particularly we may be allowed to yield to our deeply-rooted sense of
religion, and indulge a hope that you will listen to it; and, if it
shall seem good to you, conscript fathers, free your state from
the guilt of irreligious conduct. For we have seen with how great
solemnity you not only worship your own deities, but entertain even
those of foreign countries. We have a fane dedicated to Proserpine, of
the sanctity of which temple I imagine some accounts must have reached
you, during the war with Pyrrhus; who, when sailing by Locri, on his
return from Sicily, among other horrid enormities which he committed
against our state, on account of our fidelity towards you, plundered
also the treasures of Proserpine, which had never been touched up to
that day; and then, putting the money on board his ships, proceeded
on his journey himself by land. What, therefore, was the result,
conscript fathers? The next day his fleet was shattered by a most
hideous tempest, and all the ships which carried the sacred money were
thrown on our shores. That most insolent king, convinced by this
so great disaster that there were gods, ordered all the money to be
collected and restored to the treasures of the goddess. However, he
never met with any success afterwards; but, after being driven out of
Italy, he died an ignoble and dishonourable death, having incautiously
entered Argos by night. Though your lieutenant-general and military
tribune had heard of these, and a thousand other circumstances, which
were related not for the purpose of creating increased reverence, but
frequently experienced by ourselves and our ancestors, through the
special interposition of the goddess, they had, nevertheless,
the audacity to apply their sacrilegious hands to those hallowed
treasures, and pollute themselves, their own families, and your
soldiers, with the impious booty. Through whom we implore you,
conscript fathers, by your honour, not to perform any thing in Italy
or in Africa, until you have expiated their guilty deed, lest they
should atone for the crime they have committed, not with their own
blood only, but by some disaster affecting their country. Although,
even now, conscript fathers, the resentment of the goddess does not
tarry either towards your generals or your soldiers. Already have they
several times engaged each other in pitched battles, one party headed
by Pleminius, and the other by the two military tribunes. Never did
they employ their weapons with more fury against the Carthaginians
than when encountering each other; and they would have afforded
Hannibal an opportunity of retaking Locri, had not Scipio, whom we
called in, come in time to prevent it. But, by Hercules, is it that
the soldiers are impelled by frenzy, and that the influence of the
goddess has not shown itself in punishing the generals themselves?
Nay, herein her interposition was manifested in the most conspicuous
manner. The tribunes were beaten with rods by the lieutenant-general.
Then the lieutenant-general, treacherously seized by the tribunes,
besides being mangled in every part of his body, had his nose and ears
cut off, and was left for dead. Then, recovering from his wounds, he
threw the tribunes into chains; beat them, tortured them with every
species of degrading punishment, and put them to death in a cruel
manner, forbidding them to be buried. Such atonements has the goddess
exacted from the despoilers of her temple; nor will she cease to
pursue them, with every species of vengeance, till the sacred money
shall have been replaced in the treasury. Formerly, our ancestors,
during a grievous war with the Crotonians, because the temple was
without the town, were desirous of removing the money into it; but a
voice was heard from the shrine, during the night, commanding them to
hold off their hands, for the goddess would defend her own temple.
As they were deterred, by religious awe, from removing the treasures
thence, they were desirous of surrounding the temple with a wall. The
walls were raised to a considerable height, when they suddenly fell
down in ruins. But, both now, and frequently on other occasions, the
goddess has either defended her own habitation and temple, or has
exacted heavy expiations from those who had violated it. Our injuries
she cannot avenge, nor can any but yourselves avenge them, conscript
fathers. To you, and to your honour, we fly, as suppliants. It makes
no difference to us whether you suffer Locri to be subject to that
lieutenant-general and that garrison, or whether you deliver us up
for punishment to incensed Hannibal and the Carthaginians. We do
not request that you should at once believe us respecting one who is
absent, and when the cause has not been heard. Let him come; let him
hear our charges in person, and refute them himself. If there is any
enormity one man can commit against another which he has not committed
upon us we do not refuse to suffer all the same cruelties over again,
if it is possible we can endure them, and let him be acquitted of all
guilt towards gods and men."
19. When the ambassadors had thus spoken, and Quintus Fabius had asked
them whether they had carried those complaints to Publius Scipio, they
answered, "that deputies were sent to him, but he was occupied with
the preparations for the war, and had either already crossed over
into Africa, or was about to do so within a few days. That they had
experienced how highly the lieutenant-general was in favour with the
general, when, after hearing the cause between him and the
tribunes, he threw the tribunes into chains, while he left the
lieutenant-general, who was equally or more guilty, in possession of
the same power as before." The ambassadors, having been directed to
withdraw from the senate-house, not only Pleminius, but even Scipio,
was severely inveighed against by the principal men; but, above all,
by Quintus Fabius, who endeavoured to show, "that he was born for the
corruption of military discipline. It was thus," he said, "that in
Spain he almost lost more men in consequence of mutiny than the
war. That, after the manner of foreigners and kings, he indulged the
licentiousness of the soldiers, and then punished them with cruelty."
He then followed up his speech by a resolution equally harsh: that "it
was his opinion, that Pleminius should be conveyed to Rome in chains,
and in chains plead his cause; and, if the complaints of the Locrians
were founded in truth, that he should be put to death in prison, and
his effects confiscated. That Publius Scipio should be recalled, for
having quitted his province without the permission of the senate; and
that the plebeian tribunes should be applied to, to propose to the
people the abrogation of his command. That the senate should reply to
the Locrians, when brought before them, that the injuries which they
complained of having received were neither approved of by the senate
nor the people of Rome. That they should be acknowledged as worthy
men, allies, and friends; that their children, their wives, and
whatsoever else had been taken from them, should be restored; that
the sum of money which had been taken from the treasures of Proserpine
should be collected, and twice the amount placed in the treasury. That
an expiatory sacred rite should be celebrated, first referring it to
the college of pontiffs, to determine what atonements should be made,
to what gods, and with what victims, in consequence of the sacred
treasures' having been removed and violated. That the soldiers at
Locri should be all transported into Sicily, and four cohorts of the
allies of the Latin confederacy taken to Locri for a garrison." The
votes could not be entirely collected that day in consequence of the
warm feeling excited for and against Scipio. Besides the atrocious
conduct of Pleminius, and the calamities of the Locrians, much was
said about the dress of the general himself, as being not only not
Roman, but even unsoldierlike. It was said, that "he walked about in
the gymnasium in a cloak and slippers, and that he gave his time to
light books and the palaestra. That his whole staff were enjoying
the delights which Syracuse afforded, with the same indolence and
effeminacy. That Carthage and Hannibal had dropped out of his memory;
that the whole army, corrupted by indulgence, like that at Sucro in
Spain, or that now at Locri, was more to be feared by its allies than
by its enemies."
