confident hope that he had not now any danger to apprehend from the
sea, resolved to shut up the passages on the land also, by parties
stationed in proper posts. With this view, he drew off a third part of
his forces from the siege of Gythium, and encamped them at Pleiae, a
place which commands both Leucae and Acriae, on the road by which the
enemy's army seemed likely to advance. While his quarters were here,
and very few of his men had tents, (the generality of them having
formed huts of reeds interwoven, and which they covered with leaves
of trees, to serve merely as a shelter,) Philopoemen, before he came
within sight, resolved to surprise him by an attack of such a kind
as he did not expect. He drew together some small ships in a remote
creek, on the coast of the territory of Argos, and embarked on board
them a body of light-armed soldiers, mostly targeteers, furnished with
slings, javelins, and other light kinds of weapons. He then coasted
along the shore, until he came to a promontory near Nabis's post. Here
he landed; and made his way, by night, through paths with which he was
well acquainted, to Pleiae, and while the sentinels were fast asleep,
as being in no immediate apprehension, he set fire to the huts in
every part of the camp. Great numbers perished in the flames before
they could discover the enemy's arrival, and those who did discover
it could give no assistance; so that nearly the whole was destroyed by
fire and sword. From both these means of destruction, however, a very
small number made their escape, and fled to the principal camp before
Gythium. The enemy having been thus smitten with disaster, Philopoemen
forthwith led on his forces to ravage the district of Tripolis, a part
of the Lacedaemonian territory, lying next to the frontiers of the
Megalopolitans, and carrying off thence a vast number of men and
cattle, withdrew before the tyrant could send a force from Gythium to
protect the country. He then collected his whole force at Tegea, to
which place he summoned a council of the Achaeans and their allies;
at which were present, also deputies from the Epirots and Acarnanians.
Here it was resolved, that as the minds of his men were now
sufficiently recovered from the shame of the disgrace suffered at
sea, and those of the enemy dispirited, he should march directly to
Lacedaemon; for he considered that by this measure alone could the
enemy be drawn off from the siege of Gythium. On entering the enemy's
country, he encamped the first day at Caryae; and, on that very day,
Gythium was taken. Ignorant of that event, Philopoemen advanced to the
Barbosthenes, a mountain ten miles from Lacedaemon. On the other side,
Nabis, after taking possession of Gythium, set out, at the head of a
body of light troops, marched hastily by Lacedaemon, and seized on a
place called the Camp of Pyrrhus, which post he did not doubt that
the Achaeans intended to occupy. From thence he proceeded to meet the
enemy. From the length of their train in consequence of the narrowness
of the road, they spread over a space of almost five miles. The line
was closed by the cavalry and the greatest part of the auxiliaries,
because Philopoemen expected that the tyrant would attack him in
the rear with his mercenary troops, in whom he placed his principal
confidence. Two unforeseen circumstances at once filled him with
uneasiness: one, the post at which he aimed being pre-occupied; the
other, the enemy having met him in front, where, as the road lay
through very uneven ground, he did not see how the battalions could
advance without the support of the light troops.
28. Philopoemen was possessed of an admirable degree of skill and
experience, in conducting a march, and choosing his station; having
made these points his principal study, not only in times of war, but
likewise during peace. Whenever he was making a journey to any place
and came to a defile where the passage was difficult, it was his
practice, first, to examine the nature of the ground on every side.
When journeying alone, he meditated within himself; if he had company,
he asked them, "If an enemy should appear in that place, what course
ought he to adopt, if they should attack him in front; what, if on
this flank, or on that; what, if on the rear; for he might happen to
meet them while his men were formed with a regular front, or when they
were in the loose order of march, fit only for the road." He would
proceed to examine, either in his own mind, or by asking questions,
"What ground he himself would choose; what number of soldiers, or what
kind of arms (which was a very material point) he ought to employ;
where he should deposit the baggage, where the soldiers' necessaries,
where the unarmed multitude; with what number and what kind of troops
he should guard them, and whether it would be better to prosecute his
march as intended, or to return back by the way he came; what spot,
also, he should choose for his camp; how large a space he should
enclose within the lines; where he could be conveniently supplied
with water; where a sufficiency of forage and wood could be had; which
would be his safest road on decamping next day, and in what form the
army should march?" In such studies and inquiries he had, from his
early years, so frequently exercised his thoughts, that, on any thing
of the kind occurring, no expedient that could be devised was new to
him. On this occasion, he first ordered the army to halt; then sent
forward to the van the auxiliary Cretans, and the horsemen called
Tarentines, each leading two spare horses; and, ordering the rest of
the cavalry to follow, he seized on a rock which stood over a rivulet,
from which he might be supplied with water. Here he collected together
all the baggage with all the suttlers and followers of the army,
placing a guard of soldiers round them; and then he fortified his
camp, as the nature of the place required. The pitching of tents in
such rugged and uneven ground was a difficult task. The enemy were
distant not more than five hundred paces. Both drew water from the
same rivulet, under escorts of light troops; but, before any skirmish
took place, as usual between men encamped so near to each other, night
came on. It was evident, however, that they must, unavoidably,
fight next day at the rivulet, in support of the watering parties.
Wherefore, during the night, Philopoemen concealed, in a valley remote
from the view of the enemy, as great a number of targeteers as the
place was capable of hiding.
29. At break of day, the Cretan light infantry and the Tarentine horse
began an engagement on the bank of the rivulet. Telemnastus, a Cretan,
commanded his countrymen; Lycortas of Megalopolis, the cavalry. The
enemies' watering party also was guarded by Cretan auxiliaries and
Tarentine horsemen. The fight was, for a considerable time, doubtful,
as the troops on both sides were of the same kind and armed alike; but
as the contest advanced, the tyrant's auxiliaries gained an advantage,
both by their superiority of numbers, and because Philopoemen had
given directions to his officers, that, after maintaining the contest
for a short time they should betake themselves to flight, and draw
the enemy on to the place of the ambuscade. The latter, pursuing the
runaways, in disorderly haste, through the valley, were most of them
wounded and slain, before they discovered their concealed foe. The
targeteers had posted themselves in such order, as far as the breadth
of the valley allowed, that they easily gave a passage to their flying
friends, through openings in their ranks; then starting up themselves,
hale, fresh, and in regular order, they briskly attacked the enemy,
whose ranks were broken, who were scattered in confusion, and were,
besides, exhausted with fatigue and wounds. The victory was no longer
doubtful; the tyrant's troops instantly turned their backs, and flying
with much more precipitation than they had pursued, were driven into
their camp. Great numbers were killed and taken in the pursuit; and
the consternation would have spread through the camp also, had not
Philopoemen ordered a retreat to be sounded; for he dreaded the ground
(which was rough and dangerous to advance on without caution) more
than he did the enemy. Judging, both from the issue of the battle and
from the disposition of the enemy's leader, in what apprehension
he then was, he sent to him one of the auxiliary soldiers in the
character of a deserter, to assure him positively, that the Achaeans
had resolved to advance, next day, to the river Eurotas, which runs
almost close to the walls, in order to intercept his way, so that the
tyrant could have no retreat to the city when he required it, and to
prevent any provisions being brought thence to the camp; and that they
intended, at the same time, to try whether any could be prevailed on
to desert his cause. Although the deserter did not gain entire credit,
yet he afforded to one, who was full of apprehensions, a plausible
pretext for leaving his camp. On the day following, he ordered
Pythagoras, with the auxiliaries and cavalry, to mount guard before
the rampart; and then, marching out himself with the main body of the
army, as if intending to offer battle, he ordered them to return with
all haste to the city.
