John, with almost all the bishops and barons of England in

attendance on him, entered London on that day (October 7, 1191), and

on the following day John and the Archbishop of Rouen and all the

bishops and barons, and with them the citizens of London, met in St.

Paul's church, and accused the chancellor of many things, especially

with regard to the injuries which he had wrought to the Archbishop

of York, the Bishop of Durham, and his son Henry. Moreover the

colleagues of the chancellor, whom the King had associated with him

in the government of the country, accused him of many crimes, saying

that he had performed everything without their counsel and consent.

Then the Archbishop of Rouen and William Marshall showed to the

assembly the King's letter, by which it was ordered that if the

chancellor did any foolish thing to the harm of the King or the

realm, the said Archbishop of Rouen was to be appointed in his

stead.... Therefore John the King's brother, and all the bishops and

barons and the citizens of London, decided that the chancellor

should be deposed from the government of the kingdom.... John and

the Archbishop of Rouen, and all the bishops and barons of the

kingdom who were present, granted to the citizens of London their

commune, and swore that they would guard it and the liberties of the

city of London, as long as it pleased the King; and the citizens of

London and the bishops and barons swore allegiance to King Richard,

and to John the King's brother, and undertook to accept John as

their lord and King, if the King died without issue.

From _Richard of Devizes_, vol. iii., p. 416.

On that day was granted and confirmed the commune of London, to

which the barons of the whole kingdom and the bishops of every

diocese gave their consent. On that occasion for the first time

London realized that the kingdom was without a king, by this

conspiracy which neither Richard himself nor his father Henry would

have allowed to take place for a million marks. A commune puffs up

the people, threatens the kingdom, and weakens the priesthood.

JOHN'S THIRD CHARTER (1199).

John granted five charters to the City, and in this third charter he

restored to the citizens two privileges, of which they had been deprived

by Matilda and Henry II. The latter, wishing to bring the City under the

direct supervision of the Crown, had retained the appointment of

sheriffs in his own hands; Matilda had annulled the arrangement by which

the citizens were to have the farm of Middlesex on payment of £300 every

year. The restoration of the right of electing the sheriffs was not of

very great importance, for during the period which had elapsed since

Henry II. assumed this privilege the office of Mayor had become

established, and this had considerably lessened the importance of the

sheriffs.

John, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of

Normandy and Aquitaine, and earl of Anjou; to his archbishops,

bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justices, sheriffs, rulers, and to

all his bailiffs and loving subjects.

Know ye, that we have granted, and by this our present writing

confirmed, to our citizens of London, the sheriffwicks of London and

Middlesex, with all the customs and things to the sheriffwick

belonging, within the city and without, by land and by water, to

have and to hold, to them and their heirs, of us and our heirs,

paying therefor three hundred pounds of blank sterling money, at two

terms in the year; that is to say, at the Easter exchequer, one

hundred and fifty pounds; and at the Michaelmas exchequer, one

hundred and fifty pounds; saving to the citizens of London all their

liberties and free customs.

And further, we have granted to the citizens of London, that they

amongst themselves make sheriffs whom they will; and may amove them

when they will; and those whom they make sheriffs, they shall

present to our justices of our exchequer, of these things which to

the said sheriffwick appertain, whereof they ought to answer us; and

unless they shall sufficiently answer and satisfy, the citizens may

answer and satisfy us the amerciaments and farm, saving to the said

citizens their liberties as is aforesaid; and saving to the said

sheriffs the same liberties which other citizens have: so that, if

they which shall be appointed sheriffs for the time being, shall

commit any offence, whereby they ought to incur any amerciament of

money, they shall not be condemned for any more than to the

amerciament of twenty pounds, and that without the damage of other

citizens, if the sheriffs be not sufficient for the payment of their

amerciaments: but, if they do any offence, whereby they ought to

incur the loss of their lives or members, they shall be adjudged, as

they ought to be, according to the law of the city; and of these

things, which to the said sheriffs belong, the sheriffs shall answer

before our justices at our exchequer, saving to the said sheriffs

the liberties which other citizens of London have.