20. Though these charges, partly true, and partly containing a mixture
of truth and falsehood, and therefore, probably, were urged with
vehemence; the opinion, however, of Quintus Metellus prevailed, who,
agreeing with Maximus on other points, differed from him in the case
of Scipio. "For how inconsistent would it be," said he, "that the
person whom the state a little while ago selected as their general,
though a very young man, for the recovery of Spain; whom, after he
had taken Spain out of the hands of their enemies, they elected their
consul, for the purpose of putting an end to the Punic war; whom they
marked out with the most confident anticipation as the person who
would draw Hannibal out of Italy, and subdue Africa; how inconsistent
would it be, that this man, like another Pleminius, condemned in
a manner without a hearing, should suddenly be recalled from his
province! when the Locrians asserted that the wicked acts which had
been committed against them were done not even in the presence of
Scipio, and no other charge could be brought against him, than that he
spared the lieutenant-general, either from good nature or respect. He
thought it advisable, that Marcus Pomponius the praetor, to whose lot
the province of Sicily had fallen, should go to his province within
the next three days; that the consuls should select out of the senate
ten deputies, whomsoever they thought proper, and send them with the
praetor, together with two tribunes of the people, and an aedile. That
the praetor, assisted by this council, should take cognizance of the
affair. If those acts of which the Locrians complained were committed
at the command or with the concurrence of Scipio, that they should
command him to quit the province. If Publius Scipio had already
crossed over into Africa, that the tribunes of the people and the
aedile, with two of the deputies, whom the praetor should judge most
fit for it, should proceed into Africa; the tribunes and the aedile to
bring Scipio back from thence, and the deputies to take the command of
the army until a new general had come to it. But if Marcus Pomponius
and the ten deputies should discover that those acts had been
committed neither with the orders nor concurrence of Publius Scipio,
that Scipio should then remain with the army and carry on the war as
he had proposed." A decree of the senate having passed to this effect,
application was made to the tribunes of the people to arrange among
themselves, or determine by lot, which two should go with the praetor
and the deputies. The advice of the college of pontiffs was taken on
the subject of the expiations to be made, on account of the treasures
in the temple of Proserpine, at Locri, having been touched, violated,
and carried out of it. The tribunes of the people, who went with the
praetor and ten deputies, were Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Marcus
Cincius Alimentus. To these a plebeian aedile was given, whom, if
Scipio, whether he was still in Sicily or had now crossed over into
Africa, should refuse to obey the orders of the praetor, the tribunes
might direct to apprehend him, and bring him home in right of their
most sacred authority. The plan was, to go to Locri before they went
to Messana.
21. With regard to Pleminius, there are two different accounts. Some
relate that, having heard what measures had been adopted at Rome,
as he was going into exile to Naples, he accidentally fell in with
Quintus Metellus, one of the deputies, by whom he was forcibly
conveyed back to Rhegium. Others say, that Scipio himself sent a
lieutenant-general with thirty of the most distinguished of the
cavalry to throw Quintus Pleminius into chains, and with him the
principal movers of the mutiny. All these, whether by the orders
of Scipio before, or of the praetor now, were delivered over to the
Rhegians to be kept in custody. The praetor and the deputies going to
Locri, gave their attention first to the affair relating to religion,
agreeably to their instructions; for, collecting all the sacred money,
whether in the possession of Pleminius or the soldiers, they replaced
it in the treasury, together with that which they had brought with
them, and performed an expiatory sacred rite. The praetor then,
summoning the soldiers to an assembly, ordered them to march out of
the city, and pitched a camp in the plain, issuing an edict which
threatened severe punishment to any soldier who either had remained
behind in the city, or had carried out with him what did not belong to
him. He gave permission to the Locrians to seize whatever each of them
identified as his property, and demand restitution to be made of any
thing which was concealed. Above all, he was resolved that the free
persons should be restored to the Locrians without delay. That the man
who did not restore them should be visited with no light punishment.
He then held an assembly of the Locrians, and told them, that "the
people and senate of Rome restored to them their liberty and their
laws. That if any one was desirous of bringing charges against
Pleminius, or any one else, he should follow them to Rhegium. If they
were desirous of complaining, in the name of their state, of Publius
Scipio, as having ordered and approved of the nefarious acts which had
been committed at Locri against gods and men, that they should send
deputies to Messana, where, with the assistance of his council, he
would hear them." The Locrians returned thanks to the praetor and
deputies, and to the senate and people of Rome, and said that they
would go and bring their charge against Pleminius. That Scipio, though
he had evinced too little sympathy in the injuries inflicted on their
state, was such a man as they would rather have their friend than
their enemy; that they were convinced that the many and horrid acts
which had been committed were done neither by the orders nor with
the approval of Publius Scipio; that he had either placed too much
confidence in Pleminius, or too little in them; that the natural
disposition of some men was such, that they rather were unwilling that
crimes should be committed, than had sufficient resolution to punish
them when committed. Both the praetor and his council were relieved
from a burden of no ordinary weight in not having to take cognizance
of charges against Scipio. Pleminius, and as many as thirty-two
persons with him, they condemned and sent in chains to Rome. They
then proceeded to Scipio, that they might carry to Rome a statement
attested by their own observation relative to the facts which had been
so generally talked of, concerning the dress and indolent habits of
the general, and the relaxation of military discipline.