30. When Philopoemen saw their army marching precipitately through
a narrow and steep road, he sent all his cavalry, together with the
Cretan auxiliaries, against the guard of the enemy, stationed in the
front of their camp. These, seeing their adversaries approach, and
perceiving that their friends had abandoned them, at first attempted
to retreat within their works; but afterwards, when the whole force of
the Achaeans advanced in order of battle, they were seized with
fear, lest, together with the camp itself, they might be taken; they
resolved, therefore, to follow the body of their army, which, by
this time, had proceeded to a considerable distance in advance.
Immediately, the targeteers of the Achaeans assailed and plundered the
camp, and the rest set out in pursuit of the enemy. The road was such,
that a body of men, even when undisturbed by any fear of a foe, could
not, without difficulty, make its way through it. But when an attack
was made on their rear, and the shouts of terror, raised by the
affrighted troops behind, reached to the van, they threw down their
arms, and fled, each for himself, in different directions, into the
woods which lay on each side of the road. In an instant of time, the
way was stopped up with heaps of weapons, particularly spears, which,
falling mostly with their points towards the pursuers, formed a kind
of palisade across the road. Philopoemen ordered the auxiliaries to
push forward, whenever they could, in pursuit of the enemy, who would
find it a difficult matter, the horsemen particularly, to continue
their flight; while he himself led away the heavy troops through more
open ground to the river Eurotas. There he pitched his camp a little
before sun-set, and waited for the light troops which he had sent
in chase of the enemy. These arrived at the first watch, and brought
intelligence, that Nabis, with a few attendants, had made his way into
the city, and that the rest of his army, unarmed and dispersed, were
straggling through all parts of the woods; whereupon, he ordered them
to refresh themselves, while he himself chose out a party of men, who,
having come earlier into camp, were by this time, both recruited by
food and a little rest; and, ordering them to carry nothing with them
but their swords, he marched them out directly, and posted them in the
roads which led from two of the gates, one towards Pherae, the other
towards the Barbosthenes: for he supposed, that through these the
flying enemy would make their retreat. Nor was he mistaken in that
opinion; for the Lacedaemonians, as long as any light remained,
retreated through the centre of the woods in the most retired paths.
As soon as it grew dusk, and they saw lights in the enemy's camp, they
kept themselves in paths concealed from view; but having passed it
by, they then thought that all was safe, and came down into the open
roads, where they were intercepted by the parties lying in wait; and
there such numbers of them were killed and taken, that of the whole
army scarcely a fourth part effected their escape. As the tyrant was
now pent up within the city, Philopoemen employed the greatest part
of thirty succeeding days in ravaging the lands of the Lacedaemonians;
and then, after greatly reducing, and almost annihilating the strength
of the tyrant, he returned home, while the Achaeans extolled him as
equal in the glory of his services to the Roman general, and indeed,
so far as regarded the war with Lacedaemon, even deemed him superior.
31. While the Achaeans and the tyrant were carrying on the war in this
manner, the Roman ambassadors made a circuit through the cities of the
allies; being anxious lest the Aetolians might seduce some of them
to join the party of Antiochus. They took but little pains, in their
applications to the Achaeans; because, knowing their animosity against
Nabis, they thought that they might be safely relied on with regard to
other matters. They went first to Athens, thence to Chalcis, thence to
Thessaly; and, after addressing the Thessalians, in a full assembly,
they directed their route to Demetrias, to which place a council of
the Magnetians was summoned. There a more studied address required to
be delivered; for a great many of the leading men were disaffected to
the Romans, and entirely devoted to the interests of Antiochus and
the Aetolians; because, at the time when accounts were received that
Philip's son, who was a hostage, would be restored to him, and the
tribute imposed on him remitted, among other groundless reports it had
been given out, that the Romans also intended to restore Demetrias to
him. Rather than that should take place, Eurylochus, a deputy of the
Magnetians, and others of that faction, wished for a total change of
measures to be effected by the coming of Antiochus and the Aetolians.
In opposition to those, it was necessary to reason in such a manner,
that, in dispelling their mistaken fear, the ambassadors should not,
by cutting off his hopes at once, give any disgust to Philip, to whom
more importance attached, in all respects, than to the Magnetians.
They only observed to the assembly, that, "as Greece in general was
under an obligation to the Romans for their kindness in restoring its
liberty, so was their state in particular. For there had not only
been a garrison of Macedonians in their capital, but a palace had been
built in it, that they might have a master continually before their
eyes. But all that had been done would be of no effect, if the
Aetolians should bring thither Antiochus, and settle him in the abode
of Philip, so that a new and unknown king should be set over them,
in the place of an old one, with whom they had been long acquainted."
Their chief magistrate is styled Magnetarch. This office was then held
by Eurylochus, who assuming confidence from this powerful station,
openly declared that he and the Magnetians saw no reason to dissemble
their having heard the common report about the restoration of
Demetrias to Philip; to prevent which, the Magnetians were bound to
attempt and to hazard every thing; and, in the eagerness of discourse,
he was carried to such an inconsiderate length, as to throw out, that,
"at that very time Demetrias was only free in appearance; and that, in
reality, all things were at the nod of the Romans." Immediately after
this expression there was a general murmur of dissent in the assembly;
some of whom showed their approbation, others expressed indignation at
his presumption, in uttering it. As to Quinctius, he was so inflamed
with anger, that, raising his hands towards heaven, he invoked the
gods to witness the ungrateful and perfidious disposition of the
Magnetians. This struck terror into the whole assembly; and one of the
deputies, named Zeno, who had acquired a great degree of influence, by
his judicious course of conduct in life, and by having been always an
avowed supporter of the interests of the Romans, with tears besought
Quinctius, and the other ambassadors, "not to impute to the state the
madness of an individual. Every man," he said, "was answerable for
his own absurdities. As to the Magnetians, they were indebted to Titus
Quinctius and the Roman people, not only for liberty, but for every
thing that mankind hold valuable or sacred. By their kindness, they
were in the enjoyment of every blessing, for which they could ever
petition the immortal gods; and, if struck with phrensy they would
sooner vent their fury on their own persons, than violate the
friendship with Rome."
