_Publius Scipio Africanus sent as ambassador to Antiochus; has
a conversation with Hannibal at Ephesus. Preparations of
the Romans for war with Antiochus. Nabis, the tyrant of
Lacedaemon, instigated by the Aetolians, makes war on the
Achaeans; is put to death by a party of the Aetolians. The
Aetolians, violating the treaty of friendship with the Romans,
invite Antiochus, who comes, with a small force, into Greece,
and, in conjunction with them, takes several towns, and the
whole island of Euboea. The Achaeans declare war against
Antiochus and the Aetolians._
1. In the beginning of the same year, Sextus Digitius, praetor in the
Hither Spain, fought with those states which, after the departure of
Marcus Cato, had, in great numbers, recommenced hostilities, numerous
battles, but none deserving of particular mention; and all so
unfavourable to him, that he scarcely delivered to his successor half
the number of men that he had received. In consequence of this, every
state in Spain would certainly have resumed new courage, had not
the other praetor, Publius Cornelius Scipio, son of Cneius, been
successful in several engagements on the other side of the Iberus;
and, by these means, diffused such a general terror, that no less than
fifty towns came over to his side. These exploits Scipio performed
in his praetorship. Afterwards, when propraetor, as the Lusitanians,
after ravaging the farther Province, were returning home, with an
immense booty, he attacked them on their march, and continued the
engagement from the third hour of the day to the eighth, before any
advantage was gained on either side. He was inferior to the enemy in
number of men, but he had the advantage of them in other respects:
with his troops formed in a compact body he attacked a long train,
encumbered with multitudes of cattle; and with his soldiers fresh,
engaged men, fatigued by a long march; for the enemy had set out at
the third watch, and besides travelling the remainder of the night,
had continued their route to the third hour of the day; nor had they
been allowed any rest, as the battle immediately succeeded the toil
of the march. Wherefore, though at the beginning they retained some
vigour of body and spirits, and, at first, threw the Romans into
disorder, yet, after some time, the fight became equal. In this
critical situation the propraetor made a vow to celebrate games in
honour of Jupiter, in case he should defeat and cut off the enemy. The
Romans then made a more vigorous push, and the Lusitanians gave way,
and, in a little time, turned their backs. As the victors pursued them
briskly, no less than twelve thousand of them were slain, and five
hundred and forty taken prisoners, most of whom were horsemen. There
were taken, besides, a hundred and thirty-four military standards. Of
the Roman army, but seventy-three men were lost. The battle was fought
at a small distance from the city of Ilipa. Thither Publius Cornelius
led back his victorious army, amply enriched with spoil; all which was
exposed to view under the walls of the town, and permission given
to the owners to claim their effects. The remainder was put into the
hands of the quaestor to be sold, and the money produced by the sale
was distributed among the soldiers.
2. At the time when these occurrences happened in Spain, Caius
Flaminius, the praetor, had not yet set out from Rome: therefore these
events, as well prosperous as adverse, were reported by himself and
his friends in the strongest representations; and he laboured to
persuade the senate, that, as a very formidable war had blazed out in
his province, and he was likely to receive from Sextus Digitius a very
small remnant of an army, and that, too, terrified and disheartened
they ought to decree one of the city legions to him, in order that,
when he should have united to it the soldiers levied by himself,
pursuant to the decree of the senate, he might select from the whole
number six thousand five hundred foot and three hundred horse. He
said, that "with such a legion as that, (for very little confidence
could be placed on the troops of Sextus Digitius,) he would conduct
the war." But the elder part of the senate insisted, that "decrees of
the senate were not to be passed in consequence of rumours fabricated
by private persons for the gratification of magistrates; and that no
intelligence should be deemed authentic except it were either written
by the praetors, from their provinces, or brought by their deputies.
If there was a tumultuous commotion in Spain, they advised a vote,
that tumultuary soldiers should be levied by the praetor in some other
country than Italy." The senate's intention was that such description
of men should be raised in Spain. Valerius Antias says, that Caius
Flaminius sailed to Sicily for the purpose of levying troops, and
that, on his voyage thence to Spain, being driven by a storm to
Africa, he enlisted there many stragglers who had belonged to the
army of Publius Africanus; and that, to the levies made in those two
provinces, he added a third in Spain.
3. In Italy the war, commenced by the Ligurians, grew daily more
formidable. They now invested Pisae, with an army of forty thousand
men; for multitudes flocked to them continually, led by the reports
of the war and the expectation of booty. The consul, Minucius, came
to Arretium, on the day which he had fixed for the assembling of the
troops. Thence he led them, in order of battle, towards Pisae; and
though the enemy had removed their camp to the other side of the
river, at a distance of no more than three miles from the place, the
consul marched into the city, which evidently owed its preservation to
his coming. Next day he also encamped on the other side of the river,
about a mile from the enemy; and by slight skirmishes protected the
lands of the allies from their depredations. He did not think it
prudent to hazard a general engagement, because his troops were raw,
composed of many different kinds of men, and not yet so well known
among themselves that they could rely on one another. The Ligurians
depended so much on their numbers, that they not only came out and
offered battle, willing to risk every thing on the issue of it; but,
from their superfluity of men, they sent out many parties along the
frontiers to plunder; and whenever a large quantity of cattle, and
other prey, was collected, there was an escort always in readiness to
convey it to their forts and towns.
4. While the operations remained at a stand at Pisae, the other
consul, Lucius Cornelius Merula, led his army through the extreme
borders of the Ligurians, into the territory of the Boians, where the
mode of proceeding was quite the reverse of that which took place in
the war of Liguria. The consul took the field; the enemy refused to
fight; and the Romans, when no one would come out against them, went
out in parties to plunder, while the Boians chose to let their country
be laid waste with impunity rather than venture an engagement in
defence of it. When all places were completely ravaged with fire
and sword, the consul quitted the enemy's lands, and marched towards
Mutina, in a careless manner, as through a pacific population. The
Boians, when they learned that the enemy had withdrawn beyond
their frontiers, followed him as secretly as possible, watching an
opportunity for an ambuscade; and, having gone by his camp in the
night, took possession of a defile through which the Romans were
to pass. But as they were not able to effect this with sufficient
secrecy, the consul, who usually began his march late in the night,
now waited until day, lest, in the disorderly fight likely to ensue,
darkness might increase the confusion; and though he did not stir
before it was light, yet he sent forward a troop of horse to explore
the country. When intelligence was brought by them of the number and
situation of the enemy, he ordered the baggage to be heaped together
in the centre, and the veterans to throw up a rampart round it;
and then, with the rest of the army in order of battle, he advanced
towards the enemy. The Gauls did the same, when they found that their
stratagem was detected, and that they were to engage in a fair and
regular battle, where success must depend on valour alone.