22. While they were on their way to Syracuse, Scipio prepared to clear
himself, not by words but facts. He ordered all his troops to assemble
there, and the fleet to be got in readiness, as though a battle had
been to be fought that day with the Carthaginians, by sea and land.
On the day of their arrival he entertained them hospitably, and on the
next day presented to their view his land and naval forces, not only
drawn up in order, but the former performing evolutions, while the
fleet in the harbour itself also exhibited a mock naval fight.
The praetor and the deputies were then conducted round to view the
armouries, the granaries, and other preparations for the war. And so
great was the admiration excited in them of each particular, and of
the whole together, that they firmly believed, that under the conduct
of that general, and with that army, the Carthaginians would be
vanquished, or by none other. They bid him, with the blessing of
the gods, cross over, and, as soon as possible, realize to the Roman
people the hopes they conceived on that day when all the centuries
concurred in naming him first consul. Thus they set out on their
return in the highest spirits, as though they were about to carry to
Rome tidings of a victory, and not of a grand preparation for war.
Pleminius, and those who were implicated in the same guilt with him,
when they arrived at Rome, were thrown immediately into prison. At
first, when brought before the people by the tribunes, they found no
place in their compassion, as their minds were previously engrossed
by the sufferings of the Locrians; but afterwards, being repeatedly
brought before them, and the hatred with which they were regarded
subsiding, their resentment was softened. Besides, the mutilated
appearance of Pleminius, and their recollections of the absent Scipio,
operated in gaining them favour with the people. Pleminius, however,
died in prison, before the people had come to a determination
respecting him. Clodius Licinius, in the third book of his Roman
history, relates, that this Pleminius, during the celebration of the
votive games, which Africanus, in his second consulate, exhibited
at Rome, made an attempt, by means of certain persons whom he had
corrupted by bribes, to set fire to the city in several places, that
he might have an opportunity of breaking out of prison, and making his
escape; and that afterwards, the wicked plot having been discovered,
he was consigned to the Tullian dungeon, according to a decree of the
senate. The case of Scipio was considered no where but in the
senate; where all the deputies and tribunes, bestowing the highest
commendations on the fleet, the army, and the general, induced the
senate to vote that he should cross over into Africa as soon as
possible; and that permission should be given him to select himself,
out of those armies which were in Sicily, those forces which he would
carry with him into Africa, and those which he would leave for the
protection of the province.
23. While the Romans were thus employed, the Carthaginians, on their
part, though they had passed an anxious winter, earnestly inquiring
what was going on, and terrified at the arrival of every messenger,
with watch-towers placed on every promontory, had gained a point of no
small importance for the defence of Africa, in adding to their allies
king Syphax, in reliance on whom chiefly they believed the Romans
would cross over into Africa. Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, not only formed
a connexion of hospitality with the before-named king, when Scipio and
Hasdrubal happened to come to him at the same time out of Spain,
but mention had also been slightly made of an affinity to take place
between them, by the king's marrying the daughter of Hasdrubal.
Hasdrubal, who had gone for the purpose of completing this
business, and fixing a time for the nuptials, for the virgin was now
marriageable, perceiving that the king was inflamed with desire, for
the Numidians are, beyond all the other barbarians, violently addicted
to love, sent for the virgin from Carthage, and hastened the nuptials.
Among the other proofs of joy felt upon the occasion, and in order
that a public connexion might be added to this private one, an oath
was taken in confirmation of an alliance between the Carthaginian
people and the king, and faith reciprocally pledged that they would
have the same friends and enemies. But Hasdrubal, recollecting both
the alliance which had been entered into by the king and Scipio, and
how inconstant and changeable were the minds of the barbarians, was
afraid that, if Scipio were to invade Africa, that marriage would
prove but a slight bond of union, he therefore took advantage of the
Numidian while under the influence of the first transports of love,
and calling to his aid the caresses of the bride, prevailed upon him
to send ambassadors into Sicily to Scipio, and by them to warn him
"not to cross over into Africa in reliance upon his former promises.
That he was united to the Carthaginians both by a marriage with
a Carthaginian citizen, the daughter of Hasdrubal, whom he saw
entertained at his house, and likewise by a public treaty. That
his first wish was that the Romans would carry on the war with the
Carthaginians at a distance from Africa, as they had hitherto done,
lest he should be compelled to interfere with their disputes, and join
one of the two contending parties, renouncing his alliance with the
other. If Scipio should not keep away from Africa, and should advance
his army to Carthage, it would be incumbent upon him to fight for
the land of Africa, which gave him birth, and for the country of his
spouse, for her parent, and household gods."
24. The ambassadors, sent to Scipio by the king with these
instructions, met him at Syracuse. Scipio, though disappointed in
an affair which was of the greatest importance with regard to his
operations in Africa, and in the sanguine expectations he had formed
from it, sent the ambassadors back into Africa speedily, before their
business was made known, giving them letters for the king, in which he
warned him over and over again "not to violate the laws of hospitality
which bound them together; the obligation of the alliance entered into
with the Roman people; nor make light of justice, honour, their
right hands pledged, and the gods the witnesses and arbitrators of
compacts." But, as the coming of the Numidians could not be concealed,
for they lounged about the city, and had frequently appeared at the
pavilion; and as, if nothing were said about the object of their
visit, there was danger lest the truth, from the very circumstance of
its being made a secret, should spontaneously spread the more; and, in
consequence, the troops become alarmed lest they should have to wage
war at once with the king and the Carthaginians, Scipio endeavoured to
divert their attention from the truth by preoccupying their minds with
false information; and, summoning his soldiers to an assembly, said,
"that it was not expedient to delay any longer. That the kings, their
allies, urged them to cross over into Africa with all speed. That
Masinissa himself had before come to Laelius, complaining that
time was consumed in delays, and that now Syphax sent ambassadors,
expressing his astonishment on the same account, namely, what could
be the cause of such long delay; and requesting either that the army
would now at length be transported into Africa, or, if the plan was
changed, that he might be informed so that he might himself take
measures for the safety of himself and his dominions. Therefore, as
every thing was now ready and prepared, and as the business admitted
of no further delay, he was resolved, after having removed the fleet
to Lilybaeum, and collected here all his forces of foot and horse,
with the blessing of the gods to pass over into Africa the first day
the ships could sail." He sent a letter to Marcus Pomponius, directing
him, if he thought proper, to come to Lilybaeum, that they might
consult together as to what legions, in preference to any others, and
how large a number of soldiers, they should convey into Africa; he
also sent round to every part of the sea-coast, with directions that
all the ships of burthen should be seized and collected at Lilybaeum.