32. His entreaties were seconded by the prayers of the whole assembly;
on which Eurylochus retired hastily from the council, and passing to
the gate through private streets fled away into Aetolia. As to the
Aetolians, they now gave plainer indications of their intention to
revolt every day; and it happened, that at this very time Thoas, one
of their leading men, whom they had sent to Antiochus, returned, and
brought back with him an ambassador from the king, named Menippus.
These two, before the council met to give them audience, filled every
one's ears with pompous accounts of the naval and land forces that
were coming; "a vast army," they said, "of horse and foot was on
its march from India; and, besides, that they were bringing such a
quantity of gold and silver, as was sufficient to purchase the Romans
themselves;" which latter circumstance they knew would influence
the multitude more than any thing else. It was easy to foresee what
effects these reports would produce in the council; for the Roman
ambassadors received information of the arrival of those men, and of
all their proceedings. And although the matter had almost come to a
rupture, yet Quinctius thought it advisable, that some ambassadors
of the allies should be present in that council, who might remind the
Aetolians of their alliance with Rome, and who might have the courage
to speak with freedom in opposition to the king's ambassador. The
Athenians seemed to be the best qualified for this purpose, by
reason of the high reputation of their state, and also from their
long-standing alliance with the Aetolians. Quinctius, therefore,
requested of them to send ambassadors to the Panaetolic council. At
the first meeting, Thoas made a report of the business of his embassy.
After him, Menippus was introduced, who said, that "it would have
been best for all the Greeks, residing both in Greece and Asia, if
Antiochus could have taken a part in their affairs, while the power
of Philip was yet unbroken; for then every one would have had what
of right belonged to him, and the whole would not have come under
the dominion and absolute disposal of the Romans. But even as matters
stand at present," said he, "provided you have constancy enough to
carry into effect the measures which you have adopted, Antiochus
will be able, with the assistance of the gods and the alliance of the
Aetolians, to reinstate the affairs of Greece in their former rank
of dignity, notwithstanding the low condition to which they have been
reduced. But this dignity consists in a state of freedom which stands
by its own resources, and is not dependent on the will of another."
The Athenians, who were permitted to deliver their sentiments next
after the king's ambassadors, omitting all mention of Antiochus,
reminded the Aetolians of their alliance with Rome, and the benefits
conferred by Titus Quinctius on the whole body of Greece; and
admonished them, "not inconsiderately to break off that connexion
by the undue precipitation of their counsels; that passionate and
adventurous schemes, however flattering at first view, prove difficult
in the execution, and disastrous in the issue; that as the Roman
ambassadors, and among them Titus Quinctius, were within a small
distance, it would be better, while all hostilities were as yet
uncommenced, to discuss, in conference, any matters in dispute, than
to rouse Europe and Asia to a dreadful war."
33. The multitude, ever fond of novelty, warmly espoused the cause of
Antiochus, and gave their opinion, that the Romans should not even be
admitted into the council; but, by the influence chiefly of the elder
members, a vote was passed, that the council should give audience
to the Romans. On being acquainted, by the Athenians, with this
determination, Quinctius thought it desirable to go into Aetolia; for
he thought that, "either he should be able to effect some change in
their designs; or that it would be manifest to all mankind, that the
blame of the war would lie on the Aetolians, and that the Romans
would be warranted in taking arms by justice, and, in a manner, by
necessity." On arriving there, Quinctius, in his discourse to the
council, began with the first formation of the alliance between the
Romans and the Aetolians, and enumerated how many times the faith of
the treaty had been violated by them. He then enlarged a little on
the rights of the states concerned in the dispute, and added, that,
"notwithstanding, if they thought that they had any reasonable demand
to make, it would surely be infinitely better to send ambassadors to
Rome, whether they chose to argue the case or to make a request to
the senate, than that the Roman people should enter the lists with
Antiochus, while the Aetolians acted as marshals of the field; not
without great disturbance to the affairs of the world, and to
the utter ruin of Greece." That "no people would feel the fatal
consequences of such a war sooner than the first promoters of it."
This prediction of the Roman was disregarded. Thoas, and others of
the same faction, were then heard with general approbation; and they
prevailed so far, that, without adjourning the meeting, or waiting for
the absence of the Romans, a decree was passed that Antiochus should
be invited to vindicate the liberty of Greece, and decide the dispute
between the Aetolians and the Romans. To the insolence of this decree,
their praetor, Damocritus, added a personal affront: for on Quinctius
asking him for a copy of the decree, without any respect to the
dignity of the person to whom he spoke, he told him, that "he had, at
present, more pressing business to despatch; but he would shortly give
him the decree, and an answer, in Italy, from his camp on the banks
of the Tiber." Such was the degree of madness which possessed, at that
time, both the nation of the Aetolians and their magistrates.
34. Quinctius and the ambassadors returned to Corinth. The Aetolians,
that they might appear to intend taking every step through Antiochus,
and none directly of themselves, and, sitting inactive, to be waiting
for the arrival of the king, though they did not, after the departure
of the Romans, hold a council of the whole nation, yet endeavoured,
by their Apocleti, (a more confidential council, composed of persons
selected from the rest,) to devise schemes for setting Greece in
commotion. It was well known to them all, that in the several states
the principal people, particularly those of the best characters, were
disposed to maintain the Roman alliance, and well pleased with the
present state of affairs; but that the populace, and especially
such as were not content with their position, wished for a general
revolution. The Aetolians, at one day's sitting, formed a scheme,
the very conception of which argued not only boldness, but
impudence,--that of making themselves masters of Demetrias, Chalcis,
and Lacedaemon. One of their principal men was sent to each of
these places; Thoas to Chalcis, Alexamenus to Lacedaemon, Diodes
to Demetrias. This last was assisted by the exile Eurylochus, whose
flight, and the cause of it, have been mentioned above, because there
was no other prospect of his restoration to his country. Eurylochus,
by letter, instructed his friends and relations, and those of his own
faction, to order his wife and children to assume a mourning dress:
and, holding the badges of supplicants, to go into a full assembly,
and to beseech each individual, and the whole body, not to suffer
a man, who was innocent and uncondemned, to grow old in exile.
The simple-minded were moved by compassion; the ill-disposed and
seditious, by the hope of seeing all things thrown into confusion, in
consequence of the tumults which the Aetolians would excite; and every
one voted for his being recalled. These preparatory measures being
effected, Diocles, at that time general of the horse, with all the
cavalry, set out under pretext of escorting to his home the exile,
who was his guest. Having, during that day and the following night,
marched an extraordinary length of way, and arrived within six miles
of the city at the first dawn, he chose out three troops, at the head
of which he went on before the rest of the cavalry, whom he ordered to
follow. When he came near the gate he made all his men dismount, and
lead their horses by the reins, without keeping their ranks, but like
travellers on a journey, in order that they might appear to be the
retinue of the general, rather than a military force. Here he left one
troop at the gate, lest the cavalry, who were coming up, might be shut
out; and then, holding Eurylochus by the hand, conducted him to his
house through the middle of the city and the forum, and through crowds
who met and congratulated him. In a little time the city was filled
with horsemen, and convenient posts were seized; and then parties were
sent to the houses of persons of the opposite faction, to put them to
death. In this manner Demetrias fell into the hands of the Aetolians.