5. The battle began about the second hour. The left brigade of the
allies, and the Extraordinaries, fought in the first line, and were
commanded by two lieutenant-generals of consular dignity, Marcus
Marcellus and Tiberius Sempronius, who had been consul the year
before. The present consul was sometimes employed in the front of
the line, sometimes in keeping back the legions in reserve, that they
might not, through eagerness for fighting, come up to the attack until
the signal was given. He ordered the two Minucii, Quintus and Publius,
military tribunes, to lead off the cavalry on the legions into open
ground, at some distance from the line; and "when he should give them
the signal, to charge the enemy through the clear space." While he was
thus employed, a message came from Tiberius Sempronius Longus, that
the Extraordinaries could not support the onset of the Gauls; that
great numbers had already fallen; and that partly through weariness,
partly through fear, the ardour of the survivors was much abated. He
recommended it therefore to the consul, if he thought proper, to send
up one or other of the two legions, before the army suffered disgrace.
The second legion was accordingly sent, and the Extraordinaries were
ordered to retire. By the legion coming up, with its men fresh,
and the ranks complete in their numbers, the fight was renewed with
vigour. The left wing was withdrawn out of the action, and the right
took its place in the van. The intense heat of the sun discomposed
the Gauls, whose bodies were very ill qualified to endure it:
nevertheless, keeping their ranks close, and leaning sometimes on each
other, sometimes on their bucklers, they withstood the attack of
the Romans; which, when the consul observed, in order to break their
ranks, he ordered Caius Livius Salinator, commander of the allied
cavalry, to charge them at full speed, and the legionary cavalry
to remain in reserve. This tempest of cavalry first confused and
disordered, and at length entirely broke the line of the Gauls; yet it
did not make them fly. That was prevented by their officers, who, when
they quitted their posts, struck them on the back with their spears,
and compelled them to return to their ranks: but the allied cavalry,
riding in among them, did not suffer them to recover their order.
The consul exhorted his soldiers to "continue their efforts a little
longer, for victory was within their reach; to press the enemy, while
they saw them disordered and dismayed; for, if they were suffered to
recover their ranks, they would enter on a fresh battle with doubtful
success." He ordered the standard-bearers to advance with the
standards, and then, all exerting themselves at once, they at length
forced the enemy to give way. As soon as they turned their backs, and
fled precipitately oh every side, the legionary cavalry was sent in
pursuit of them. On that day, fourteen thousand of the Boians were
slain; one thousand and ninety-two taken--as were seven hundred and
twenty-one horsemen, and three of their commanders, with two hundred
and twelve military standards, and sixty-three chariots. Nor did the
Romans gain the victory without loss of blood: of themselves, or their
allies, were lost above five thousand men, twenty-three centurions,
four prefects of the allies, and two military tribunes of the second
legion, Marcus Genucius and Marcus Marcius.
6. Letters from both the consuls arrived at Rome nearly at the same
time. That of Lucius Cornelius gave an account of the battle fought
with the Boians at Mutina; that of Quintus Minucius, from Pisae,
mentioned, that "the holding of the elections had fallen to his lot,
but that affairs in Liguria were in so uncertain a position, that
he could not depart thence without bringing ruin on the allies, and
material injury on the commonwealth. He therefore advised that, if the
senate thought proper, they should direct his colleague (as his war
was decided) to return to Rome for the elections. He said if Cornelius
should object to this, because that employment had not fallen to his
lot, he would certainly do whatever the senate should order; but he
begged them to consider again and again whether it would not be more
to the advantage of the republic, that an interregnum should take
place, than that the province should be left by him in such a state."
The senate gave directions to Caius Scribonius to send two deputies of
senatorian rank to the consul, Lucius Cornelius, to communicate to him
the letter sent by his colleague to the senate, and to acquaint him,
that if he did not come to Rome to elect new magistrates, the senate
were resolved, rather than Quintus Minucius should be called away from
a war, in which no progress had been made, to suffer an interregnum to
take place. The deputies sent brought back his answer, that he
would come to Rome, to elect new magistrates. The letter of Lucius
Cornelius, which contained an account of the battle with the
Boians, occasioned a debate in the senate; for Marcus Claudius,
lieutenant-general, in private letters to many of the senators, had
written, "that they might thank the fortune of the Roman people, and
the bravery of the soldiers, that the affair had been successful. That
the conduct of the consul had been the cause of a great many men
being lost, and of the enemy's army, for the annihilation of which an
opportunity had been offered, having made its escape. That what made
the loss of men the greater was, the reinforcements, necessary to
support them when distressed, coming up too late from the reserve;
and that, what enabled the enemy to slip out of their hands was, the
signal being given too tardily to the legionary cavalry, and their
not being allowed to pursue the fugitives." It was agreed, that no
resolution should be hastily passed on the subject; and the discussion
was accordingly adjourned to a fuller meeting.
7. Another concern also pressed upon them, namely, that the public
was heavily distressed by usurious practices; and although avarice had
been restricted by many laws respecting usury, yet a fraudulent course
had been adopted--that of transferring the securities to subjects of
some of the allied states, who were not bound by those laws, by which
means usurers overwhelmed their debtors by unlimited interest. On
considering of the best method for putting a stop to this evil the
senate decreed, that a certain day should be fixed on for it, the
next approaching festival of the infernal deities; and that any of
the allies who should from that day lend money to the Roman citizens,
should register the transaction; and that all proceedings respecting
such money, lent after that day, should be regulated by the laws of
whichever of the two states the debtor should choose. In some time
after, when the great amount of debt, contracted through this kind of
fraud, was discovered by means of the registries, Marcus Sempronius,
plebeian tribune, by direction of the senate, proposed to the people,
and the people ordered, that the laws relative to money lent between
Roman citizens and subjects of any of the allied states, or Latin
confederacy, should be the same as those between Roman citizens. Such
were the transactions in Italy, civil and military. In Spain the war
was far from being so formidable as the exaggerations of report had
represented it. In Hither Spain, Caius Flaminius took the town of
Ilucia, in the country of the Oretanians, and then marched his army
into winter quarters. Several engagements took place during the
winter, but none deserving of particular mention, directed against
incursions of robbers rather than of the enemy; and yet with various
success, and not without the loss of some men. More important services
were performed by Marcus Fulvius. He fought a pitched battle near the
town of Toletum, against the Vaccaeans, Vectonians, and Celtiberians;
routed and dispersed their combined forces, and took prisoner their
king, Hilermus.
