CHAPTER XI

THE HARVEST OF THE SEA BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR

In the year 1772 the people of Marblehead, Massachusetts, boasted that

"the number of polls was 1203," and that the vessels of all kinds owned in

the port measured more than 12,000 tons. In 1780 the number of polls was

544, the tonnage but 1509. Within the borders of the town were 458 widows

with 966 fatherless children.

Marblehead was a type of the New England fishing villages of the day.

The nation had won freedom, but the fishing industry from which the

American merchant marine had originated was ruined. Moreover, there was

no immediate return of prosperity after peace was declared. The gross

income of the New England cod-fishing vessels for the year 1787 averaged

but $483 each; for 1788 it was $456 each, and for 1789 only $273. The

average annual expense during this period was $416 each, and the vessels

lost on the average $143 each during the year 1789. In that year the

fleet measured 19,185 tons. In the next year the tonnage increased to

28,348, for the fishermen hoped for good times following the adoption of

the Constitution, and in 1793, when the fleet received a national subsidy

of $72,965.32, the tonnage reached 50,163. But in 1794, although the

subsidy amounted to $93,768.91, the tonnage was only 28,671. In short, the

statistics show that while the tonnage fluctuated from year to year, there

was little prosperity for any of our fishermen in the period between the

two wars for freedom.

A similar condition prevailed at Nantucket and other whaling ports. So

discouraged were the Nantucket men that many of them migrated to England

and France. For the British and French governments, to secure them,

offered free transportation, free entry for ships and goods, and sums of

money with which to begin life anew. Records show that no less than 149

Nantucket men commanded English whalers before the War of 1812.

The foreign aggressions of various kinds account for a large part of

the depression of the fisheries during that unhappy period. The losses

sustained by our freight carriers at that time were more than made up by

the high freight rates received. But when the fish markets of the West

Indies and of Europe were closed by adverse legislation, or by wars, there

was no way to repair the loss except by national subsidies, and these,

when granted, proved inadequate.

There was one other loss to which too little attention has been paid--the

loss of men. The Marblehead men who were killed during the War of the

Revolution were among the most enterprising of the coast--they were killed

because of their courage and dash. Lost ships could be replaced in the

course of one winter; the lost men were not replaced until their sons

became men. Then, too, the prosperity of the carrier fleet drained away

the best men among the fishermen; for the owners of the carriers knew

where to get able seamen.

After the War of 1812 the cod fleet averaged somewhat larger than it

was before the war, but the increase was not at all commensurate with

the growth of the nation. The exports of dried fish declined instead of

increasing, and in spite of a protective tariff foreigners began (1812) to

sell pickled fish in the United States. These imports increased steadily

until 1848, when more than 100,000 barrels were brought in, and the

imports thereafter remained above that figure. In describing the situation

of these fishermen in 1848, Sabine says:--

"Many crews of fishing vessels owned in Newburyport, on settling with

their owners for six and seven months' hard toil at sea, received only

about ten dollars per month; and on this miserable pittance they were to

eke out the year. They had obtained good fares of fish, but were sufferers

from the depressed state of the market. With facts like these before us,

can we wonder that the more ambitious young men abandon the employment at

every opportunity?"

The vessels in the mackerel and other fisheries were, of course, no more

prosperous, on the average, than those fishing for cod. From first to last

the fisheries of New England are of interest in the story of the American

merchant marine chiefly because they afforded an excellent training school

for the sailor _of the sail_. It was because of the school afforded that

these vessels were subsidized between 1792 and 1866. The annual bounty

ranged from $1.60 to $4 per ton, according to the size of the vessel. Pay

from the national treasury at the rate of $2 per month has also been given

to the crews of fishermen in order to create a sort of sea militia. During

the Civil War many recruits for the navy were obtained from the fishermen.

Impressed by the precedent thus afforded, and failing to distinguish

between the requirements of the old-time and the modern man-o'-war, the

Merchant Marine Commission of 1904 proposed to pay bounties to the crews

now employed in the fisheries. Of course bounties paid to the crews of

tugs and other harbor steamers would be far more effective for the end in

view. The tenacity with which our people cling to the idea that a modern

sailor needs training on a ship of the sail is one of the discouraging

features of the outlook for a revival of our merchant marine. No one would

suppose that a training on a Dakota wheat farm was essential to the making

of a finished hot-house florist.