35. At Lacedaemon, the city was not to be attempted by force, but the
tyrant to be entrapped by stratagem. For though he had been stripped
of the maritime towns by the Romans, and afterwards shut up within the
walls of his city by the Achaeans, they supposed that whoever took the
first opportunity of killing him would engross the whole thanks of the
Lacedaemonians. The pretence which they had for sending to him, was,
that he had long solicited assistance from them, since, by their
advice, he had renewed the war. A thousand foot were put under the
command of Alexamenus, with thirty horsemen, chosen from among the
youth. These received a charge from Damocritus, the praetor, in the
select council of the nation, mentioned above, "not to suppose that
they were sent to a war with the Achaeans; or even on other business,
which any one might ascertain to himself from his own conjectures.
Whatever sudden enterprise circumstances might direct Alexamenus to
undertake, that (however unexpected, rash, or daring) they were to
hold themselves in readiness to execute with implicit obedience;
and should understand that to be the matter, for the sole purpose
of effecting which they had been sent abroad." With these men, thus
pre-instructed, Alexamenus came to the tyrant, and, immediately on
approaching him, filled him with hopes; telling him, that "Antiochus
had already come over into Europe; that he would shortly be in Greece,
and would cover the lands and seas with men and arms; that the Romans
would find that they had not Philip to deal with: that the numbers of
the horsemen, footmen, and ships, could not be reckoned; and that the
train of elephants, by their mere appearance, would effectually daunt
the enemy: that the Aetolians were prepared to come to Lacedaemon with
their entire force, whenever occasion required; but that they wished
to show the king, on his arrival, a numerous body of troops: that
Nabis himself, likewise, ought to take care not to suffer his soldiers
to be enervated by inaction, and dwelling in houses; but to lead them
out, and make them perform their evolutions under arms, which, while
it exercised their bodies, would also rouse their courage; that the
labour would become lighter by practice, and might even be rendered
not unpleasing by the affability and kindness of their commander."
Thenceforward, the troops used frequently to be drawn out under the
walls of the city, in a plain near the river Eurotas. The tyrant's
life-guards were generally posted in the centre. He himself, attended
by three horsemen at the most, of whom Alexamenus was commonly one,
rode about in front, and went to view both wings to their extremities.
On the right wing were the Aetolians; both those who had been before
in his army as auxiliaries, and the thousand who came with Alexamenus.
Alexamenus made it his custom to ride about with Nabis through a few
of the ranks, offering such advice as seemed most suitable; then to
join his own troops in the right wing; and presently after, as if
having given the orders which the occasion might require, to return to
the tyrant. But, on the day which he had fixed for the perpetration of
the deed of death, after accompanying the tyrant for a little time,
he withdrew to his own soldiers, and addressed the horsemen, sent
from home with him, in these words: "Young men, that deed is now to
be dared and done which you were ordered to execute valiantly under my
guidance. Have your courage and your hands ready, that none may
fail to second me in whatever he sees me attempt. If any one shall
hesitate, and prefer any scheme of his own to mine, let him rest
assured that there is no return to his home for him." Horror seized
them all, and they well remembered the charge which they had received
at setting out. The tyrant was now coming from the left wing.
Alexamenus ordered his horsemen to rest their lances, and keep their
eyes fixed on him; and in the mean time he himself recollected his
spirits, which had been discomposed by the meditation of such a
desperate attempt. As soon as the tyrant came near, he charged him;
and driving his spear through his horse, brought the rider to the
ground. The horsemen aimed their lances at him as he lay, and after
many ineffectual strokes against his coat of mail, their points at
length penetrated his body, so that, before relief could be sent from
the centre, he expired.
36. Alexamenus, with all the Aetolians, hastened away, to seize on the
palace. Nabis's life-guards were at first struck with horror, the
act being perpetrated before their eyes; then, when they observed the
Aetolian troops leaving the place, they gathered round the tyrant's
body, where it was left, forming, instead of guardians of his life or
avengers of his death, a mere group of spectators. Nor would any one
have stirred, if Alexamenus had immediately called the people to an
assembly, and, with his arms laid aside, there made a speech suitable
to the occasion, and afterwards kept a good number of Aetolians in
arms, without violence being offered to any one. Instead of which,
by a fatality which ought to attend all designs founded in treachery,
every step was taken that could tend to hasten the destruction of
those who had committed it. The commander, shut up in the palace,
wasted a day and a night in searching out the tyrant's treasures; and
the Aetolians, as if they had stormed the city, of which they wished
to be thought the deliverers, betook themselves to plunder. The
insolence of their behaviour, and at the same time contempt of their
numbers, gave the Lacedaemonians courage to assemble in a body, when
some said, that they ought to drive out the Aetolians, and resume
their liberty, which had been ravished from them at the very time when
it seemed to be restored; others, that, for the sake of appearance,
they ought to associate with them some one of the royal family, as the
director of their efforts. There was a very young boy of that family,
named Laconicus, who had been educated with the tyrant's children; him
they mounted on a horse, and taking arms, slew all the Aetolians whom
they met straggling through the city. They then assaulted the palace,
where they killed Alexamenus, who, with a small party, attempted
resistance. Others of the Aetolians, who had collected together round
the Chalciaecon, that is, the brazen temple of Minerva, were cut to
pieces. A few, throwing away their arms, fled, some to Tegea, others
to Megalopolis, where they were seized by the magistrates, and sold as
slaves. Philopoemen, as soon as he heard of the murder of the tyrant,
went to Lacedaemon, where, finding all in confusion and consternation,
he called together the principal inhabitants, to whom he addressed a
discourse, (such as ought to have been made by Alexamenus,) and united
the Lacedaemonians to the confederacy of the Achaeans. To this they
were the more easily persuaded, because, at that very juncture, Aulus
Atilius happened to arrive at Gythium with twenty-four quinqueremes.
37. Meanwhile, Thoas, in his attempt on Chalcis, had by no means
the same good fortune as Eurylochus had in getting possession of
Demetrias; although, (by the intervention of Euthymidas, a man of
considerable consequence, who, after the arrival of Titus Quinctius
and the ambassadors, had been banished by those who adhered to the
Roman alliance; and also of Herodorus, who was a merchant of Cios,
and who, by means of his wealth, possessed a powerful influence at
Chalcis,) he had engaged a party, composed of Euthymidas's faction, to
betray the city into his hands. Euthymidas went from Athens, where
he had fixed his residence, first to Thebes, and thence to Salganea;
Herodorus to Thronium. At a small distance, on the Malian bay, Thoas
had two thousand foot and two hundred horse, with as many as thirty
light transport ships. With these vessels, carrying six hundred
footmen, Herodorus was ordered to sail to the island of Atalanta,
that, as soon as he should perceive the land forces approaching Aulus
and the Euripus, he might pass over from thence to Chalcis; to which
place Thoas himself led the rest of his forces, marching mostly by
night, and with all possible expedition.