When all the soldiers and ships in Sicily were assembled at Lilybaeum,
and neither the city could contain the multitude of men, nor the
harbour the ships, so ardent was the desire possessed by all of
passing over to Africa, that they did not appear as if going to wage
war, but to reap the certain rewards of victory. Particularly those
who remained of the soldiers who had fought at Cannae felt convinced
that under Scipio, and no other general, they would be enabled, by
exerting themselves in the cause of the state, to put an end to their
ignominious service. Scipio was very far from feeling contempt for
that description of soldiers, inasmuch as he knew that the defeat
sustained at Cannae was not attributable to their cowardice, and that
there were no soldiers in the Roman army who had served so long, or
were so experienced not only in the various kinds of battles, but in
assaulting towns also. The legions which had fought at Cannae were
the fifth and sixth. After declaring that he would take these with him
into Africa, he inspected them man by man; and leaving those whom he
considered unfit for service, he substituted for them those whom he
had brought from Sicily, filling up those legions so that each might
contain six thousand two hundred infantry and three hundred horse. The
horse and foot of the allies, of the Latin confederacy, he also chose
out of the army of Cannae.
25. There is a wide difference among historians as to the number of
men transported into Africa. In some I find ten thousand infantry and
two hundred horse; in others, sixteen thousand infantry and sixteen
hundred horse. In others, again, I find it stated that thirty-five
thousand infantry and cavalry were put on board the fleet, making the
number more than one half greater. Some have not added an account of
the number; among whom, as the matter is doubtful, I should rather
have myself ranked. Caelius, though he abstains from specifying the
number, increases the impression of their multitude indefinitely. He
says, that birds fell to the ground from the shout of the soldiers,
and that so great a multitude went on board the fleet, that it seemed
as if there was not a man left in Italy or Sicily. Scipio took upon
himself the care of seeing that the soldiers embarked orderly and
without confusion. The seamen, who were made to embark first, Caius
Laelius, the admiral of the fleet, kept in order on board the ships.
The task of the putting on board the provisions was assigned to Marcus
Pomponius, the praetor. Food for forty-five days, of which enough for
fifteen was cooked, was put on board. When they were all embarked, he
sent boats round with directions that the pilots and masters, with
two soldiers from each ship, should assemble in the forum to receive
orders. After they had assembled, he first asked them whether they had
put on board water for the men and cattle, sufficient to last as many
days as the corn would. When they answered that there was water on
board sufficient for five and forty days' consumption, he then charged
the soldiers that, conducting themselves submissively, and keeping
quiet, they would not make any noise or disturb the mariners in the
execution of their duties. He informed them, that he himself and
Lucius Scipio in the right wing, with twenty ships of war, and Caius
Laelius, admiral of the fleet, together with Marcus Porcius Cato, who
was then quaestor, with the same number of ships of war in the left
wing, would protect the transports. That the ships of war should carry
each a single light, the transports two each. That in the ship of the
commander-in-chief there would be three lights as a distinction by
night. He desired the pilots to make for Emporia, where the land is
remarkably fertile; and on that account the district abounds with
plenty of every thing, and the barbarous inhabitants are unwarlike,
which is usually the case where the soil is rich. It was supposed
that they might, therefore, be overpowered before assistance could be
brought them from Carthage. After these commands were delivered, they
were ordered to return to their ships, and the next day, with the
blessing of the gods, on the signal being given, to set sail.
26. Many Roman fleets had set sail from Sicily, and from that very
harbour. But not only during this war, nor is that surprising, (for
most of the fleets went out for the purpose of getting plunder,) but
even in any former war, never did a fleet on setting out exhibit
so grand a spectacle. And yet, if the estimate is to be formed with
reference to the magnitude of the fleet, it must be owned that two
consuls with their armies had passed from thence before, and there
were almost as many ships of war in those fleets as the transports
with which Scipio was crossing. For, besides fifty men of war, he
conveyed his army over in four hundred transports. But what made the
Romans consider one war as more formidable than the other, the second
than the first, was, that it was carried on in Italy, and that so many
armies had been destroyed, and their commanders slain. The general,
Scipio, also, who enjoyed the highest degree of renown, partly
from his brave achievements, and partly from a peculiar felicity of
fortune, which conducted him to the acquisition of boundless glory,
attracted extraordinary regard. At the same time, the very project of
passing over into the enemy's country, which had not been formed
by any general before during that war, had made him an object of
admiration; for he had commonly declared, that he passed over with the
object of drawing Hannibal out of Italy, of removing the seat of war
into Africa, and terminating it there. A crowd of persons of every
description had assembled in the harbour to view the spectacle; not
only the inhabitants of Lilybaeum, but all the deputies from Sicily,
who had come together out of compliment to witness the departure
of Scipio, and had followed Marcus Pomponius, the praetor of the
province. Besides these, the legions which were to be left in Sicily
had come forth to do honour to their comrades on the occasion; and not
only did the fleet form a grand sight to those who viewed it from the
land, but the shore also, crowded as it was all around, afforded the
same to those who were sailing away.