During the period before the Civil War the whaling fleet was enjoying

what has been called the Golden Era of its prosperity. This fact is all

the more interesting because the prosperity was due to the character of

the whalemen as developed by their environment. Because Nantucket as farm

land could afford no more than a bare living to a small number of people,

the more ambitious residents were obliged to look elsewhere for a career;

and when they looked they saw right whales just beyond--sometimes in--the

surf. A storm--a seeming disaster--was the means of leading the right

whalers to go in search of sperm whales, and that cultivated enterprise,

because it took them ever farther and farther from home.

The spirit of enterprise was also cultivated by the "lay" system of paying

the crew. Every man received a share of the oil instead of set wages. The

system sharpened the eyes of the lookout, gave strength to the arm of the

man at the oars, and cooled the nerves of the man who thrust the lance

under the shoulder-blade of the whale.

When Captain James Shields reached the Brazil grounds too late in the

season, the system of "no oil, no pay" drove him around Cape Horn in

search of a new ground. When, in 1818, Captain George W. Gardener found

the grounds on the west coast of South America barren, he boldly headed

across the unexplored Pacific in search of others--with success. In 1819 a

merchantman from China stopped at the Sandwich Islands and told a number

of whalemen there that he had seen great schools of whales on the coast

of Japan. Thereupon the whalemen raced away for the new grounds. In 1843

two New Bedford captains found fortune on the coast of Kamchatka and

another in the Okhotsk sea. Two years later still, Captain Royce, of the

Sag Harbor bark _Superior_, entered the Arctic by way of Bering's Strait.

The countries of Europe sent naval squadrons at great expense to explore

the Seven Seas; the whalemen of America explored the waters of the whole

world more thoroughly, if less scientifically, at their own expense, and

made money in the quest. One volume of the American State Papers contains

a list of more than 400 islands that were discovered by them in the

Pacific alone.

Of less importance in its influence, perhaps, but not to be overlooked,

was the ease with which the ambitious whalemen obtained promotion. The

larger whalers carried three and sometimes four mates, together with a

petty officer called a boat steerer for each of the boats. Because the

boat steerer hurled the harpoon, his office was important, and many a

daring youth who went afloat as a green hand came home wearing the boat

steerer's badge. Last of all, but most important in its formation of

character, was the danger of the pursuit. The whalers braved the jaws of

the vicious sperm bull; they drove their boats under the uplifted flukes,

and with a stroke of a boat spade disabled the monster. They pulled to the

tune of "A dead whale or a stove boat," and so "made good" in the world's

work naturally and easily.

The Golden Era began with the success of the whalers that sailed for the

Pacific in 1815, and returned well loaded in 1817. In 1829 the whaling

fleet numbered 203 vessels; in 1840, 552; in 1846 there were 680 ships and

barks, 34 brigs, and 22 schooners, a total of 736 vessels, hunting the

whale under the American flag. New London owned the largest ship of the

fleet, the _Atlantic_, measuring 699 tons, and the smallest, the schooner

_Garland_, of 49 tons, that was at work on the coasts of Desolation

Island.

In 1835 the value of the annual product of the whalers exceeded for the

first time $6,000,000. In 1845 the sperm-whale fishery reached its highest

point in the amount of product--4,967,550 gallons. The price was then 88

cents a gallon. In 1855 the price was $1.772 per gallon, but the amount

saved was only 2,228,443 gallons. Right whale-oil reached record figures

in 1840, when the amount saved was 11,593,483 gallons. The price was then

33 cents. The highest income received by the whalers in any one year was

in 1854, when the take sold for $10,802,594.20. The years 1854 to 1857,

inclusive, paid the whalers $51,063,659.59. The average catch was worth

about half the estimated value of the fleet, or say near the actual value.

It is certain that a well-handled whaler was a most profitable ship until

after the petroleum industry was developed.