8. While this passed in Spain, the day of election was drawing
near. Lucius Cornelius, therefore, the consul, left Marcus Claudius,
lieutenant-general, in command of the army and came to Rome. After
representing in the senate the services which he had performed, and
the present state of the province, he expostulated with the conscript
fathers on their not having ordered a thanksgiving to the immortal
gods when so great a war was so happily terminated by one successful
battle; and then demanded, that they would at the same time decree a
supplication and a triumph. But, before the question was put, Quintus
Metellus, who had been consul and dictator, said, that, "letters had
been brought at the same time from the consul, Lucius Cornelius,
to the senate, and from Marcus Marcellus, to a great part of the
senators; which letters contradicted each other, and for that reason
the consideration of the business had been adjourned, in order that it
might be debated when the writers of those letters should he present.
He had expected, therefore, that the consul, who knew that the
lieutenant-general had written something to his disadvantage, would,
when he himself was obliged to come, have brought him with him
to Rome; especially, as the command of the army would, with more
propriety, have been committed to Tiberius Sempronius, who already
possessed authority, than to the lieutenant-general. As the case
stood at present, it appeared as if the latter was kept out of the way
designedly, lest he might assert in person the same things which he
had written in his letters; and, face to face, either substantiate
his charges, or, if he had alleged any thing untrue, be convicted of
misrepresentation, until the truth should be clearly discovered. For
this reason he was of opinion, that the senate should not, at present,
assent to either of the decrees demanded by the consul." When he,
however, persisted with undiminished energy in putting the question,
that a thanksgiving should be ordered, and himself allowed to ride
into the city in triumph; the plebeian tribunes, Marcus and Caius
Titinius, declared, that they would enter their protest, if the senate
passed any decree on the subject.
9. In the preceding year, Sextus Aelius Paetus and Caius Cornelius
Cethegus were created censors. Cornelius now closed the lustrum. The
number of citizens rated was a hundred and forty-three thousand seven
hundred and four. Extraordinary quantities of rain fell in this
year, and the Tiber overflowed the lower parts of the city; and
some buildings near the Flumentan gate were even laid in ruins. The
Coelimontan gate was struck by lightning, as was the wall on each side
of it, in several places. At Aricia, Lanuvium, and on the Aventine,
showers of stones fell. From Capua, a report was brought that a very
large swarm of wasps flew into the forum, and settled on the temple of
Mars; that they had been carefully collected, and burnt. On account of
these prodigies, the decemvirs were ordered to consult the books; the
nine days' festival was celebrated, a supplication proclaimed, and
the city purified. At the same time, Marcus Porcius Cato dedicated a
chapel to Maiden Victory, near the temple of Victory, two years after
he had vowed it. During this year, a Latin colony was established
in the Thurian territory by commissioners appointed for the purpose,
Cneius Manlius Vulso, Lucius Apustius Fullo, and Quintus Aelius
Tubero, who had proposed the order for its settlement. There went out
thither three thousand foot and three hundred horsemen; a very small
number in proportion to the extent of the land. Thirty acres might
have been given to each footman, and sixty to a horseman, but, by
the advice of Apustius, a third part was reserved, that they might
afterwards, when they should judge proper, send out thither a new
colony. The footmen received twenty acres each, the horsemen forty.
10. The year was now near a close, and with regard to the election
of consuls, emulation was more fiercely kindled than was ever known
before. The candidates, both patrician and plebeian, were many and
powerful: Publius Cornelius Scipio, son to Cneius, and who had
lately come home from Spain, having performed great exploits; Lucius
Quinctius Flamininus, who had commanded the fleet in Greece; and
Cneius Manlius Vulso; these were the patricians. Then there were, of
plebeian rank, Caius Laelius, Cneius Domitius, Caius Livius Salinator,
and Manius Acilius. The eyes of all men were turned on Quinctius and
Cornelius; for, being both patricians, they sued for one place; and
they were both of them recommended by high and recent renown in war.
Above every thing else, the brothers of the candidates, the two
most illustrious generals of the age, increased the violence of the
struggle. Scipio's fame was the more splendid, and in proportion to
its greater splendour, the more obnoxious to envy. That of Quinctius
was the most recent, as he had triumphed in the course of that very
same year. Besides, the former had now for almost ten years been
continually in people's sight; which circumstance, by the mere effect
of satiety, causes great characters to be less revered. He had been
a second time consul after the final defeat of Hannibal, and also
censor. All Quinctius's claims to the favour of the public were fresh
and new; since his triumph, he had neither asked nor received anything
from the people; "he solicited," he said, "in favour of his own
brother, not of a half-brother; in favour of his lieutenant-general,
and partner in the administration of the war; his brother having
conducted the operations by sea, while he did the same on land." By
these arguments he carried his point. His brother was preferred to the
brother of Africanus, though supported by the whole Cornelian family,
and while one of the same family presided at the election, and
notwithstanding the very honourable testimony given by the senate, in
his favour, when it adjudged him to be the best man in the state: and
as such, appointed him to receive the Idaean Mother into the city,
when she was brought from Pessinus. Lucius Quinctius and Cneius
Domitius Ahenobarbus were elected consuls; so that, not even with
respect to the plebeian consul, could Africanus prevail; for he
employed his interest in favour of Caius Laelius. Next day were
elected praetors, Lucius Scribonius Libo, Marcus Fulvius Centumalus,
Aulus Atilius Serranus, Marcus Baebius Tamphilus, Lucius Valerius
Tappus, and Quintus Salonius Sarra. The aedileship of this year was
highly distinguished, namely, that of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and
Lucius Aemilius Paulus. They prosecuted to conviction many of the
farmers of the public pastures, and with the money accruing from
the fines, placed gilded shields in the upper part of the temple
of Jupiter. They built one colonnade, on the outside of the gate
Tergemina, to which they added a wharf on the Tiber: and another,
reaching from the Frontinal gate to the altar of Mars, to serve as a
passage into the field of Mars.
