thereof. There was an usage in England, and yet is

in divers countries, that the noblemen have great franchises over

the commons, and keep them in servage, that is to say, their tenants

ought by custom to labour their lords' lands, to gather and bring

home their corn, and some to thresh and to fan, and by servage to

make their hay and to hew their wood and bring it home. All these

things they ought to do by servage, and there be more of these

people in England than in any other realm. Thus the noblemen and

prelates are served by them, and specially in the counties of Kent,

Essex, Sussex, and Bedford. These unhappy people of these said

counties began to stir, because they said they were being kept in

great servage, and in the beginning of the world, they said, there

were no bondmen, wherefore they maintained that none ought to be

bond, without he did treason to his lord, as Lucifer did to God....

And of this imagination was a foolish priest in the county of Kent,

called John Ball, for which foolish words he had been three times in

the Bishop of Canterbury's prison: for this priest used oftentimes

on the Sundays, after mass, when the people were going out of the

minster, to go into the cloister and preach, and made the people to

assemble about him, and would say thus: "Ah, ye good people, the

matters goeth not well to pass in England, nor shall not do till

everything be common, and that there be no villains nor gentlemen,

but that we may be all united together, and that the lords be no

greater masters than we be. What have we deserved, or why should we

be kept thus in servage? We be all come from one father and from one

mother, Adam and Eve: whereby can they say or show that they be

greater lords than we be, saving by that they cause us to win and

labour for that they dispend.

"They are clothed in velvet and camlet furred with grise, and we be

vestured with poor cloth: they have their wines, spices, and good

bread, and we have the rye, the bran, and the straw, and drink

water: they dwell in fair houses, and we have pain and travail, rain

and wind in the fields: and by that that cometh of our labours they

keep and maintain their estates: we be all called their bondmen,

and, without we do readily them service, we be beaten: and we have

no sovereign to whom we may complain, nor that will hear us, nor do

us right. Let us go to the king, he is young, and show him what

servage we be in, and show him how we will have it otherwise, or

else we will provide us of some remedy; and if we go together, all

manner of people that be now in any bondage will follow us to the

intent to be made free; and when the king seeth us, we shall have

some remedy, either by fairness or otherwise."

Thus John Ball said on Sundays, when the people issued out of the

churches in the villages: wherefore many of the mean people loved

him, and such as intended to no goodness said, how true; and so they

would murmur one with another in the fields, and in the ways as they

went together, affirming how John Ball said truth.

Of his words and deeds there was much people in London informed,

such as had great envy at them that were rich and such as were

noble; and then they began to speak among them, and said how the

realm of England was right evil governed, and how that gold and

silver was taken from them by them that were named noblemen: so thus

these unhappy men of London began to rebel, and assembled them

together, and sent word to the foresaid counties that they should

come to London, and bring their people with them, promising them how

they should find London open to receive them, and the commons of the

city to be of the same accord, saying how they would do so much to

the king that there should not be one bondman in all England.

This promise moved so them of Kent, of Essex, of Sussex, of Bedford,

and of the counties about, that they rose and came towards London to

the number of 60,000. And they had a captain called Walter Tyler,

and with him in company was Jack Straw and John Ball: these three

were chief sovereign captains, but the head of all was Walter Tyler,

and he was indeed a tiler of houses, an ungracious patron. When

these unhappy men began thus to stir, they of London, except such as

were of their band, were greatly affrayed. Then the Mayor of London

and the rich men of the city took counsel together, and when they

saw the people thus coming in on every side, they caused the gates

of the city to be closed, and would suffer no man to enter into the

city. But when they had well imagined, they advised not so to do,

for they thought they should thereby put their suburbs in great

peril to be brent; and so they opened again the city, and there

entered in at the gates in some places a hundred, two hundred, by

twenty or thirty; and so when they came to London, they entered and

lodged: and yet, of truth, most of their people could not tell what

to ask or demand, but followed each other like beasts. In like wise

these villains and poor people came to London, a hundred miles off,

sixty mile, fifty mile, forty mile, and twenty mile off, and from

all counties about London, but the most part came from the counties

before named, and as they came they demanded ever for the king.

The gentlemen of the counties, knights and squires, began to doubt

when they saw the people began to rebel; so the gentlemen drew

together as well as they might.

This rebellion was well known in the king's court ere any of these

people began to stir out of their houses; but the king nor his

council did provide no remedy therefor, which was great marvel.

In the morning on Corpus Christi Day King Richard heard mass in the

Tower of London, and all his lords, and then he took his barge with

the Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Oxford, and

certain knights, and so rowed down along the Thames to Rotherhithe,

where were descended down the hill 10,000 men to see the king and

speak with him. And when they saw the king's barge coming, they

began to shout, and made such a cry, as though all the devils of

hell had been among them. And they had brought with them Sir John

Newton, to the intent that, if the king had not come, they would

have stricken him all to pieces, and so they had promised him. And

when the king and his lords saw the demeanour of the people, the

best assured of them were in dread; and so the king was counselled

by his barons not to take any landing there, but so rowed on down

the river. And the king demanded of them what they would, and said

how he was come thither to speak with them, and they said all with

one voice: "We would that ye should come aland, and then we shall

show you what we lack." Then the Earl of Salisbury answered for the

king, and said: "Sirs, ye be not in such order nor array that the

king ought to speak with you." And so with these words no more was

said: and then the king was counselled to return to the Tower of

London, and so he did.

Source Book of London History, from the earliest times to 1800 · 第 4 / 16 段