A picturesque offshoot of the whaling fleet was the fleet of seal-hunters

that came into existence at the end of the eighteenth century. When

Captains Gamaliel Collins and David Smith, of Cape Cod, went to the

Falklands (1774) in search of whales, they found there thousands of seals,

both hair and fur, and sea-lions without end. The oil of these animals

being of good quality, the whalers carried some of it home, together

with the skins, which were found to serve well for covering trunks. The

fur-seals as well as the hair sealskins were used for this purpose. Soon

after the War of the Revolution a Mrs. Haley, of Boston, sent a large ship

to the Falklands especially for seals. The number taken was 13,000, and

the skins sold for fifty cents each in New York. This voyage, like that

of the _Columbia_ to the Northwest coast, shows well the extraordinary

enterprise of the ship-owners of the day.

In 1790 Elijah Austin, of New Haven, sent two vessels to the Falklands

for seals, and when they were filled, Captain Daniel Greene, who commanded

one of them, took his cargo direct to Canton for sale, because the skins

Mrs. Haley's ship had taken had been exported from New York to Canton with

profit.

The work of the brig _Betsey_, of Stonington, Connecticut, is perhaps the

most memorable of any of the ships that entered the early trade. Though

of but 100 tons' measurement, she made two voyages to the southern seal

islands, beginning in 1790, both of which were remarkably profitable--the

better voyage paid $52,300 net. The outfit, vessel included, probably cost

little more than a tenth of this sum.

The _Betsey's_ success naturally increased the number of vessels in the

hunt very rapidly. Mas-a-Fuera, Juan Fernandez, the South Shetlands,

the Prince Edward and Crozet islands, Desolation and Heard's islands,

all soon became as well known to the sealers as Long Island Sound was to

the coasters. Captain Henry Fanning, of the ship _Catharine_, obtained a

manuscript copy of the notes made by the original discoverer of Crozet's

Island, and with that as a guide went to the islands and obtained a full

cargo.

The most famous of the American seal-hunters was Captain N. B. Palmer,

born in Stonington, Connecticut. In 1799 he began his career afloat as

the cabin-boy of a coaster at the age of fourteen. At nineteen he was

made second mate of the brig _Hersilia_, Captain J. P. Sheffield, bound

from Stonington to the Falklands in search of seals. On reaching the

Falklands, Palmer and a number of sailors were landed to search the group

for seals, while Captain Sheffield went south to search for another group.

According to a story told by "gaming" parties on the whalers of the day, a

whale-ship that, in spite of a heavy fog, was cruising through the waters

to the south of the Falklands, had sailed out of the fog unexpectedly,

and found herself almost on top of a mountainous group of islands, the

outlying rocks and the beaches of which were alive with seals. The crew

of the ship, animated by the danger of their position, hastily tacked

and sailed away. Then the fog enclosed them again, and when the captain

thought to chart the strange group he had to guess at the position.

Sheffield was in search of this group.

A few days after he was left at the Falklands, Palmer saw the brig

_Espirito Santo_ (owned by Englishmen at Buenos Ayres) come to the

anchorage in search of water; and when she was anchored, Palmer noted that

she carried a sealing outfit. Thereupon he made friends with the mate,

and although sealers had the habit of keeping their destination secret, he

learned that the brig was bound for the uncharted islands; also the course

she was to steer from the Falklands. Accordingly, when the _Hersilia_

returned unsuccessful, Palmer was able to follow the _Espirito Santo_ to

the new group. These islands are now known as the South Shetlands.

In the following year (1820) thirty sealers gathered at the South

Shetlands, including five belonging to the Stonington South Sea Company.

One of the five was the _Hero_ ("but little rising forty tons," according

to one old account), of which young Palmer was captain.

While working the group, Captain Isaac Pendleton, commodore of the five

vessels mentioned, on climbing a mountain, saw what he thought was the

loom of land far away to the south, and in the hope of finding other

rookeries, sent Palmer in the _Hero_ exploring.

Land was found, and Palmer soon discovered that it was of continental

dimensions. As no seals were found, he finally headed back for the

Shetlands, but before he had crossed the intervening water a heavy fog

shut him in and he hove to. During the night a ship's bell was heard

striking the hour off the port bow, and the stroke was followed by

another off to starboard. To the crew these sounds seemed supernatural,

for they could not think that real ships were there; but when morning

came, they found the _Hero_ lying between two war-ships. The story, as

told by Captain E. Fanning, of Stonington, to Secretary of the Navy J. N.