11. For a long time, nothing worth recording had occurred in Liguria;
but, towards the end of this year, the Roman affairs there were twice
brought into great peril; for the consul's camp, being assaulted, was
with difficulty preserved; and a short time after, as the Roman army
was marching through a defile, the Ligurians seized on the opening
through which they were to pass. The consul, when he found that
passage stopped up, faced about, resolved to return: but the entrance
behind, also, was occupied by a party of the enemy, and the disaster
of Caudium not only occurred to the memory of the Romans, but was in a
manner represented to their eyes. The consul had, among his auxiliary
troops, about eight hundred Numidian horsemen, whose commanding
officer undertook to force a passage with his troops, on whichever
side the consul should choose. He only desired to be told on which
part the greater number of villages lay, for on them he meant to make
an attack; and the first thing he intended doing was, to set fire to
the houses, in order that the alarm, which this should occasion, might
induce the Ligurians to quit their posts in the defile, and hasten to
different quarters to carry assistance to their friends. The consul
highly commended him, and gave him assurance of ample rewards. The
Numidians mounted their horses, and began to ride up to the advanced
posts of the enemy, but without making any attack. Nothing could
appear, on the first view, more contemptible. Both men and horses were
of a small size and thin make, the riders unaccoutred and unarmed,
excepting that they carried javelins in their hands; and the horses
without bridles, and awkward in their gait, running with their necks
stiff and their heads stretched out. The contempt, conceived from
their appearance, they took pains to increase; sometimes falling from
their horses, and making themselves objects of derision and ridicule.
The consequence was, that the enemy, who at first had been alert, and
ready on their posts, in case of an attack, now, for the most part,
laid aside their arms, and sitting down amused themselves with looking
at them. The Numidians often rode up, then galloped back, but still
contrived to get nearer to the pass, as if they were unable to manage
their horses, and were carried away against their will. At last,
setting spurs to them, they broke out through the midst of the enemy's
posts, and getting into the open country, set fire to all the houses
near the road. They then set fire to the nearest village, while they
ravaged all around with fire and sword. At first the sight of the
smoke, then the shouts of the affrighted inhabitants, at last the old
people and children, who fled for shelter, created great disorder in
the camp. In consequence of which the whole of their army, without
plan, and without command, ran off, each to take care of his own;
the camp was in a moment deserted; and the consul delivered from the
blockade, made good his march to the place whither he intended to go.
12. But neither the Boians nor the Spaniards, with whom they had been
at war during that year, were such bitter and inveterate foes to the
Romans as the nation of the Aetolians. These, after the departure of
the Roman armies from Greece, had, for some time, entertained hopes
that Antiochus would come and take possession of Europe, without
opposition; and that neither Philip nor Nabis would continue quiet.
But seeing no active measures begun, in any quarter, they resolved,
lest their designs might be damped by delay, to create some agitation
and disturbance; and, with this view, they summoned a general assembly
at Naupactum. Here Thoas, their praetor, after complaining of the
injurious behaviour of the Romans, and the present state of Aetolia,
and asserting, that "of all the nations and states of Greece, they had
been most unhonoured, after the victory which they themselves had been
the means of obtaining," moved, that ambassadors should be sent to
each of the kings; not only to sound their dispositions, but, by such
incentives as suited the temper of each, to urge them to a war
with Rome. Damocritus was sent to Nabis, Nicander to Philip, and
Dicaearchus, the praetor's brother, to Antiochus. To the Lacedaemonian
tyrant Damocritus represented, that, "by the maritime cities being
taken from him, his government was left enervated; for from them he
had drawn his soldiers, as well as his ships and seamen. He was now
pent up almost within the walls of his capital, while he saw the
Achaeans domineering over the whole Peloponnesus. Never would he have
another opportunity of recovering his rights, if he suffered the one
that now offered to pass by. There was no Roman army in Greece, nor
would the Romans deem Gythium, or the other towns on the coast of
Laconia, sufficient cause for transporting their legions a second
time into that country." These arguments were used for the purpose of
provoking the passions of Nabis; in order that when Antiochus should
come into Greece, the other, conscious of having infringed the treaty
of amity with Rome, by injuries offered to its allies, might unite
himself with him. Nicander excited Philip, by arguments somewhat
similar; and he had more copious matter for discourse, as the king
had been degraded from a more elevated state than the tyrant, and
more possessions also had been taken from him. In addition to this, he
introduced the ancient renown of the Macedonian kings, and the whole
world pervaded by the victorious marches of that nation. "The plan
which he proposed," he said, "was free from any danger, either in the
commencement or in the issue. For he did not advise that Philip should
stir until Antiochus should have come into Greece with an army; and,
considering that, without the aid of Antiochus, he had maintained a
war so long against the combined forces of the Romans and Aetolians,
with what possible force could the Romans withstand him, when joined
by Antiochus, and supported by the aid of the Aetolians, who, on the
former occasion, were more dangerous enemies than the Romans?" He
added the circumstance of Hannibal being general; "a man born a foe
to the Romans, who had slain greater numbers, both of their commanders
and soldiers, than were left surviving." Such were the representations
of Nicander to Philip. Dicaearchus addressed other arguments to
Antiochus. In the first place, he told him, that "the spoils of Philip
belonged to the Romans, but the victory over him to the Aetolians;
that none other than the Aetolians had afforded to the Romans
admittance into Greece, and that the same people supplied them with
the strength which enabled them to conquer." He next set forth the
numerous forces, both horse and foot, which they were willing to
furnish to Antiochus, for the purpose of the war; what quarters they
would assign to his land armament, what harbours for his naval forces.
He then asserted whatever falsehoods he pleased, respecting Philip
and Nabis; that "both were ready to recommence hostilities, and would
greedily lay hold on the first opportunity of recovering what they
had lost in war." Thus did the Aetolians labour, in every part of the
world, to stir up war against the Romans. The kings, however, either
took no steps in it or took them too late.
13. Nabis immediately despatched emissaries through all the towns on
the coast, to sow dissensions among the inhabitants: some of the men
in power he brought over to his party by presents; others, who more
firmly adhered to the alliance with Rome, he put to death. The charge
of protecting all the Lacedaemonians on the coast, had been committed
by Titus Quinctius to the Achaeans; they therefore instantly sent
ambassadors to the tyrant, to remind him of his treaty with the
Romans, and to warn him against violating a peace which he had so
earnestly sued for. They also sent succours to Gythium which he
had already besieged, and ambassadors to Rome to make known these
transactions. King Antiochus having, this winter, solemnized the
nuptials of his daughter with Ptolemy king of Egypt, at Raphia, in
Phoenicia, returned thence to Antioch, and came, towards the end of
the season, through Cilicia, after passing Mount Taurus, to the city
of Ephesus. Early in the spring, he sent his son Antiochus thence into
Syria, to guard the remote frontiers of his dominions, lest during
his absence, any commotion might arise behind him; and then he marched
himself, with all his land forces, to attack the Pisidians, inhabiting
the country near Sida. At this time, Publius Sulpicius and Publius
Villius, the Roman ambassadors, who were sent to Antiochus, as above
mentioned, having received orders to wait on Eumenes, first came to
Elaea, and thence went up to Pergamus, for the palace of Eumenes was
there. Eumenes was very desirous of a war against Antiochus, for he
thought that, if peace continued, a king so much superior in power
would be a troublesome neighbour; but that, in case of hostilities, he
would prove no more a match for the Romans than Philip had been; and
that, either he would be entirely removed out of the way, or, should
peace be granted to him, after a defeat he (Eumenes) might reasonably
expect, that a great deal of what should be taken from Antiochus would
fall to his own share; so that, in future, he might be very well able
to defend himself against him, without any aid from the Romans; and
even if any misfortune were to happen, it would be better for him,
in conjunction with the Romans, to undergo any turn of fortune, than,
standing alone, either suffer himself to be ruled by Antiochus, or, on
refusal, be compelled to submission by force of arms. Therefore, with
all his influence, and every argument which he could devise, he urged
the Romans to a war.