27. As soon as day appeared, silence having been obtained by a herald,
Scipio thus spoke from the ship of the commander-in-chief: "Ye gods
and goddesses who preside over the seas and lands, I pray and entreat
you, that whatever things have been, are now, or shall be performed
during my command, may turn out prosperously to myself, the state, and
commons of Rome, to the allies and the Latin confederacy, and to
all who follow my party and that of the Roman people, my command and
auspices, by land, by sea, and on rivers. That you would lend your
favourable aid to all those measures, and promote them happily. That
you would bring these and me again to our homes, safe and unhurt;
victorious over our vanquished enemies, decorated with spoils, loaded
with booty, and triumphant. That you would grant us the opportunity of
taking revenge upon our adversaries and foes, and put it in the power
of myself and the Roman people to make the Carthaginian state feel
those signal severities which they endeavoured to inflict upon our
state." After these prayers, he threw the raw entrails of a victim
into the sea, according to custom, and, with the sound of a trumpet,
gave the signal for sailing. Setting out with a favourable wind, which
blew pretty strong, they were soon borne away out of sight of the
land; and in the afternoon a mist came over them, so that they could
with difficulty prevent the ships from running foul of each other. The
wind abated when they got into the open sea. The following night the
same haziness prevailed; but when the sun rose it was dispelled, and
the wind blew stronger. They were now within sight of land, and, not
long after, the pilot observed to Scipio, that "Africa was not more
than five miles off; that he could discern the promontory of Mercury,
and that if he gave orders to direct their course thither, the whole
fleet would presently be in harbour." Scipio, when the land was in
sight, after praying that his seeing Africa might be for the good
of the state and himself, gave orders to make for another place of
landing, lower down. They were borne along by the same wind; but a
mist, arising nearly about the same time as on the preceding day, hid
the land from them; and the wind fell as the mist grew more dense.
Afterwards, the night coming on increased the confusion in every
respect; they therefore cast anchor, lest the ships should either
run foul of each other, or be driven on shore. At daybreak the wind,
rising in the same quarter, dispelled the mist and discovered the
whole coast of Africa. Scipio asked what was the name of the nearest
promontory, and, on being told that it was called the cape of Pulcher,
he observed, "the omen pleases me, direct your course to it." To
this place the fleet ran down, and all the troops were landed. I have
adopted the accounts given by a great many Greek and Latin authors,
who state that the voyage was prosperous, and unattended with any
cause of alarm or confusion. Caelius alone, except that he does not
state that the ships were sunk in the waves, says that they were
exposed to all the terrors of the heavens and the sea, and that
at last the fleet was driven by tempest from Africa to the island
Aegimurus, from which, with great difficulty, they got into the right
course; and that, the ships almost foundering, the soldiers, without
orders from their general, got into boats, just as if they had
suffered shipwreck, and escaped to land without arms, and in the
utmost disorder.
28. The troops being landed, the Romans marked out their camp on the
nearest rising grounds. By this time, not only the parts bordering on
the sea were filled with consternation and alarm, first in consequence
of the fleet being seen, and afterwards from the bustle of landing,
but they had extended to the cities also. For not only multitudes of
men, mixed with crowds of women and children, had filled up all the
roads in every direction, but the rustics also drove away their cattle
before them, so that you would say that Africa was being suddenly
deserted. In the cities, indeed, they occasioned much greater terror
than they felt themselves. At Carthage, particularly, the tumult was
almost as great as if it had been captured. For since the time of
Marcus Atilius Regulus and Lucius Manlius, which was almost fifty
years ago, the Carthaginians had seen no Roman armament, with the
exception of fleets sent for plundering, from which troops had made
descents upon the lands bordering on the sea, and after carrying away
every thing which chance threw in their way, had always returned to
their ships before their noise had collected the peasantry. For this
reason the hurry and consternation in the city was, on the present
occasion, the greater. And, by Hercules, they had neither an efficient
army at home, nor a general, whom they could oppose to their enemy.
Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, was by far the first man in their state in
respect of birth, fame, opulence, and, at that time, also by reason
of an affinity with the king. But they recollected that he had been
routed in several battles and driven out of Spain by this very Scipio;
and that therefore, as a general, he was no more a match for the
general of the enemy than their tumultuary army was for that of the
Romans. Therefore they shouted to arms, as if Scipio were coming
immediately to attack the city; the gates were hastily closed, armed
men placed upon the walls, guards and outposts stationed in different
places, and the following night was spent in watching. The next day,
five hundred horsemen, sent to the coast to reconnoitre and interrupt
the enemy while landing, fell in with the advanced guards of the
Romans; for by this time Scipio, having sent his fleet to Utica, had
proceeded a short distance from the sea, and occupied the nearest
heights. He had also placed outposts of cavalry in proper situations,
and sent troops through the country to plunder.
29. These, engaging the body of Carthaginian horse, slew a few of them
in the fight, and the greater part of them as they pursued them when
they were flying; among whom was Hanno, their captain, a young man of
distinction. Scipio not only devastated the lands in the country
round him, but also took a very wealthy city of the Africans which lay
nearest to him; where, besides other things which were immediately
put on board the transports and sent into Sicily, eight thousand free
persons and slaves were captured. But the most gratifying circumstance
to the Romans was, the arrival of Masinissa just at the commencement
of their operations. Some say that he came with not more than two
hundred horse, but most authors say with a body of two thousand
cavalry. But, as this man was by far the greatest king of his age, and
rendered most essential service to the Romans, it seems worth while to
digress a little, to give a full account of the great vicissitudes
of fortune he experienced in the loss and recovery of his father's
kingdom. While he was serving in Spain in the cause of the
Carthaginians, his father, named Gala, died. The kingdom, according to
the custom of the Numidians, came to Oesalces, the brother of the
late king, who was very aged. Not long after, Oesalces also dying,
the elder of his two sons, named Capusa, the other being quite a boy,
succeeded to his father's kingdom. But, as he occupied the throne more
by right of descent than from the esteem in which he was held among
his countrymen, or the power he possessed, there stood forth a person
named Mezetulus, not unrelated by blood to the kings, of a family
which had always been hostile to them, and had continually contested
the right to the throne with those who then occupied it, with various
success. This man, having roused his countrymen to arms, over whom he
possessed a great influence, from the hatred felt towards the kings,
openly pitched his camp, and compelled the king to come into the field
and fight for the throne. Capusa, with many of his nobles, falling in
the action, the whole nation of the Massylians came under the dominion
and rule of Mezetulus. He abstained, however, from assuming the
title of king; and, contenting himself with the modest appellation
of protector, gave the name of king to the boy Lacumaces, a surviving
branch of the royal stock. In the hope of an alliance with the
Carthaginians, he formed a matrimonial connexion with a noble
Carthaginian lady, daughter of Hannibal's sister, who had been lately
married to the king Oesalces; and, sending ambassadors for that
purpose, renewed an old connexion of hospitality with Syphax, taking
all these measures with a view to obtain assistance against Masinissa.