Also this grant and confirmation we have made to the citizens of

London for the amendment of the said city, and because it was in

ancient times farmed for three hundred pounds: wherefore we will and

steadfastly command, that the citizens of London and their heirs may

have and hold the sheriffwick of London and Middlesex, with all

things to the said sheriffwick belonging, of us and our heirs, to

possess and enjoy hereditarily, freely and quietly, honourably and

wholly, by fee-farm of three hundred pounds; and we forbid that none

presume to do any damage, impediment or diminishment to the citizens

of London of these things, which to the said sheriffwick do or were

accustomed to appertain: Also we will and command, that if we or our

heirs, or any of our justices, shall give or grant to any person any

of those things which to the farm of the sheriffwick appertain, the

same shall be accounted to the citizens of London, in the acquittal

of the said farm at our exchequer.

LONDON BRIDGE (1202).

It is possible that there was a London Bridge in Roman times, and there

certainly was one, built of wood, before the Conquest. The modern

structure was finished in 1831, and this replaced the old bridge, which

was built between 1176 and 1209, about 200 feet east of the present one.

It consisted of twenty arches, a drawbridge for large vessels, and a

chapel and crypt in the centre, dedicated to St. Thomas of Canterbury.

It was afterwards covered with houses and shops on both sides, like a

street. The last of these buildings was removed in 1757.

The following letter was written by King John to the citizens of London

during the construction of the bridge, and shows that the erection and

maintenance of this important means of communication was a matter for

royal and national, as well as local, consideration.

=Source.=—Document quoted by Maitland, vol. i., p. 45.

John, by the Grace of God, King of England, etc.

To his faithful and beloved the Mayor and Citizens of London,

greeting.

Considering how the Lord in a short time has wrought, in regard to

the Bridges of Xainctes and Rochelle, by the great care and pains of

our faithful, learned and worthy clerk Isenbert, Master of the

Schools of Xainctes: We therefore, by the advice of our Reverend

Father in Christ, Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, and that of

others, have desired, directed and enjoined him to use his best

endeavour in building your bridge, for your benefit, and that of the

public: For we trust in the Lord, that this bridge, so necessary for

you, and all who shall pass the same, will, through his industry,

and the Divine blessing, soon be finished: Wherefore, without

prejudice to our right, or that of the City of London, We will and

grant, that the rents and profits of the several houses that the

said Master of the Schools shall cause to be erected upon the bridge

aforesaid, be for ever appropriated to repair, maintain and uphold

the same.

And seeing that the necessary work of the said bridge cannot be

accomplished without your aid, and that of others; We charge and

exhort you kindly to receive and honour the above-named Isenbert,

and those employed by him, who will perform everything to your

advantage and credit, according to his directions, you affording him

your joint advice and assistance in the premises. For whatever good

office or honour you shall do to him, you ought to esteem the same

as done to us. But should any injury be offered to the said

Isenbert, or the persons employed by him (which we do not believe

there will), see that the same be redressed, as soon as it comes to

your knowledge.

Witness myself at Molinel, the eighteenth day of

April (1202).

OPPRESSION BY HENRY III. (1249).

Perhaps no monarch was ever more detested by the citizens of London than

was Henry III.—a weak and foolish ruler, who subjected every class to

his exactions and oppressions. He was himself preyed upon by swarms of

favourites, and enticed into all manner of expensive projects, and could

only free himself from his debts and difficulties by abusing his royal

prerogative. On one occasion he sold his plate and jewels to the

Londoners. "These clowns," he said, "who assume to themselves the name

of barons, abound in everything, while we are reduced to necessities."

Henry certainly seemed to regard their resources as inexhaustible; false

charges were repeatedly made against them, for the purpose of exacting

money; exorbitant sums were demanded for purchasing the King's

good-will, and for the granting of charters; no occasion of soliciting

presents was allowed to pass by; schemes of begging and robbing were

carried on so assiduously by this infatuated monarch that the citizens

were driven, in the end, to offer and render active assistance to the

barons who leagued themselves against him. During this disturbed period

the City did not prosper; it needed a firm and steady Government, and

not till Edward I. ascended the throne did London resume its career of

progress.

=Source.=—Matthew Paris, _History_.