14. Sulpicius, falling sick, staid at Pergamus. Villius, on hearing
that the king was carrying on war in Pisidia, went on to Ephesus, and,
during a few days that he halted in that city, took pains to procure
frequent interviews with Hannibal, who happened to be there at the
time, in order to sound his intentions, if possible, and to remove
his apprehensions of danger threatening him from the Romans. No other
business, indeed, of any kind was brought forward at these meetings;
yet they accidentally produced an important consequence, as
effectually as if it had been intentionally sought; the lowering
Hannibal in the esteem of the king, and rendering him more obnoxious
to suspicion in every matter. Claudius, following the history written
in Greek by Acilius, says, that Publius Africanus was employed in this
embassy, and that it was he who conversed with Hannibal at Ephesus.
He even relates one of their conversations, in which Scipio asked
Hannibal, "whom he thought the greatest captain?" and that he
answered, "Alexander, king of Macedonia; because, with a small band,
he defeated armies whose numbers were beyond reckoning; and because he
had overrun the remotest regions, the merely visiting of which was a
thing above human aspiration." Scipio then asked, "to whom he gave the
second place?" and he replied, "To Pyrrhus; for he first taught the
method of encamping; and besides, no one ever showed more exquisite
judgment, in choosing his ground, and disposing his posts; while he
also possessed the art of conciliating mankind to himself to such a
degree, that the nations of Italy wished him, though a foreign prince,
to hold the sovereignty among them, rather than the Roman people, who
had so long possessed the dominion of that part of the world." On his
proceeding to ask, "whom he esteemed the third?" Hannibal replied,
"Myself, beyond doubt." On this Scipio laughed, and added, "What would
you have said if you had conquered me?" "Then," replied the other, "I
would have placed Hannibal, not only before Alexander and Pyrrhus,
but before all other commanders." This answer, turned with Punic
dexterity, and conveying an unexpected kind of flattery, was highly
grateful to Scipio, as it set him apart from the crowd of commanders,
as one of incomparable eminence.
15. From Ephesus, Villius proceeded to Apamea, whither Antiochus, on
hearing of the coming of the Roman delegates, came to meet him. In
this congress, at Apamea, the debates were similar to those which
passed at Rome, between Quinctius and the king's ambassadors. The news
arriving of the death of Antiochus, the king's son, who, as just now
mentioned, had been sent into Syria, broke off the conference. There
was great mourning in the court, and excessive regret for this young
man; for he had given such indications of his character as afforded
evident proof that, had a longer life been allotted him, he would
have displayed the talents of a great and just prince. The more he
was beloved and esteemed by all, the more was his death a subject of
suspicion, namely, that his father, thinking that his heir trod too
closely on the heels of his own old age, had him taken off by poison,
by some eunuchs, who recommend themselves to kings by the perpetration
of such foul deeds. People mentioned also, as another motive for that
clandestine act of villany, that, as he had given Lysimachia to his
son Seleucus, he had no establishment of the like kind, which he
could give to Antiochus, for the purpose of banishing him also to
a distance, under pretext of doing him honour. Nevertheless, an
appearance of deep mourning was maintained in the court for several
days; and the Roman ambassador, lest his presence at that inauspicious
time might be troublesome, retired to Pergamus. The king, dropping the
prosecution of the war which he had begun, went back to Ephesus; and
there, keeping himself shut up in the palace, under colour of grief,
held secret consultations with a person called Minio, who was his
principal favourite. Minio was utterly ignorant of the state of all
foreign nations; and, accordingly, estimating the strength of the king
from his successes in Syria or Asia, he was confident that Antiochus
had not only superiority from the merits of his cause, and that the
demands of the Romans were highly unreasonable; but also, that he
would prove the more powerful in war. As the king wished to avoid
further debate with the envoys, either because he had found no
advantage to result from the former conference, or because he was too
much discomposed by recent grief, Minio undertook to say whatever
was requisite for his interest, and persuaded him to invite for that
purpose the ambassadors from Pergamus.
16. By this time Sulpicius had recovered his health; both himself and
Villius, therefore, came to Ephesus. Minio apologized for the king
not being present, and the business was entered upon. Then Minio, in a
studied speech, said, "I find, Romans, that you profess very specious
intentions, (the liberating of the Grecian states,) but your actions
do not accord with your words. You lay down one rule for Antiochus,
and follow another yourselves. For, how are the inhabitants of Smyrna
and Lampsacus better entitled to the character of Greeks, than the
Neapolitans, Rhegians, and Tarentines, from whom you exact tribute,
and ships, in pursuance of a treaty? Why do you send yearly to
Syracuse, and other Grecian cities of Sicily, a praetor, vested
with sovereign power, and attended by his rods and axes? You can,
certainly, allege no other reason than this, that, having conquered
them in war, you imposed these terms on them. Admit, then, on the part
of Antiochus, the same reason with respect to Smyrna and Lampsacus,
and the cities belonging to Ionia and Aeolia. Conquered by his
ancestors, they were subjected to tribute and taxes, and he only
reclaims an ancient right. I would have you answer him on these heads,
if you mean a fair discussion, and do not merely seek a pretence for
war." Sulpicius answered, "Antiochus has acted with some modesty
in choosing that, since no other arguments could be produced in his
favour, any other person should utter these rather than himself. For,
what similarity is there in the cases of those states which you
have brought into comparison? From the Rhegians, Neapolitans, and
Tarentines we require what they owe us by treaty, in virtue of a right
invariably exercised, in one uniform course, since they first came
under our power; a right always asserted, and never intermitted. Now,
can you assert, that, as these states have, neither of themselves,
nor through any other, ever refused conforming to the treaty, so the
Asiatic states, since they once came under the power of Antiochus's
ancestors, have been held in uninterrupted possession by your reigning
kings; and that some of them have not been subject to the dominion of
Philip, some to that of Ptolemy; and that others have not, for many
years, maintained themselves in a state of independence, no one
calling it in question? For, if the circumstance of their having been
once subject to a foreigner, when crushed under the severity of the
times, conveys a right to enforce that subjection again after a lapse
of so many generations, what can be said of our having delivered
Greece from Philip, but that nothing was accomplished by us; and that
his successors may reclaim Corinth, Chalcis, Demetrias, and the whole
nation of Thessaly? But why do I plead the cause of those states,
which it would be fitter that both we and the king should hear pleaded
by themselves?"