30. Masinissa, hearing of the death of his uncle, and afterwards that
his cousin-german was slain, passed over out of Spain into Mauritania.
Bocchar was king of the Moors at that time. Applying to him as a
suppliant, he succeeded, by means of the most humble entreaties, in
obtaining from him four thousand Moors to escort him on his march,
since he could not procure his co-operation in the war. With these,
after sending a messenger before him to his own and his father's
friends, he arrived on the frontiers of the kingdom, when about five
hundred Numidians came to join him. Having, therefore, sent back the
Moors to their king, as had been agreed, though the numbers which
joined him were much less than he had anticipated, not being such as
to inspire him with sufficient confidence for so great an attempt,
yet, concluding that by action, and by making some effort, he should
collect sufficient strength to enable him to effect something, he
threw himself in the way of the young king Lacumaces, at Thapsus, as
he was going to Syphax. The troops which attended him having fled back
to the town in consternation, Masinissa took it at the first assault.
Of the royal party, some who surrendered themselves he received,
others he slew while attempting resistance. The greater part, with the
young king himself, escaped during the confusion and came to Syphax,
to whom they intended to go at first. The fame of this success, in
the commencement of his operations, though of no great magnitude,
brought the Numidians over to the cause of Masinissa; and the veteran
soldiers of Gala flocked to his standard from all quarters, from the
country and the towns, inviting the youth to come and recover his
paternal dominions. Mezetulus had somewhat the advantage in the number
of his soldiers, for he had himself both the army with which he had
conquered Capusa, and also some troops who had submitted to him after
the king was slain; and the young king Lacumaces had brought him very
large succours from Syphax. Mezetulus had fifteen thousand infantry,
and ten thousand cavalry. With these Masinissa engaged in battle,
though he had by no means so many horse or foot. The valour, however,
of the veteran troops, and the skill of the general, who had been
exercised in the war between the Romans and Carthaginians, prevailed.
The young king, with the protector and a small body of Massylians,
escaped into the territories of the Carthaginians. Masinissa thus
recovered his paternal dominions; but, as he saw that there still
remained a struggle considerably more arduous with Syphax, he thought
it advisable to come to a reconciliation with his cousin-german.
Having, therefore sent persons to give the young king hopes, that if
he put himself under the protection of Masinissa, he would be held in
the same honour by him as Oesalces had formerly been by Gala; and to
promise Mezetulus, in addition to impunity, a faithful restitution
of all his property; as both of them preferred a moderate share
of fortune at home to exile, he brought them over to his side,
notwithstanding the Carthaginians studiously exerted every means to
prevent it.
31. It happened that Hasdrubal was with Syphax at the time these
things were taking place. He told the Numidian, who considered that it
could make very little difference to him whether the government of the
Massylians was in the hands of Lacumaces or Masinissa, that "he was
very much mistaken if he supposed that Masinissa would be content with
the same power which his father Gala or his uncle Oesalces enjoyed.
That he possessed a much greater degree of spirit, and a more
enterprising turn of mind, than had ever existed in any one of that
race. That he had frequently, when in Spain, exhibited proofs to his
allies, as well as to his enemies, of such valour as was rarely
found among men. That both Syphax and the Carthaginians, unless they
smothered that rising flame, would soon find themselves enveloped in
a vast conflagration, when they could not help themselves. That as yet
his strength was feeble, and such as might easily be broken, while
he was trying to keep together a kingdom, which was not yet firmly
cemented." By continually urging and goading him on, he succeeded in
inducing him to lead an army to the frontiers of the Massylians, and
to pitch his camp in a country for which he had not only disputed
verbally, but had fought battles with Gala, as though it had been his
own by uncontested right. He alleged, that "if any one should attempt
to dislodge him, which was what he most wanted, he would have an
opportunity of fighting; but, if the ground were given up to him
through fear, he must march into the heart of the kingdom. That the
Massylians would either submit to his authority without a contest,
or would be inferior to him in arms." Syphax, impelled by these
arguments, made war on Masinissa, and, in the first engagement, routed
and put him to flight. Masinissa, with a few horsemen, effected his
escape from the field to a mountain called by the natives Balbus.
Several families, with their tents and cattle, which form their
wealth, followed the king; the rest of the Massylian people submitted
to Syphax. The mountain, which the exiles had seized, had plenty
of grass and water; and, as it was well adapted for feeding cattle,
afforded an abundant supply of food for men who live upon flesh and
milk. From this place they infested all the surrounding country; at
first with nightly and clandestine incursions, but afterwards with
open depredations. The lands of the Carthaginians suffered the
severest devastation, because there was not only a greater quantity
of booty there than among the Numidians, but their plunder would be
safer. And now they did it with so much boldness and defiance, that,
carrying their booty down to the sea, they sold it to merchants, who
brought their ships to land for that very purpose; while a greater
number of Carthaginians were slain and made prisoners, than frequently
happens in a regular war. The Carthaginians complained bitterly of
these occurrences to Syphax, and urged him strongly to follow up this
remnant of the war, though he was himself highly incensed at them. But
he considered it hardly suitable to the dignity of a king to pursue a
vagabond robber through the mountains.