38. Mictio and Xenoclides, who were now, since the banishment of
Euthymidas, in possession of the supreme power, either of themselves
suspected the matter, or received some information of it, and were at
first so greatly terrified, that they saw no prospect of safety but
in flight; but afterwards, when their fright subsided, and they
considered that, by such a step, they would betray and desert not only
their country, but the Roman alliance, they applied their minds to
the following plan. It happened that, at that very time, there was a
solemn anniversary festival, celebrated at Eretria, in honour of Diana
Amarynthis, which was always attended by great numbers, not only of
the natives, but also of the Carystians: thither they sent envoys to
beseech the Eretrians and Carystians, "as having been born in the same
isle, to compassionate their situation; and, at the same time, to
show their regard to the friendship of Rome: not to suffer Chalcis
to become the property of the Aetolians; that if they should possess
Chalcis they would obtain possession of all Euboea: and to remind
them, that they had found the Macedonians grievous masters, but that
the Aetolians would be much more intolerable." The consideration
of the Romans chiefly influenced those states, as they had lately
experienced both their bravery in war, and their justice and
liberality in success. Both states, therefore, armed, and sent the
main strength of their young men. To these the people of Chalcis
intrusted the defence of the walls, and they themselves, with their
whole force, crossed the Euripus, and encamped at Salganea. From that
place they despatched, first a herald, and afterwards ambassadors, to
ask the Aetolians, for what word or act of theirs, friends and allies
came thus to invade them. Thoas, commander of the Aetolians, answered,
that "he came not to attack them, but to deliver them from the Romans;
that they were fettered at present with a brighter chain indeed, but
a much heavier one, than when they had a Macedonian garrison in their
citadel." The men of Chalcis replied that "they were neither under
bondage to any one, nor in need of the protection of any." The
ambassadors then withdrew from the meeting, and returned to their
countrymen. Thoas and the Aetolians (who had no other hopes than in
a sudden surprise, and were by no means in a capacity to undertake
a regular war, and the siege of a city so well secured against any
attack from the land or the sea) returned home. Euthymidas, on hearing
that his countrymen were encamped at Salganea, and that the Aetolians
had retired, went back from Thebes to Athens. Herodorus, after waiting
several days at Atalanta, attentively watching for the concerted
signal in vain, sent an advice-boat to learn the cause of the
delay; and, understanding that the enterprise was abandoned by his
associates, returned to Thronium from whence he had come.
39. Quinctius, having been informed of these proceedings, came with
the fleet from Corinth, and met Eumenes in the Euripus of Chalcis.
It was agreed between them, that king Eumenes should leave there five
hundred of his soldiers, for the purpose of a garrison, and should
go himself to Athens. Quinctius proceeded to Demetrias, as he had
purposed from the first, hoping that the relief of Chalcis would prove
a strong inducement to the Magnetians to renew the alliance with Rome.
And, in order that such of them as favoured his views might have some
support at hand, he wrote to Eunomus, praetor of the Thessalians,
to arm the youth; sending Villius forward to Demetrias, to sound the
inclinations of the people: but not with a view to take any step in
the business, unless a considerable number of them were disposed to
revive the former treaty of amity. Villius, in a ship of five banks of
oars, came to the mouth of the harbour, and the whole multitude of
the Magnetians hastened out thither. Villius then asked, whether they
chose that he should consider himself as having come to friends, or
to enemies? Eurylochus, the Magnetarch, answered, that "he had come to
friends; but desired him not to enter the harbour, but to suffer the
Magnetians to live in freedom and harmony; and not to attempt, under
the show of friendly converse, to seduce the minds of the populace."
Then followed an altercation, not a conference, the Roman upbraiding
the Magnetians with ingratitude, and forewarning them of the
calamities impending over them; the multitude, on the other side,
clamorously reproaching him, and reviling, sometimes the senate,
sometimes Quinctius. Villius, therefore, unable to effect any part
of his business, went back to Quinctius, who despatched orders to the
Thessalian praetor, to lead his troops home, while himself returned
with his ships to Corinth.
40. The affairs of Greece, blended with those of Rome, have carried me
away, as it were, out of my course: not that they were in themselves
deserving of a recital, but because they constituted the causes of
the war with Antiochus. After the consular election, for thence I
digressed, the consuls, Lucius Quinctius and Cneius Domitius, repaired
to their provinces; Quinctius to Liguria, Domitius against the Boians.
The Boians kept themselves quiet; nay, the senators, with their
children, and the commanding officers of the cavalry, with their
troops, amounting in all to one thousand five hundred, surrendered to
the consul. The other consul laid waste the country of the Ligurians
to a wide extent, and took some forts: in which expeditions he not
only acquired booty of all sorts, together with many prisoners, but he
also recovered several of his countrymen, and of the allies, who had
been in the hands of the enemy. In this year a colony was settled
at Vibo, in pursuance of a decree of the senate and an order of
the people; three thousand seven hundred footmen, and three hundred
horsemen, went out thither, conducted by the commissioners Quintus
Naevius, Marcus Minucius, and Marcus Furius Crassipes. Fifteen acres
of ground were assigned to each footman, double that quantity to a
horseman. This land had been last in possession of the Bruttians, who
had taken it from the Greeks. About this time two dreadful causes
of alarm happened at Rome, one of which continued long, but was less
active than the other. An earthquake lasted through thirty-eight days;
during all which time there was a total cessation of business, amidst
anxiety and fears. On account of this event, a supplication was
performed of three days' continuance. The other was not a mere fright,
but attended with the actual loss of many lives. In consequence of a
fire breaking out in the cattle-market, the conflagration, among
the houses near to the Tiber, continued through all that day and the
following night, and all the shops, with wares of very great value,
were reduced to ashes.
41. The year was now almost at an end, while the rumours of impending
hostility, and, consequently, the anxiety of the senate, daily
increased. They therefore set about adjusting the provinces of the
magistrates elect, in order that they might be all the more intent
on duty. They decreed, that those of the consuls should be Italy, and
whatever other place the senate should vote, for every one knew that
a war against Antiochus was now a settled point. That he, to whose
lot the latter province fell, should have under his command,--of Roman
citizens, four thousand foot and three hundred horse; and of the Latin
confederates, six thousand foot and four hundred horse. The consul,
Lucius Quinctius, was ordered to levy these troops, that no delay
might be occasioned, but that the new consul might be able to proceed
immediately to any place which the senate should appoint. Concerning
the provinces of the praetors, also, it was decreed, that the first
lot should comprehend the two jurisdictions, both that between
natives, and that between them and foreigners; the second should be
Bruttium; the third, the fleet, to sail wherever the senate should
direct; the fourth, Sicily; the fifth, Sardinia; the sixth, Farther
Spain. An order was also given to the consul Lucius Quinctius, to levy
two new legions of Roman citizens, and of the allies and Latins twenty
thousand foot and eight hundred horse. This army they assigned to the
praetor to whom should fall the province of Bruttium. Two temples were
dedicated this year to Jupiter in the Capitol; one of which had been
vowed by Lucius Furius Purpureo, when praetor during the Gallic war;
the other by the same, when consul. Quintus Marcius Ralla, duumvir,
dedicated both. Many severe sentences were passed this year on
usurers, who were prosecuted, as private persons, by the curule
aediles, Marcus Tuccius and Publius Junius Brutus. Out of the fines
imposed on those who were convicted, gilded chariots, with four
horses, were placed in the recess of Jupiter's temple in the Capitol,
over the canopy of the shrine, and also twelve gilded bucklers. The
same aediles built a portico on the outside of the Triple Gate, in the
Carpenters' Square.