17. He then desired, that the deputies of those states should be
called, for they had been prepared beforehand, and kept in readiness
by Eumenes, who reckoned, that every share of strength that should
be taken away from Antiochus, would become an accession to his own
kingdom. Many of them were introduced; and, while each enforced
his own complaints, and sometimes demands, and blended together the
reasonable with the unreasonable, they changed the debate into a mere
altercation. The ambassadors, therefore, without conceding or carrying
any one point, returned to Rome just as they had come, leaving every
thing in an undecided state. On their departure the king held a
council, on the subject of a war with Rome, in which each spoke more
violently than his predecessor; for every one thought, that the more
bitterly he inveighed against the Romans, the greater share of favour
he might expect to obtain. One animadverted upon the insolence of
their demands, in which they presume to impose terms on Antiochus,
the greatest king in Asia, as they would on the vanquished Nabis.
"Although to Nabis they left absolute power over his own country,
and its capital, Lacedaemon, yet it seems to them a matter for
indignation, that Smyrna and Lampsacus should yield obedience to
Antiochus."--Others said, that "to so great a monarch, those cities
were but a trivial ground of war, scarcely worth mention; but, that
the beginning of unjust impositions was always made in the case of
matters of little consequence; unless, indeed, it could be supposed,
that the Persians, when they demanded earth and water from the
Lacedaemonians, stood in need of a scrap of the land or a draught of
the water. The proceedings of the Romans, respecting the two cities,
were meant as a trial of the same sort. The rest of the states, when
they saw that two had shaken off the yoke, would go over to the party
of that nation which professed the patronage of liberty. If freedom
was not actually preferable to servitude, yet the hope of bettering
their circumstances by a change, was more flattering to every one than
any present situation."
18. There was, in the council, an Acarnanian named Alexander, who had
formerly been a friend of Philip, but had lately left him, to follow
the more opulent court of Antiochus. And as being well skilled in
the affairs of Greece, and not unacquainted with the Romans, he was
admitted by the king into such a degree of intimacy, that he shared
even in his secret councils. As if the question to be considered were
not, whether there should be war or not, but where and in what manner
it should be carried on, he affirmed, that "he saw an assured prospect
of victory, provided the king would pass into Europe and choose some
part of Greece for the seat of war. In the first place, the Aetolians,
who lived in the centre of Greece, would be found in arms, ready
to take the lead in the most perilous operations. Then, in the two
extremities of Greece, Nabis, on the side of Peloponnesus, would put
every thing in motion, to recover the city of Argos, and the maritime
cities, from which he had been expelled by the Romans, and pent up
within the walls of Lacedaemon: while, on the side of Macedonia,
Philip would be ready for the field the moment he heard the alarm
sounded. He knew," he said, "his spirit, he knew his temper; he knew
that, (as in the case with wild beasts, confined by bars or chains,)
for a long time past, he had been revolving the fiercest resentments
in his breast. He remembered, also, how often, during the war,
that prince had prayed to all the gods to grant him Antiochus as an
assistant; and, if that prayer were now heard with favour, he would
not hesitate an instant to resume his arms. It was only requisite that
there should be no delay, no procrastination; for success depended
chiefly on securing beforehand commodious posts and proper allies:
besides, Hannibal ought to be sent immediately into Africa, in order
to distract the attention of the Romans."
19. Hannibal was not called to this consultation, having income
suspected by the king, and not having subsequently been held in any
honour, on account of his conferences with Villius, and he had not
since shown him any mark of regard. This affront, at first, he bore
in silence; but afterwards thought it better to take some proper
opportunity to inquire the reason of the king's suddenly withdrawing
his favour, and to clear himself of blame. Without any preface, he
asked the cause of the king's displeasure; and having heard it, said,
"Antiochus, when I was yet an infant, my father, Hamilcar, at a time
when he was offering sacrifice, brought me up to the altars, and made
me take an oath, that I never would be a friend to the Roman people.
Under the obligation of this oath, I carried arms against them for
thirty-six years; this oath, on peace being made, drove me out of my
country, and brought me an exile to your court; and this oath shall
guide me, should you disappoint my hopes, until I traverse every
quarter of the globe, where I can understand that there are resources,
to find out enemies to the Romans. If, therefore, your courtiers have
conceived the idea of ingratiating themselves with you by insinuating
suspicions of me, let them seek some means of advancing their
reputation otherwise than at my expense. I hate, and am hated by, the
Romans. That I speak the truth in this, my father, Hamilcar, and
the gods are witnesses. Whenever, therefore, you shall employ your
thoughts on a plan of waging war with Rome, consider Hannibal as one
of your firmest friends. If circumstances force you to adopt peaceful
measures, on such a subject employ some one else with whom to
deliberate." This discourse not only affected the king much, but even
reconciled him to Hannibal. They departed from the council with the
resolution that the war should be undertaken.
20. At Rome, people in their conversations anticipated, indeed,
Antiochus as an enemy, but they had hitherto prepared nothing for such
a war but their expectations. Italy was decreed the province of both
the consuls, who received directions to settle between themselves, or
draw lots, which of them should preside at the elections of the
year; and it was ordered, that he who should be disengaged from that
business, should hold himself in readiness, in case there should be
occasion, to lead the legions any where out of that country. To the
said consul, permission was given to levy two new legions, and twenty
thousand foot, and nine hundred horse, among the allies and Latin
confederates. To the other consul were decreed the two legions which
had been commanded by Lucius Cornelius, consul of the preceding year;
and from the same army, a body of allies and Latins, amounting to
fifteen thousand foot and five hundred horse. Quintus Minucius was
continued in command, with the forces which he then had in Liguria; as
a supplement to which, four thousand Roman foot and five hundred horse
were ordered to be enlisted, and five thousand foot and two hundred
and fifty horse to be demanded from the allies. The duty of departing
from Italy, whithersoever the senate should order, fell to Cneius
Domitius; Gaul, and the holding the elections, to Lucius Quinctius.