32. Bocchar, one of the king's generals, an enterprising and active
officer, was chosen for this service. Four thousand infantry and
two thousand cavalry were assigned him; and having been loaded with
promises of immense rewards if he brought back the head of Masinissa,
or if, which would be a source of incalculable joy, he took him alive;
he unexpectedly attacked his party while dispersed and carelessly
employed, and after cutting off an immense quantity of cattle and men
from the troops which guarded them, drove Masinissa himself with
a small body of attendants to the summit of the mountain. On this,
considering the business as in a manner settled, he not only sent the
booty of cattle and the prisoners he had made to the king, but also
sent back a part of his forces, as being considerably more than were
necessary to accomplish what remained of the war; and then pursuing
Masinissa, who had come down from the top of the mountain with not
more than five hundred foot and two hundred horse, shut him up in a
narrow valley, both the entrances of which he blocked up. Here great
slaughter was made of the Massylians. Masinissa, with not more than
fifty horsemen, disengaged himself from the defile by passing through
steep descents of the mountains, which were not known to his pursuers.
Bocchar, however, followed close upon him, and overtaking him in the
open plains near Clupea, so effectually surrounded him, that he slew
every one of his attendants except four horsemen. These, together with
Masinissa himself, who was wounded, he let slip, in a manner, out of
his hands during the confusion. The fugitives were in sight, and
a body of horse, dispersed over the whole plain, pursued the five
horsemen of the enemy, some of them pushing off in an oblique
direction, in order to meet them. The fugitives met with a very broad
river, into which they unhesitatingly plunged their horses, as they
were pressed by greater danger from behind, and carried away by the
current were borne along obliquely. Two of them having sunk in the
rapid eddy in the sight of the enemy, Masinissa himself was supposed
to have perished; but he with the two remaining had emerged among the
bushes on the farther bank. Here Bocchar stopped his pursuit, as he
neither had courage to enter the river, nor believed that he now had
any one to pursue. Upon this he returned to the king, with the false
account of the death of Masinissa. Messengers were despatched to
Carthage to convey this most joyful event, and all Africa rang with
the news of Masinissa's death; but the minds of men were variously
affected by it. Masinissa, while curing his wound by the application
of herbs, was supported for several days in a secret cave by what the
two horsemen procured by plunder. As soon as it was cicatrized, and he
thought himself able to bear the motion, with extraordinary resolution
he set out to recover his kingdom; and collecting not more than forty
horsemen during his progress, when he arrived among the Massylians,
where he now made himself known, he produced such a sensation among
them, both by reason of their former regard for him, and also from the
unhoped-for joy they experienced at seeing him safe whom they supposed
to have perished, that within a few days six thousand armed foot and
four thousand horse came and joined him; and now he not only was in
possession of his paternal dominions, but was also laying waste
the lands of the states in alliance with the Carthaginians, and the
frontiers of the Massylians, the dominions of Syphax. Then, having
provoked Syphax to war, he took up a position between Cirta and Hippo,
on the tops of mountains which were conveniently situated for all his
purposes.
33. Syphax, considering this an affair of too great importance to be
managed by one of his generals, sent a part of his army with his son
Vermina, a youth, with orders to march his troops round and attack the
enemy in the rear, while he engaged their attention in front. Vermina
set out by night, as he was to fall upon the enemy unawares; but
Syphax decamped in the day-time and marched openly, intending to fight
a pitched battle. When it was thought that sufficient time had elapsed
for those who were sent round to have reached their destination,
Syphax himself, relying upon his numbers and on the ambuscade prepared
on the enemy's rear, led his troops up the mountain which lay before
him, by a gentle acclivity which led towards the enemy. Masinissa,
relying chiefly on the great superiority he would have over his
opponents in respect of the ground, on his part also formed his
troops. The battle was furious, and for a long time doubtful;
Masinissa having the advantage in point of situation and the courage
of his troops, and Syphax in respect of his numbers, which were much
the greater of the two. His numerous troops, which were divided, some
of them pressing upon the enemy in front, while others surrounded them
on the rear, gave Syphax a decisive victory; and, enclosed as they
were in front and rear, the enemy had not even a way to escape.
Accordingly, all their troops, both horse and foot, were slain and
made prisoners, except about two hundred horsemen, which Masinissa
having collected round him in a compact body, and divided into three
squadrons, ordered to force their way through, first naming a place
where they were to meet after being separated in their flight.
Masinissa himself escaped through the midst of the enemy's weapons in
the quarter to which he had directed his course; two of the squadrons
were unable to extricate themselves; one of them surrendered to the
enemy through fear, the other, taking a more obstinate resistance, was
overwhelmed with weapons and annihilated. Vermina followed Masinissa,
treading almost in his steps; but he eluded him by continually turning
out of one road into another, till at length he obliged him, wearied
with the hopeless task, to desist from the pursuit, and arrived at the
Lesser Syrtis with sixty horsemen. Here, in the country lying between
the Carthaginian Emporia and the nation of the Garamantians, he passed
all the time till the coming of Caius Laelius and the Roman fleet into
Africa, with the proud consciousness of having made every exertion
to recover his paternal dominions. These are the circumstances which
incline me to the opinion, that afterwards also, when Masinissa came
to Scipio, he brought with him a smallish rather than a large body of
cavalry to succour him; for the large number would seem to suit
only with the condition of a reigning king, while the small number
corresponds with the circumstances of an exile.