The King began now sedulously to think how he could entirely dry up

the inexhaustible well of England. For, on meeting with a just

repulse from the community of nobles, as above mentioned, who stated

that they would no longer lavish their property to the ruin of the

kingdom, he studied, by other cunning devices, to quench the thirst

of his cupidity. Immediately after the festivities of the said

season, he entered upon the following plan of harassing the citizens

of London: he suspended the carrying on of traffic in that city, as

has been before mentioned, for a fortnight, by establishing a new

fair at Westminster, to the loss and injury of many; and immediately

afterwards he sent letters by his agents, containing subtle and

imperious entreaties, asking them for pecuniary aid. On receipt of

this message, the citizens were grieved to the heart, and said: "Woe

to us, woe to us; where is the liberty of London, which is so often

bought; so often granted; so often guaranteed by writing; so often

sworn to be respected? For each year almost, like slaves of the

lowest condition, we are impoverished by new talliages, and

injuriously harassed by fox-like arguments; nor can we discover into

what whirlpool the property of which we are robbed is absorbed." At

length, however, although immense sums were demanded, the citizens,

although unwillingly and not without bitterness of heart, yielded

their consent to a contribution of two thousand pounds, to be paid

to the King at a brief period....

About the same time, the City of London was excited in no slight

degree, because the King exacted some liberties from the citizens

for the benefit of the abbot of Westminster, to their enormous loss,

and the injury of their liberties. The mayor of the city and the

whole of the community in general, as far as lay in their power,

opposed the wish (or rather violence and raving) of the King; but he

proved harsh and inexorable to them. The citizens, therefore, in a

state of great excitement, went with sorrowful complaints to Earl

Richard, the earl of Leicester, and other nobles of the Kingdom,

telling them how the King, perhaps bent into a bow of wickedness, by

the pope's example, shamelessly violated their charters, granted to

them by his predecessors. The said nobles were much disturbed at

this, fearing that the King would attempt a similar proceeding with

them; they therefore severely reproached him, adding threats to

their reproaches, and strongly blamed the abbot, who, they believed,

was the originator and promoter of this wrong, heaping insult upon

insult on him; which, however, it does not become us to relate, out

of respect to the order. Thus the prudence of the nobles happily

recalled the King from his conceived design.

INTERFERENCE BY BARONS (1258).

When, in medieval England, the central authority was weak, injustice and

oppression were rife throughout the country, and at such times the men

of London were often hard pressed to maintain intact their privileges.

Under the feeble and vacillating Henry III. there was little restraint

upon corrupt and unscrupulous barons, such as the Hugh Bygot of the

following passage. The right to attend to the administration of justice

within the borders of the City was one of the most essential elements of

the citizen's freedom; no interference in this direction could possibly

be tolerated if the hardly won charters were to be of any avail. It is

not surprising, therefore, that the arbitrary conduct of this justiciar,

who pretended to act by royal authority, being a King's servant, aroused

great resentment among the citizens.

=Source.=—Fitz-Thedmar's _Chronicle of the Mayors and Sheriffs_,

edited by Riley, p. 42.

This year, John de Gizors was chosen Mayor, and that too, even in

his absence. This year, after a Parliament held by the Barons at

Westminster, Hugh Bygot, the Justiciar, went to Saint Saviour's, and

having Roger de Turkelby for his associate, held there all the Pleas

which pertain unto the Justiciars Itinerant in the County of Surrey;

and not only did he there amerce several bailiffs and others who had

been convicted of offences committed against those subject to them,

but he caused them to be imprisoned, clerks as well as laymen. And

yet he ransomed one person for twenty marks, and certain others for

forty marks, and more; while several others, for but trifling

reasons, he immoderately aggrieved.

In these pleas the men of Southwark and others of the County of

Surrey made complaint against the Sheriffs and citizens of London,

that they unjustly took custom without the Stone Gate on the Bridge,

seeing that they ought to possess no such rights beyond the

Drawbridge Gate. The citizens, coming with their Sheriffs who had

been summoned by the Justiciars, appeared at Saint Saviour's, before

the Justiciars, and bringing with them their Charters, said that

they were not bound to plead there, nor would they plead without the

walls of the City; but without formal plea, they were willing to

acknowledge that it was quite lawful for the Sheriffs of London to

take custom without the gate aforesaid, and that too, even as far as

the staples placed there, seeing that the whole water of Thames

pertains unto the City, and always did pertain thereto; and that

too, sea-ward as far as the New Weir. At length, after much

altercation had taken place between the Justiciars and the citizens,

the Justiciars caused inquisition to be made, on the oath of twelve

knights of Surrey—and this, although the citizens had not put

themselves on such inquisition—whether the Sheriffs of London had

taken any custom beyond their limits. Who said, upon oath, that the

Sheriffs aforesaid might rightfully take custom there, for that as

far the staples before-mentioned, the whole pertains unto the City,

and no one has any right upon the Thames, as far as the New Weir,

save and except the citizens of London.