The praetors then cast lots for their provinces: to Marcus Fulvius
Centumalus fell the city jurisdiction; to Lucius Scribonius Libo,
the foreign; Lucius Valerius Tappus obtained Sicily; Quintus Salonius
Sarra, Sardinia; Marcus Baebius Tamphilus, Hither Spain; and Marcus
Atilius Serranus, Farther Spain. But the provinces of the two last
were changed, first by a decree of the senate, which was afterwards
confirmed by an order of the people. The fleet and Macedonia were
assigned to Atilius; Bruttium to Baebius. Flaminius and Fulvius were
continued in command in both the Hither and Farther Spain. To Baebius
Tamphilus, for the business of Bruttium, were decreed the two legions
which had served in the city the year before; and he was ordered to
demand from the allies, for the same service, fifteen thousand foot
and five hundred horse. Atilius was ordered to build thirty ships of
five banks of oars: to bring out, from the docks, any old ones that
were fit for service, and to raise seamen. An order was also given to
the consul, to supply him with two thousand of the allied and Latin
footmen, and a thousand Roman. The destination of these two praetors,
and their two armaments, one on land and the other on sea, was
declared to be intended against Nabis, who was now carrying on open
hostilities against the allies of the Roman people. But it was thought
proper to wait the return of the ambassadors sent to Antiochus, and
the senate ordered the consul Cneius Domitius not to leave the city
until they arrived.
21. The praetors, Fulvius and Scribonius, whose province was the
administration of justice at Rome, were charged to provide a hundred
quinqueremes, besides the fleet which Atilius was to command. Before
the consul and praetors set out for their provinces, a supplication
was performed on account of some prodigies. A report was brought from
Picenum, that a goat had produced six kids at a birth. It was said
that a boy was born at Arretium who had but one hand; that, at
Amiternum, a shower of earth fell; a gate and wall at Formiae were
struck by lightning; and, what was more alarming than all, an ox,
belonging to the consul, Cneius Domitius, spoke these words,--"Rome,
take care of thyself." To expiate the other prodigies, a supplication
was performed; the ox was ordered by the aruspices to be carefully
preserved and fed. The Tiber, pouring into the city with more
destructive violence than last year, swept away two bridges, and
many buildings, particularly about the Flumentan gate. A huge rock,
loosened from its seat, either by the rains, or by an earthquake so
slight that no other effect of it was perceived, tumbled down from the
Capitol into the Jugarian street, and buried many people under it.
In the country, many parts of which were overflowed, much cattle
was carried away, and a great destruction of farm houses took place.
Previous to the arrival of the consul, Lucius Quinctius, in his
province Quintus Minucius fought a pitched battle with the Ligurians,
in the territory of Pisae, slew nine thousand of the enemy, and
putting the rest to flight, drove them within their works, which were
assaulted and defended in an obstinate contest until night came on.
During the night, the Ligurians stole away unobserved; and, at the
first dawn, the Romans took possession of their deserted camp, where
the quantity of booty found was the less, because the enemy frequently
sent home the spoil taken in the country. Minucius, after this,
allowed them no respite. From the territory of Pisae he marched into
that of the Ligurians, and, with fire and sword, utterly destroyed
their forts and towns, where the Roman soldiers were abundantly
enriched with the spoils of Etruria which the ravagers had sent home.
22. About this time, the ambassadors, who had been sent to the kings,
returned to Rome. As they brought no information of such a nature
as called for any immediate declaration of war, (except against the
Lacedaemonian tyrant, whom the Achaean ambassadors also represented as
invading the sea-coast of Laconia, in breach of treaty,) Atilius, the
praetor, was sent with the fleet to Greece, for the protection of the
allies. It was resolved, that, as there was nothing to be apprehended
from Antiochus at present, both the consuls should go to their
provinces; and, accordingly, Domitius marched into the country of the
Boians, by the shorter road, through Ariminum, and Quinctius through
Liguria. The two armies of the consuls, proceeding by these different
routes, spread devastation wide over the enemy's country. In
consequence of which, first a few of their horsemen, with their
commanders, then their whole senate, and at last all who possessed
either property or dignity, to the number of one thousand five
hundred, came over and joined the consuls. In both Spains, likewise,
success attended the Roman arms during this year. For, in one, Caius
Flaminius, after a siege, took Litabrum, a strong and opulent city,
and made prisoner Corribilo, a powerful chieftain; and, in the other,
Marcus Fulvius, the proconsul, fought two successful battles, with
two armies of the enemy. He captured Vescelia and Holo, two towns
belonging to the Spaniards, with many of their forts, and others
spontaneously revolted to him. Then, advancing into the territory of
Oretum, and having, there also, taken two cities, Noliba and Cusibis,
he proceeded to the river Tagus. Here stood Toletum, a small city,
but strong from its situation. While he was besieging this place,
a numerous army of Vectonians came to relieve the Toletans, but
he overthrew them in a general engagement, and having defeated the
Vectonians, took Toletum by means of his works.
23. At this juncture the wars in which they were actually engaged,
caused not so great anxiety in the minds of the senate, as the
expectation of one with Antiochus, which had not yet commenced. For
although, through their ambassadors, they had, from time to time,
made careful inquiries into every particular, yet rumours, rashly
propagated without authentic foundation, intermixed many falsehoods
with the truth. Among the rest, a report was spread, that Antiochus
intended, as soon as he should come into Aetolia, to send a fleet
immediately into Sicily. The senate, therefore, though they had
already despatched the praetor, Atilius, with a squadron to Greece,
yet, considering that not only a military force, but also the
influence of reputation, would be necessary towards securing the
attachment of the allies, they sent into Greece, in quality of
ambassadors, Titus Quinctius, Caius Octavius, Cneius Servilius, and
Publius Villius; at the same time ordering, in their decree, that
Marcus Baebius should lead forward his legions from Bruttium to
Tarentum and Brundusium, so that, if occasion required, he might
transport them thence into Macedonia. They also ordered, that Marcus
Fulvius, the praetor, should send a fleet of thirty ships to protect
the coast of Sicily; and that, whoever had the direction of that
fleet, should be invested with supreme authority. To this commission
was appointed Lucius Oppius Salinator, who had been plebeian aedile
the year before. They likewise determined, that the same praetor
should write to his colleague, Lucius Valerius, that "there was reason
to apprehend that the ships of king Antiochus would pass over from
Aetolia to Sicily; for which reason the senate judged it proper, that,
in addition to the army which he then had, he should enlist tumultuary
soldiers, to the number of twelve thousand foot and four hundred
horse, with which he might be able to defend that coast of his
province which lay next to Greece." This enlistment the praetor
carried on, not only from Sicily, but from the circumjacent islands;
and strengthened all the towns on the coast which lay opposite to
Greece with garrisons. To the rumours already current, the arrival of
Attalus, the brother of Eumenes, added confirmation, for he brought
intelligence that king Antiochus had crossed the Hellespont with
his army, and that the Aetolians were putting themselves into such a
posture, that by the time of his arrival they would be in arms.