42. While the Romans were busily employed in preparing for a new war,
Antiochus, on his part, was not idle. Three cities detained him some
time, Smyrna, Alexandria in Troas, and Lampsacus, which hitherto he
had not been able either to reduce by force, or to persuade into a
treaty of amity; and he was unwilling, on going into Europe, to leave
these behind (as enemies). A deliberation also respecting Hannibal
occasioned him further delay. First, the open ships, which the
king was to have sent with him to Africa, were slowly prepared, and
afterwards a consultation was set on foot whether he ought to be sent
at all, chiefly by Thoas the Aetolian; who, after setting all Greece
in commotion, came with the account of Demetrias being in the hands of
his countrymen; and as he had, by false representations concerning the
king, and multiplying, in his assertions, the numbers of his forces,
exalted the expectations of many in Greece; so now, by the same
artifices, he puffed up the hopes of the king; telling him, that
"every one was inviting him with their prayers, and that there would
be a general rush to the shore, from which the people could catch a
view of the royal fleet." He even had the audacity to attempt altering
the king's judgment respecting Hannibal when it was nearly settled.
For he alleged, that "the fleet ought not to be weakened by sending
away any part of it, but that if ships must be sent no person was
less fit for the command than Hannibal, for he was an exile and a
Carthaginian, to whom his own circumstances or his disposition might
daily suggest a thousand new schemes. Then as to his military fame,
by which, as by a dowry, he was recommended to notice, it was too
splendid for an officer acting under a king. The king ought to be the
grand object of view; the king ought to appear the sole leader, the
sole commander. If Hannibal should lose a fleet or an army the amount
of the damage would be the same as if the loss were incurred by any
other general; but should success be obtained, all the honour would be
ascribed to Hannibal, and not to Antiochus. Besides, if the war
should prove so fortunate as to terminate finally in the defeat of the
Romans, could it be expected that Hannibal would live under a king;
subject, in short, to an individual; he who could scarcely bear
subjection to his own country? That he had not so conducted himself
from early youth, having embraced the empire of the globe in his hopes
and aspirations, that in his old age he would be likely to endure a
master. The king wanted not Hannibal as a general: as an attendant and
a counsellor in the business of the war, he might properly employ him.
A moderate use of such abilities would be neither unprofitable nor
dangerous; but if advantages of the highest nature were sought through
him, they, probably, would be the destruction both of the giver and
the receiver."
43. There are no dispositions more prone to envy than those of persons
whose mental qualifications are inferior to their birth and rank in
life; because they are indignant both at the merit and the possessions
of another. The design of the expedition, to be commanded by Hannibal,
the only one thought of that could be of use, in the beginning of the
war, was immediately laid aside. The king, highly flattered by the
defection of Demetrias from the Romans to the Aetolians, resolved to
delay no longer his departure into Greece. Before the fleet weighed
anchor he went up from the shore to Ilium, to offer sacrifice to
Minerva. Immediately on his return he set sail with forty decked ships
and sixty open ones, followed by two hundred transports, laden with
provisions and warlike stores. He first touched at the island of
Imbrus; thence he passed over to Sciathus; whence, after collecting
the ships which had been separated during the voyage, he proceeded
to Pteleum, toe nearest part of the continent. Here, Eurylochus the
Magnetarch, and other principal Magnetians from Demetrias, met him.
Being greatly gratified by their numerous appearance, he carried his
fleet the next day into the harbour of their city. At a small distance
from the town he landed his forces, which consisted of ten thousand
foot, five hundred horse, and six elephants; a force scarcely
sufficient to take possession of Greece alone, much less to sustain
a war with Rome. The Aetolians, as soon as they were informed of
Antiochus's arrival at Demetrias, convened a general council, and
passed a decree, inviting him into their country. The king had already
left Demetrias, (for he knew that such a decree was to be passed,) and
had advanced as far as Phalara on the Malian bay. Here the decree
was presented to him, and then he proceeded to Lamia, where he was
received by the populace with marks of the warmest attachment,
with clapping of hands and shouting, and other signs by which the
extravagant joy of the vulgar is testified.
44. When he came into the council he was introduced by Phaeneas, the
praetor, and other persons of eminence, who, with difficulty, made
way for him through the crowd. Then, silence being ordered, the king
addressed himself to the assembly. He began with accounting for his
having come with a force so much smaller than every one had hoped and
expected. "That," he said, "ought to be deemed the strongest proof of
the warmth of his good-will towards them; because, though he was not
sufficiently prepared in any particular, and though the season was yet
too early for sailing, he had, without hesitation, complied with the
call of their ambassadors, and had believed that when the Aetolians
should see him among them they would be satisfied that in him, even if
he were unattended, they might be sure of every kind of support. But
he would also abundantly fulfil the hopes of those, whose expectations
seemed at present to be disappointed. For as soon as the season of the
year rendered navigation safe, he would cover all Greece with arms,
men, and horses, and all its coasts with fleets. He would spare
neither expense, nor labour, nor danger, until he should remove the
Roman yoke from their necks, and render Greece really free, and the
Aetolians the first among its states. That, together with the armies,
stores of all kinds were to come from Asia. For the present the
Aetolians ought to take care that his men might be properly supplied
with corn, and other accommodations, at reasonable rates."
45. Having addressed them to this purport, and with universal
approbation, the king withdrew. After his departure a warm debate
ensued between two of the Aetolian chiefs, Phaeneas and Thoas.
Phaeneas declared his opinion, that it would be better to employ
Antiochus, as a mediator of peace, and an umpire respecting the
matters in dispute with the Roman people, than as leader in a war.