After this, the Justiciar before-mentioned, having as his associate

Roger before-named, came to the Guildhall of London, and there held

Pleas from day to day, as to all those who wished to make plaint;

and at once, without either making reasonable summons or admitting

any lawful excuses, determined the same, observing no due procedure

of justice; and that too against the laws of the City, as also

against the laws and customs of every freeman of the English realm.

This, however, the citizens persistently challenged, saying that no

one except the Sheriffs of London ought to hold pleadings in the

City as to trespasses there committed; but to no purpose. Still

however, the citizens had judgment done upon all persons abiding in

the City, who had been convicted, or had been cast in making a false

charge. At the same time also, the Justiciar summoned before himself

and before the Earl of Gloucester all the bakers of the City who

could be found, together with their loaves; and so, by some few

citizens summoned before them, judgment was given in reference to

their bread; those whose bread did not weigh according to the assay

of the City, not being placed in the pillory, as they used to be,

but, at the will of the Justiciar and Earl aforesaid, exalted in the

tumbrel, against the ancient usage of the City and of all the realm.

THE STEELYARD (1282).

The Steelyard was the residence of the Hanse Merchants, who obtained a

settlement in London as early as 1250. Valuable privileges were granted

to them by Henry III., and these were renewed and confirmed by Edward

I., who was anxious to encourage the trade of the City by all possible

means. Many privileges were also conceded to the Steelyard merchants by

the City, in return for which they undertook to maintain Bishopsgate in

good repair and to assist in its defence when necessity arose. In spite

of the jealousy of the English merchants, the foreigners flourished

exceedingly, but towards the end of the sixteenth century their power

began to fail. As English traders became more enterprising, the monopoly

of the Steelyard merchants disappeared, and finally, in 1598, Elizabeth

expelled them from the country.

=Source.=—Stow's _Survey_, p. 234.