Thanks were given to Eumenes, in his absence, and to Attalus, who
was present; and there were decreed to him free lodgings and every
accommodation; that he should be presented with two horses, two suits
of horsemen's armour, vases of silver to a hundred pounds' weight, and
of gold to twenty pounds.
24. As one messenger after another brought intelligence that the war
was on the point of breaking out, it was judged expedient that consuls
should be elected as soon as possible. Wherefore the senate passed a
decree, that the praetor, Marcus Fulvius, should instantly despatch
a letter to the consul, informing him, that it was the will of the
senate that he should leave the command of the province and army to
his lieutenant-generals, and return to Rome; and that, when on the
road, he should send on before him an edict appointing the assemblies
for the election of consuls. The consul complied with the letter; and
having sent forward the edict, arrived at Rome. There was, this
year also, a warm competition, three patricians suing for one
place: Publius Cornelius Scipio, son to Cneius, who had suffered a
disappointment the year before, Lucius Cornelius Scipio, and Cneius
Manlius Vulso. The consulship was conferred on Publius Scipio, that it
might appear that the honour had only been delayed, and not refused to
a person of such character. The plebeian colleague, joined with him,
was Manius Acilius Glabrio. Next day were created praetors, Lucius
Aemilius Paulus, Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, Marcus Junius Brutus, Aulus
Cornelius Mammula, Caius Livius, and Lucius Oppius; the two last,
both of them, surnamed Salinator. This was the same Oppius who
had conducted the fleet of thirty ships to Sicily. While the new
magistrates were settling the distribution of their provinces, orders
were despatched to Marcus Baebius to pass over, with all his forces,
from Brundusium to Epirus, and to keep the army stationed near
Apollonia; and Marcus Fulvius, city praetor, was commissioned to build
fifty new quinqueremes.
25. Such were the precautions taken by the Roman people to guard
against every attempt of Antiochus. At this time, Nabis did not
procrastinate hostilities, but, with his utmost force, carried on the
siege of Gythium; and, being incensed against the Achaeans, for having
sent succours to the besieged, he ravaged their lands. The Achaeans
would not venture to engage in war, until their ambassadors should
come back from Rome, and acquaint them with the sentiments of the
senate: but as soon as these returned, they summoned a council at
Sicyon, and also sent deputies to Titus Quinctius to ask his advice.
In the council, all the members were inclined to vote for an immediate
declaration of war; but a letter from Titus Quinctius, in which he
recommended waiting for the Roman praetor and fleet, caused some
hesitation. While some of the principal members persisted in their
first opinion, and others argued that they ought to follow the counsel
of the person to whom they of themselves had applied for advice,
the generality waited to hear the sentiments of Philopoemen. He was
praetor of Achaia at the time, and surpassed all his contemporaries
both in wisdom and influence. He first observed, that "it was a wise
rule, established among the Achaeans, that their praetor, when he
proposed a question concerning war, should not himself declare an
opinion:" and then he desired them to "fix their determination among
themselves as soon as possible;" assuring them, that "their praetor
would faithfully and carefully carry their decrees into execution;
and would use his best endeavours, that, as far as depended on human
prudence, they should not repent either of peace or war." These words
had more influence in inciting them to war, than if, by openly arguing
in favour of it, he had betrayed an eager desire for the management
of it. War was therefore unanimously resolved on: the time and mode
of conducting it were left to the praetor without restriction.
Philopoemen's own judgment, indeed, besides it being the opinion of
Quinctius, pointed it out as best to wait for the Roman fleet, which
might succour Gythium by sea; but fearing that the business would not
endure delay, and that not only Gythium, but the party which had been
sent to protect the city, would fall into the hands of the enemy, he
drew out the ships of the Achaeans.
26. The tyrant also, with the view of cutting off any supplies that
might be brought to the besieged by sea, had fitted out a small
squadron, consisting of only three ships of war, with some barks
and cutters, as his former fleet had been given up to the Romans,
according to the treaty. In order to try the activity of these
vessels, as they were then new, and, at the same time, to have every
thing in fit condition for a battle, he put out to sea every day, and
exercised both the rowers and marines in mock-fights; for he thought
that all his hopes of succeeding in the siege depended on the
circumstance of his cutting off all supplies by sea. The praetor of
the Achaeans, in respect of skill for conducting operations on land,
was equal to any of the most celebrated commanders both in capacity
and experience, yet with naval affairs he was quite unacquainted.
Being an inhabitant of Arcadia, an inland country, he was ignorant
even of all foreign affairs, excepting that he had once served in
Crete as commander of a body of auxiliaries. There was an old ship of
four banks of oars, which had been taken eighty years before, as it
was conveying Nicaea, the wife of Craterus, from Naupactum to Corinth.
Led by the reputation of this ship, for it had formerly been reckoned
a very famous vessel when in the king's fleet, he ordered it, though
now quite rotten, and falling asunder through age, to be brought out
from Aegium. The fleet sailed with this ship at its head, Tiso of
Patrae, the commander, being on board it, when the ships of the
Lacedaemonians from Gythium came within view. At the first shock,
against a new and firm vessel, that old one, which before admitted the
water through every joint, was shattered to pieces, and the whole crew
were made prisoners. On the loss of the commander's ship, the rest of
the fleet fled as fast as each could by means of its oars. Philopoemen
himself made his escape in a light advice-boat, nor did he stop his
flight until he arrived at Patrae. This untoward event did not in the
least damp the spirit of a man so well versed in military affairs, and
who had experienced so many vicissitudes of fortune. On the contrary,
as he had failed of success in the naval line, in which he had no
experience, he even conceived, thence, the greater hopes of succeeding
in another, wherein he had acquired knowledge; and he affirmed, that
he would quickly put an end to the tyrant's rejoicing.