That "his presence and his dignified station would impress the Romans
with awe, more powerfully than his arms. That in many cases men, for
the sake of avoiding war, voluntarily remit pretensions, which force
and arms would never compel them to forego." Thoas, on the other hand,
insisted, that "Phaeneas's motive was not a love of peace, but a wish
to embarrass their preparations for war, with the view that, through
the tediousness of the proceedings, the king's vigour might be relaxed
and the Romans gain time to put themselves in readiness. That they had
abundant proof from experience, after so many embassies sent to
Rome, and so many conferences with Quinctius in person, that nothing
reasonable could ever be obtained from the Romans in the way of
negotiation; and that they would not, until every hope of that sort
was out of sight, have implored the aid of Antiochus. That as he had
appeared among them sooner than any had expected, they ought not to
sink into indolence, but rather to petition the king, that since he
had come in person, which was the great point of all, to support the
rights of Greece, he would also send for his fleets and armies. For
the king, at the head of an army, might obtain something, but without
that could have very little influence with the Romans, either in the
cause of the Aetolians, or even in his own." This opinion was adopted,
and the council voted, that the title of general should be conferred
on the king. They also nominated thirty distinguished men with whom
he might deliberate on any business which he might think proper.--The
council was then broken up, and all went home to their respective
states.
46. Next day the king held a consultation with their select council,
respecting the place from whence his operations should commence. They
judged it best to make the first trial on Chalcis, which had lately
been attempted in vain by the Aetolians; and they thought that
the business required rather expedition than any great exertion or
preparation. Accordingly the king, with a thousand foot, who had
followed him from Demetrias, took his route through Phocis; and the
Aetolian chiefs, going by another road, met at Cheronaea a small
number of their young men whom they had called to arms, and thence, in
ten decked ships, proceeded after him. Antiochus pitched his camp at
Salganea, while himself, with the Aetolian chiefs, crossed the Euripus
in the ships. When he had advanced a little way from the harbour, the
magistrates and other chief men of Chalcis came out before their gate.
A small number from each side met to confer together. The Aetolians
warmly recommended to the others, "without violating the friendship
subsisting between them and the Romans, to receive the king also as
a friend and ally; for that he had crossed into Europe not for the
purpose of making war, but of vindicating the liberty of Greece; and
of vindicating it in reality, not in words and pretence merely, as the
Romans had done. Nothing could be more advantageous to the states of
Greece than to embrace the alliance of both, as they would then be
always secure against ill-treatment from either, under the guarantee
and protection of the other. If they refuse to receive the king, they
ought to consider what they would have immediately to suffer; the aid
of the Romans being far distant, and Antiochus, whom with their own
strength they could not possibly resist, in character of an enemy at
their gates." To this Mictio, one of the Chalcian deputies, answered
that "he wondered who those people were, for the vindicating of whose
liberty Antiochus had left his own kingdom, and come over into Europe.
For his part he knew not any state in Greece which either contained
a garrison, or paid tribute to the Romans, or was bound by a
disadvantageous treaty, and obliged to submit to terms which it did
not like. The people of Chalcis, therefore, stood not in need, either
of any assertor of their liberty, which they already enjoyed, or of
any armed protector, since, through the kindness of the Roman people,
they were in possession of both liberty and peace. They did not slight
the friendship of the king, nor that of the Aetolians themselves. The
first instance of friendship, therefore, that they could give, would
be to quit the island and go home; for, as to themselves, they were
fully determined not only not to admit them within their walls, but
not even to agree to any alliance, but with the approbation of the
Romans."
47. When an account of this conference was brought to the king, at
the ships where he had staid, he resolved for the present to return to
Demetrias; for he had not come to them with a sufficient number of
men to attempt any thing by force. At Demetrias he held another
consultation with the Aetolians, to determine what was next to be
done, as their first effort had proved fruitless. It was agreed that
they should make trial of the Botians, Achaeans, and Amynander, king
of the Athamanians. The Boeotianan nation they believed to have been
disaffected to the Romans, ever since the death of Brachyllas, and the
consequences which followed it. Philopoemen, chief of the Achaeans,
they supposed to hate, and be hated by, Quinctius, in consequence of a
rivalship for fame in the war of Laconia. Amynander had married Apama,
daughter of a Megalopolitan, called Alexander, who, pretending to be
descended from Alexander the Great, had given the names of Philip and
Alexander to his two sons, and that of Apama to his daughter; and when
she was raised to distinction, by her marriage to the king, Philip,
the elder of her brothers had followed her into Athamania. This
man, who happened to be naturally vain, then Aetolians and Antiochus
persuaded to hope (as he was really of the royal family) for the
sovereignty of Macedonia, on condition of his prevailing on Amynander
and the Athamanians to join Antiochus; and these empty promises
produced the intended effect, not only on Philip but likewise on
Amynander.
48. In Achaia, the ambassadors of Antiochus and the Aetolians were
admitted to an audience of the council at Aegium, in the presence of
Titus Quinctius. The ambassador of Antiochus was heard prior to the
Aetolians. He, with all that pomp and parade which is common among
those who are maintained by the wealth of kings, covered, as far as
the empty sound of words could go, both lands and seas (with forces).
He said, that "an innumerable body of cavalry was coming over the
Hellespont into Europe; some of them cased in coats of mail, whom they
call Cataphracti; others discharging arrows on horseback; and, what
rendered it impossible to guard against them, shooting with the
surest aim even when their backs were turned, and their horses in full
retreat. To this army of cavalry, sufficient to crush the forces of
all Europe, collected into one body," he added another of infantry
of many times its number; and to terrify them, repeated the names
of nations scarcely ever heard of before: talking of Dahans, Medes,
Elymaeans, and Cadusians. "As to the naval forces, no harbours
in Greece were capable of containing them; the right squadron was
composed of Sidonians and Tyrians; the left of Aradians and Sidetians,
from Pamphylia.--nations which none others had ever equalled, either
in courage, or skill in sea affairs. Then, as to money, and other
requisites for the support of war, it was needless for him to speak.
They themselves knew, that the kingdoms of Asia had always abounded in
gold. The Romans, therefore, had not now to deal with Philip, or with
Hannibal; the one a principal member of a commonwealth, the other
confined merely to the limits of the kingdom of Macedonia; but with
the great monarch of all Asia, and part of Europe. Nevertheless,
though he had come from the remotest bounds of the East to give
freedom to Greece, he did not demand any thing from the Achaeans, that
could injure the fidelity of their engagements with the Romans, their
former friends and allies. For he did not require them to take arms on
his side against them; but only, that they should not join themselves
to either party. That, as became common friends, they should wish for
peace to both parties, and not intermeddle in the war." Archidamus,
ambassador of the Aetolians, made nearly the same request: that, as
was their easiest and safest way, they should stand neuter; and, as
mere spectators of the war, wait for the decision of the fortunes of
others, without any hazard to their own interests. He afterwards was
betrayed, by the intemperance of language, into invectives, sometimes
against the Romans in general, sometimes against Quinctius himself in
particular; charging them with ingratitude, and upbraiding them,
as being indebted to the valour of the Aetolians, not only for the
victory over Philip, but even for their preservation; for, "by their
exertions, both Quinctius himself and his army had been saved. What
duty of a commander had he ever discharged? He used to see him,
indeed, in the field, taking auspices; sacrificing, and offering vows,
like an insignificant soothsaying priest; while he himself was, in his
defence, exposing his person to the weapons of the enemy."