Reynolds, in a letter written in 1828, is as follows:--

"The two discovery ships sent out by the late Emperor Alexander, of

Russia, being between the South Shetlands and Palmer Land, were becalmed

in a thick fog; when the fog cleared away they were surprised to find one

of the Stonington South Sea Company's barques, a little vessel of about

fifty tons, between the two discovery ships, which immediately run up the

United States flag, when the frigate and sloop of war set theirs, and the

Russian Commodore despatched a boat and officer, with an invitation to

Capt. Palmer, of the American vessel, to come on board, which he readily

accepted.

"When he arrived on the commodore's deck he was asked what islands those

were in sight, and if he had any knowledge of them. 'Yes, sir,' replied

Capt. Palmer, 'those are the Shetland Islands. I am well acquainted with

them, and a pilot here. I belong, sir, to a fleet of five sail out of

Stonington, under the command of Capt. B. Pendleton, whose ship is now

at anchor in a good harbor in that island; and if you wish for water

and refreshments, I will pilot you in, and my commodore will be much

pleased to render you any assistance.' 'I kindly thank you,' said the

Russian, 'but previous to being enveloped in the fog we had sight of those

islands, and concluded we had made a new discovery; and behold when the

fog lifts, to our utter surprise, a beautiful little American vessel, to

all appearance in as fine order as if she had but yesterday left her port

in the United States, is discovered alongside of my ships, the master of

which readily offers to pilot my vessels into port, where _his commodore_

will tender me every aid for refreshment! We must surrender the palm

of enterprise to you Americans,' said the Russian commodore. 'Sir, you

flatter me,' replied the American captain; 'but there is an immense extent

of land to the south, and when the fog is entirely cleared away, you will

have from your masthead a fine sight of its mountains.' 'Indeed,' observed

the commodore, 'you Americans are a people that will be before us; and

here is, now, in your information, and in what is now before my eyes, an

example and pattern of the oldest nation in Europe. Where I expected to

make new discoveries I find the American flag, a fleet and a pilot!'"

The commodore then arose from his seat, and placing his hand upon Palmer's

shoulder, continued:--

"I name the land, which you have discovered, Palmer Land, in your honor.

But what will my august master say, and what will he think of my two

years' cruising in search of land that has been discovered by a boy in a

sloop but little larger than the launch of my frigate?"

The land thus named was a part of the Antarctic Continent.

Among the interesting stories of the sealers found in Goode's _Fishery

Industries of the United States_ is one of the ship _Neptune_, Captain

Daniel Greene, of New Haven, which shows very well something of the

peculiarities of this branch of the American merchant marine. The voyage

lasted from November 29, 1796, to July 11, 1799.

The _Neptune_ was a ship of 353 tons, and she carried a crew of 36 all

told. Going to the Cape de Verde Islands, Captain Greene bought enough

salt to preserve all the skins the ship could carry, and then went to the

Falklands, where he arrived February 22, 1797. The first work done there

was the building of a shallop for working shoal waters. Then seal-hunting

was begun in connection with the crew of a ship from Hudson, New York,

which, by the way, had brought a Hudson River sloop as a tender.

The seals were found either on beaches which the hunters reached easily,

or on outlying rocks upon which the seas broke with tremendous fury

even in the most pleasant weather. Ordinary whale-boats were commonly

used in hunting the seals, though dories were preferred for the least

accessible rocks. When the weather was at its best, the crews worked the

easily reached beaches; incredible as it must seem, it was during the

worst storms that the almost inaccessible rocks were visited. The most

picturesque and daring work known to the sea was that of taking seals on

these rocks. Rowing well out to windward, the officer in command of the

boat noted carefully the position of the sunken reefs with which all these

rocks were surrounded, selected a safe opening, and waited until the high

waves that always come in threes appeared. Upon the crest of the last of

a set of these the boat was driven in, and as it was swept along beside

the rock the hunters, with clubs in hand, leaped forth to land as best

they might.

At other times the boat was rowed up from the lee side to meet the crest

of a roller at the side of the rock. The method chosen depended upon the

situation of the rock.

Taking the men from the rocks after the killing was often more dangerous,

if less picturesque, than landing them. For it was impossible to hold the

boat beside the rock, and in leaping out the men often fell into the sea.