Next to this (Cosin) lane on the east, is the steelyard (as they

term it) a place for merchants of Almaine, that used to bring

hither, as well wheat, rye and other grain, as cables, ropes, masts,

pitch, tar, flax, hemp, linen cloth, wainscots, wax, steel, and

other profitable merchandizes: unto these merchants in the year 1259

Henry the third, at the request of his brother Richard earl of

Cornwall, king of Almaine, granted that all and singular the

merchants, having a house in the City of London, commonly called

Guilda Aula Theutonicorum, should be maintained and upholden through

the whole realm, by all such freedoms, and free usages or liberties,

as by the King and his noble progenitors time they had, and enjoyed,

etc. Edward the first renewed and confirmed that charter of

Liberties granted by his Father. And in the tenth year of the same

Edward, Henry Wales being Mayor, a great controversy did arise

between the said Mayor, and the merchants of the Haunce of Almaine,

about the reparations of Bishopsgate, then likely to fall, for that

the said merchants enjoyed divers privileges, in respect of

maintaining the said gate, which they now denied to repair: for the

appeasing of which controversy the king sent his writ to the

Treasurer and Barons of his Exchequer, commanding that they should

make inquisition thereof, before whom the merchants being called,

when they were not able to discharge themselves, since they enjoyed

the liberties to them granted for the same, a precept was sent to

the Mayor, and sheriffs, to distrain the said merchants to make

reparations, namely Gerard Marbod Alderman of the Haunce, Ralph de

Cussarde a citizen of Colen, Ludero de Deneuar, a Burgess of Triuar,

John of Aras, a Burgess of Triuon, Bartram of Hamburdge, Godestalke

of Hundondale, a Burgess of Triuon, John de Dele a Burgess of

Munstar, then remaining in the said City of London: for themselves,

and all other merchants of the Haunce, and so they granted 210 marks

sterling to the Mayor and Citizens, and undertook that they and

their successors should from time to time repair the said gate, and

bear the third part of the charges in money, and men to defend it

when need were. And for this agreement, the said Mayor and Citizens

granted to the said merchants their liberties which till of late

they have enjoyed, as namely amongst other, that they might lay up

their grain which they brought into this realm, in Inns, and sell it

in their garners, by the space of forty days after they had laid it

up: except by the Mayor and Citizens they were expressly forbidden,

because of dearth or other reasonable occasions. Also they might

have their Aldermen as they had been accustomed, forseen always that

he were of the City, and presented to the Mayor and Aldermen of the

City, so oft as any should be chosen, and should take an oath before

them to maintain justice in their courts, and to behave themselves

in their office according to law, and as it stood with the customs

of the City. Thus much for their privileges: whereby it appeareth,

that they were great merchants of corn brought out of the East parts

hither, in so much that the occupiers of husbandry in this land were

enforced to complain of them for bringing in such abundance, when

the corn of this realm was at an easy price: whereupon it was

ordained by Parliament, that no person should bring into any part of

this realm by way of merchandise, wheat, rye or barley, growing out

of the said realm, when the quarter of wheat exceeded not the price

of 6 shillings 8 pence, rye 4s. the quarter, and barley 3s. the

quarter, upon forfeiture the one half to the King, the other half to

the seizer thereof. These merchants of Haunce had their Guild hall

in Thames street in place aforesaid, by the said Cosin lane. Their

hall is large, builded of stone, with three arched gates towards the

street, the middlemost whereof is far bigger than the other, and is

seldom opened, the other two be mured up, the same is now called the

old hall.

THE PRESERVATION OF PEACE AND ORDER

(1282).

It would appear from contemporary evidence that the Londoners must have

been somewhat turbulent during the thirteenth century. Owing to the

smallness of the houses and the insufficient accommodation for families,

the greater part of the population constantly filled the streets; and,

although the watch and ward arrangements for the protection of the City

may have been sufficient in quiet times, they were quite inadequate when

troubles arose. In spite of stringent regulations frequent quarrels and

riots occurred in the crowded streets, and punishments, fines, and

imprisonments were common. The commonest offences, to judge by the

records of trials, were night-walking after curfew, robbery with

violence, frequenting taverns, and gambling. The following passages

illustrate some of the efforts which were continually being made to

devise improvements in the administration of the City and the

safeguarding of its inhabitants:

=Sources.=—(_a_) "Provisions for the Safe-Keeping of the City";

(_b_) "A Royal Mandate for the Preservation of the Peace."

Riley's_Memorials_, pp. 21, 36.

(_a_) On Wednesday next before the Feast of Pentecost, in the 10th

year of the reign of King Edward, by Henry le Galeys, Mayor, the

Aldermen, and the then Chamberlain of Guildhall, the following

provisions were subscribed:—

As to the trades: that every trade shall present the names of all

persons in that trade, and of all who have been serving therein;

where they dwell, and in what Ward.

Also, each Alderman, with two of the best men of his Ward, shall

make inquisition as to persons keeping hostels, and the persons

lodging in the same, making enquiry one by one, and from house to

house; that so he may know how many, and who, and of what kind or

condition they are, clerks or laymen, who are residing in his Ward,

of the age of twelve years and upwards.

To be remembered:—as to provision made how suspected persons, when

found, ought to be removed, or under what security to remain.

Secondly, as to the safe-keeping of the City:—All the Gates of the

City are to be open by day; and at each Gate there are to be two

serjeants to open the same, skilful men, and fluent of speech, who

are to keep a good watch upon persons coming in and going out; that

so no evil may befall the City.

At every Parish Church, curfew is to be rung at the same hour as at

St. Martin's le Grand; so that they begin together, and end

together; and then all the Gates are to be shut, as well as all

taverns for wine or for ale; and no one is then to go about the

streets or ways. Six persons are to watch in each Ward by night, of

the most competent men of the Ward thereto; and the two serjeants

who guard the Gates by day, are to lie at night either within the

Gates, or near thereto.

The serjeants of Billingsgate and Queen Hythe are to see that all

boats are moored on the City side at night, and are to have the

names of all boats; and no one is to cross the Thames at night. And

each serjeant must have his own boat with four men, to guard the

water by night, on either side of the bridge.

Source Book of London History, from the earliest times to 1800 · 第 2 / 16 段