49. To this Quinctius replied, that "Archidamus had calculated his
discourse for the numerous auditors, rather than for the persons to
whom it was particularly addressed. For the Achaeans very well knew,
that the bold spirit of the Aetolians consisted entirely in words, not
in deeds; and was more displayed in their councils and assemblies
than in the field. He had therefore been indifferent concerning
the sentiments of the Achaeans, to whom he and his countrymen were
conscious that they were thoroughly known; and studied to recommend
himself to the king's ambassadors, and, through them, to their absent
master. But, if any person had been hitherto ignorant of the cause
which had united Antiochus and the Aetolians, it was easy to
discover it from the language of their ambassadors. By the false
representations made by both parties, and boasts of strength which
neither possessed, they mutually puffed up each other; and were
themselves puffed up with vain expectations: one party talking of
Philip being vanquished by them, the Romans being protected by their
valour, and the rest of what you have just heard; and that you, and
the other states and nations, would follow their party. The king,
on the other side, boasting of clouds of horsemen and footmen,
and covering the seas with his fleets. The king," he added, "was
exceedingly like a supper that I remember at the house of my host at
Chalcis, who is both a man of worth, and an excellent conductor of
a feast. Having been kindly entertained by him at midsummer, when we
wondered how he could, at that time of the year, procure such plenty
and variety of game, he, not being so vain-glorious as these men, told
us, with a pleasant smile, that the variety was owing to the dressing,
and that what appeared to be the flesh of many different wild animals,
was entirely of tame swine. This may be aptly applied to the forces
of the king, which were so ostentatiously displayed a while ago; that
those various kinds of armour, and multitudinous names of nations,
never heard of before, Dahans, and Medes, and Caducians, and
Elymaeans, are nothing more than Syrians, a race possessed of such
grovelling souls, as to be much fitter for slaves than for soldiers. I
wish, Achaeans, that I could exhibit to your view the rapid excursions
of this mighty monarch from Demetrias; first, to Lamia, to the council
of the Aetolians; then to Chalcis. You should behold, in the royal
camp, about the number of two small legions, and these incomplete. You
should see the king, now, in a manner begging corn from the Aetolians,
to be measured out to his soldiers; then, striving to borrow money
at interest to pay them; again, standing at the gates of Chalcis, and
presently, on being refused admittance, returning thence into Aetolia,
without having effected any thing, except indeed the taking a peep at
Aulis and the Euripus. Both Antiochus had done wrong in trusting
to the Aetolians, and the Aetolians in trusting to the king's vain
boastings. For which reason, you ought the less to be deceived by
them, and rather to confide in the tried and approved fidelity of the
Romans. For, with respect to your not interfering in the war, which
they recommend as your best course, nothing, in fact, can be more
contrary to your interest: for then, without gaining thanks or esteem,
you will become the prize of the conqueror."
50. He was thought to have replied to both by no means unsuitably; and
there was no difficulty in bringing an audience, prepossessed in his
favour, to give their approbation to his discourse. In fact, there
was no debate or doubt started, but all concurred in voting, that the
nation of the Achaeans would regard, as their friends or foes, those
who were judged to be such by the Roman people, and in ordering war
to be declared against both Antiochus and the Aetolians. They also,
by the direction of Quinctius, sent immediate succours of five hundred
men to Chalcis, and five hundred to the Piraeus; for affairs at
Athens were in a state not far from a civil war, in consequence of the
endeavours, used by some, to seduce the venal populace, by hopes of
largesses, to take part with Antiochus. But at length Quinctius was
called thither by those who were of the Roman party; and Apollodorus,
the principal adviser of a revolt, being publicly charged therewith by
one Leon, was condemned and driven into exile. Thus, from the Achaeans
also, the embassy returned to the king with a discouraging answer.
The Boeotians made no definitive reply; they only said, that "when
Antiochus should come into Boeotia, they would then deliberate on the
measures proper to be pursued." When Antiochus heard, that both the
Achaeans and king Eumenes had sent reinforcements to Chalcis, he
resolved to act with the utmost expedition, that his troops might
get the start of them, and, if possible, intercept the others as they
came; and he sent thither Menippus with about three thousand soldiers,
and Polyxenidas with the whole fleet. In a few days after, he marched
himself, at the head of six thousand of his own soldiers, and a
smaller number of Aetolians, as many as could be collected in haste,
out of those who were at Lamia. The five hundred Achaeans, and a small
party sent by king Eumenes, being guided by Xenoclides, of Chalcis,
(the roads being yet open,) crossed the Euripus, and arrived at
Chalcis in safety. The Roman soldiers, who were likewise about five
hundred, came, after Menippus had fixed his camp under Salganea, at
Hermaeus, the place of passage from Boeotia to the island of
Euboea. They had with them Mictio, who had been sent from Chalcis to
Quinctius, deputed to solicit that very reinforcement; and when he
perceived that the passes were blocked up by the enemy, he quitted
the road to Aulis, and turned away to Delium, with intent to pass over
thence to Euboea.
51. Delium is a temple of Apollo, standing over the sea five miles
distant from Tanagra; and the passage thence, to the nearest part of
Euboea, is less than four miles. As they were in this sacred building
and grove, sanctified with all that religious awe and those privileges
which belong to temples, called by the Greeks asylums, (war not being
yet either proclaimed, or so far commenced as that they had heard of
swords being drawn, or blood shed any where,) the soldiers in perfect
tranquillity, amused themselves, some with viewing the temple and
groves; others with walking about unarmed, on the strand; and a great
part had gone different ways in quest of wood and forage; when, on a
sudden, Menippus attacked them in that scattered condition, slew many,
and took fifty of them prisoners. Very few made their escape, among
whom was Mictio, who was received on board a small trading vessel.
Though this event caused much grief to Quinctius and the Romans, on
account of the loss of their men, yet it seemed to add much to the
justification of their cause in making war on Antiochus. Antiochus,
when arrived with his army so near as Aulis, sent again to Chalcis
a deputation, composed partly of his own people, and partly of
Aetolians, to treat on the same grounds as before, but with heavier
denunciations of vengeance: and, notwithstanding all the efforts of
Mictio and Xenoclides to the contrary, he easily gained his object,
that the gates should be opened to him. Those who adhered to the Roman
interest, on the approach of the king, withdrew from the city. The
soldiers of the Achaeans, and Eumenes, held Salganea; and the few
Romans, who had escaped, raised, for the security of the place, a
little fort on the Euripus. Menippus laid siege to Salganea, and the
king himself to the fort. The Achaeans and Eumenes' soldiers first
surrendered, on the terms of being allowed to retire in safety. The
Romans defended the Euripus with more obstinacy. But even these,
when they were completely invested both by land and sea, and saw the
machines and engines prepared for an assault, sustained the siege no
longer. The king, having thus got possession of the capital of
Euboea, the other cities of the island did not even refuse to obey
his authority; and he seemed to himself to have signalized the
commencement of the war by an important acquisition, in having brought
under his power so great an island, and so many cities conveniently
situated.