A favorite way of getting men and dead seals was by throwing a line from

the boat to the rock and then, while the boat was held in the lee of the

rock, the men and carcasses were dragged through the water by the line.

The crews were continually drenched; the cold winds pierced them to the

bone; they fell upon the rocks and were cut and bruised; now and then one

fell, helpless, into the sea and was drowned. But the crews of those days

were composed of youths who were looking ahead,--the most ambitious and

courageous of all who lived around the home port,--and without flinching

they took the chances until the ship was loaded.

These were the American fur-hunters of the sea. Rarely if at all elsewhere

in the history of the nation can a more instructive contrast be found than

that afforded when these men, leaping from the crest of the storm-waves

to the seal rocks, are compared with those who traded pot-metal muskets

and adulterated rum to the Indians in exchange for beaver skins upon the

Western frontier.

Another glimpse of life at sea in those days is found in an adventure of

the _Neptune's_ men upon the coast of Patagonia. Captain Greene and some

of his men went over there looking for seals, and found some Spaniards

engaged in seal-hunting not far from Port Desire. The Spaniards said the

_commandante_ of the fort at the harbor would be pleased to give Greene

permission to hunt seals in the region, and Greene, being a law-abiding

man, went to the fort to see about the matter.

The _commandante_, however, pretended to believe that Greene was an

Englishman; and as England and Spain were at war, the Americans were all

held as prisoners, while soldiers were placed in charge of the shallop in

which the Americans had come to the coast. As it appeared later, it was

to get possession of the shallop that the _commandante_ had decided that

Americans were Englishmen.

Greene, however, was equal to the emergency. When the priest at the

fort gathered the garrison into the chapel at 8 o'clock for the evening

services, Greene overpowered the sentinels, ran out of the gate with his

men, launched his whale-boat, rowed off to the shallop, set the soldiers

ashore, and sailed away.

The _Neptune_, like all American vessels of the period, carried cannon.

After seeing that his guns were in service condition, Greene returned to

Port Desire and anchored in the harbor just out of range of the fort, and

began to take seals from the rocks. The _commandante_ came down the beach,

and with much gesticulation (and nothing more effective) ordered him away.

Greene might have defied him, but instead of doing so sent the purser

to offer him the shallop (which was no longer needed) for permission in

writing to go on with the hunt. The offer was gladly accepted, and Greene

cleaned the coast of seals.

Greene's way of dealing with the official is especially interesting

because it was characteristic of the American sea captains of the day in

their intercourse with bumptious officials everywhere.

Then the _Neptune_ went to Juan Fernandez and Mas-a-Fuera, where the cargo

was completed.

"During the latter part of the time ... we frequently stove our boats in

the surf," says a letter written by Purser Eben Townsend, and that is the

extent of his comment on the dangers of landing on outlying rocks in the

midst of a gale.

On June 9, 1798, the _Neptune_ sailed for Canton, where she sold her skins

for $2 each, and used the proceeds in buying China goods. This cargo,

on reaching New York, paid customs duties amounting to $55,438.71, and

sold for $260,000. The foremast hands received a "lay" of $1200 each. A

paragraph in one of Purser Townsend's letters regarding these foremast

hands is worth quoting:--

"Many of our crew were very smart, ambitious young men.... In our voyage

across the Pacific they exerted themselves to be qualified for commanding

ships, and the captain gave them as much indulgence as he could for that

object, allowing them time and giving them instruction. It was quite a

regular good school on board, and the progress was even greater than in

some literary institutions on shore. Some men that could not do a sum in

addition when we left America could now work lunar observations."

By 1825 the seals were so nearly exterminated that the hunt for skins

gave no profit, but the amount of sea-lion oil that could be secured was

sufficient to keep a fleet cruising in southern seas until 1870, when

three vessels fitted once more for a skin hunt and secured 8000. The next

year eight vessels obtained 15,000 good fur seals, and in 1876 Captain

Athearn, in the schooner _Florence_, took a cargo that sold for $100,000.

Between 1871 and 1880 the number of skins taken was 92,756. After that

date the hunt again became unprofitable, but the sea-lion oil kept a few

vessels busy for some years. The year 1880 may be called the last of the

employment of the American seal-hunting fleet.

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