34. The Carthaginians having lost a detachment of cavalry together
with the commander, got together another body by means of a new levy,
and gave the command of it to Hanno son of Hamilcar. They frequently
sent for Hasdrubal and Syphax by letters and messengers, and lastly
even by ambassadors, ordering Hasdrubal to bring assistance to his
almost besieged country, and imploring Syphax to bring relief to
Carthage, nay to all Africa. At that time Scipio had his camp about
five miles from the city of Utica, having removed it from the sea,
where he had continued encamped for a few days near the fleet. Hanno,
having received the body of horse, which was far from being strong
enough, not only to attack the enemy, but even to protect the country
from devastation, made it his first business to augment the number
of his cavalry by pressing; and though he did not despise the men of
other nations, he enlisted principally from the Numidians, who are by
far the first horsemen in Africa. He had now as many as four thousand
horsemen, when he took possession of a town named Salera, about
fifteen miles from the Roman camp. When Scipio was told of this, he
said, "What! cavalry lodging in houses during the summer! Let them be
even more in number while they have such a leader." Concluding that
the more dilatory they were in their operations, the more active he
ought to be, he sent Masinissa forward with the cavalry, directing him
to ride up to the gates of the enemy and draw them out to battle; and
when their whole force had poured out and pressed upon him with such
impetuosity in the contest that they could not easily be withstood,
then to retire by degrees, and he would himself come up and join
in the battle in time. Waiting only till he thought he had allowed
sufficient time for the advanced party to draw out the enemy, he
followed with the Roman cavalry, proceeding without being seen, as
he was covered by some rising grounds, which lay very conveniently
between him and the enemy, round the windings of the road. Masinissa,
according to the plan laid down, at one time as if menacingthe enemy,
at another as if he had been afraid, either rode up to the gates, or
else by retiring when his counterfeited fears had inspired them with
courage, tempted them to pursue him with inconsiderate ardour. They
had not as yet all gone out, and the general was wearying himself with
various occupations, compelling some who were oppressed with sleep and
wine to take arms and bridle their horses, and preventing others from
running out at all the gates in scattered parties and in disorder,
without keeping their ranks or following their standards. At first,
those who incautiously rushed out were overpowered by Masinissa; but
then a greater number pouring out of the gate at once in a dense body,
placed the contest on an equal footing; and at last the whole of their
cavalry coming up and joining in the battle, they could now no longer
be withstood. Masinissa, however, did not receive their charge in
hasty flight, but retired slowly, until he drew them to the rising
grounds which covered the Roman cavalry. The Roman cavalry then rising
up, their own strength unimpaired and their horses fresh, spread
themselves round Hanno and the Africans, fatigued with the fight and
the pursuit, and Masinissa, suddenly turning his horses round, came
back to the battle. About a thousand who formed the first line and
could not easily retreat, together with Hanno their general, were
surrounded and slain. The victors pursuing the rest through a space
of three miles, as they fled with the most violent haste, being
terrified, principally on account of the death of their leader, either
took or slew as many as two thousand horsemen more. It appeared that
there were not less than two hundred Carthaginian horsemen among them,
some of whom were distinguished by birth and fortune.
35. It happened that the same day on which these events occurred,
the ships which had carried the plunder to Sicily returned with
provisions, as if divining that they came to take another cargo of
booty. All the writers do not vouch for the fact that two generals of
the Carthaginians bearing the same name were slain in the battles of
the cavalry; fearing, I believe, lest the same circumstance related
twice should lead them into error. Caelius, indeed, and Valerius, make
mention of a Hanno also who was made prisoner. Scipio rewarded his
officers and horsemen according to the service they had respectively
rendered, but he presented Masinissa above all the rest with
distinguished gifts. Leaving a strong garrison at Salera, he set out
with the rest of his army; and having not only devastated the country
wherever he marched, but taken some cities and towns, thus spreading
the terrors of war far and wide, he returned to his camp on the
seventh day after he set out, bringing with him an immense quantity
of men and cattle, and booty of every description, and sent away his
ships again loaded with the spoils of the enemy. Then giving up all
expeditions of a minor kind, and predatory excursions, he directed the
whole force of the war to the siege of Utica, that he might make it
for the time to come, if he took it, a position from which he might
set out for the execution of the rest of his designs. At one and the
same time his marines attacked the city from the fleet in that part
which is washed by the sea, and the land forces were brought up from a
rising ground which almost immediately overhung the walls. He had also
brought with him engines and machines which had been conveyed from
Sicily with the stores, and fresh ones were made in the armoury, in
which he had for that purpose employed a number of artificers skilled
in such works. The people of Utica, thus beset on all sides with so
formidable a force, placed all their hopes in the Carthaginians, and
the Carthaginians in the chance there was that Hasdrubal could induce
Syphax to take arms. But all their movements were made too slowly for
the anxiety felt by those who were in want of assistance. Hasdrubal,
though he had by levies, conducted with the utmost diligence, made
up as many as thirty thousand infantry and three thousand horse,
yet dared not move nearer to the enemy before the arrival of Syphax.
Syphax came with fifty thousand foot and ten thousand horse, and,
immediately decamping from Carthage, took up a position not far from
Utica and the Roman works. Their arrival produced, however, this
effect, that Scipio, who had been besieging Utica for forty days,
during which he had tried every expedient without effect, left the
place without accomplishing his object; and as the winter was now fast
approaching, fortified a camp for the winter upon a promontory, which
being attached to the continent by a narrow isthmus, stretched out a
considerable way into the sea. He included his naval camp also within
one and the same rampart. The camp for the legions being stationed on
the middle of the isthmus, the ships, which were drawn on land, and
the mariners occupied the northern shore, the cavalry a valley on the
south inclining towards the other shore. Such were the transactions in
Africa up to the close of autumn.
36. Besides the corn collected from all parts of the surrounding
country by plunder, and the provisions imported from Italy and Sicily,
Cneius Octavius, propraetor, brought a vast quantity out of Sardinia
from Tiberius Claudius the praetor, whose province Sardinia was; and
not only were the granaries already built filled, but new ones were
erected. The army wanted clothing, and Octavius was instructed
to consult with the praetor in order to ascertain if any could
be procured and sent out of that province. This business was also
diligently attended to. One thousand two hundred gowns and twelve
thousand tunics were in a short time sent. During the summer in which
these operations were carried on in Africa, Publius Sempronius, the
consul, who had the province of Bruttium, fought an irregular kind
of battle with Hannibal in the Crotonian territory while actually on
march; they fought with their troops drawn more in order of march than
of battle. The Romans were driven back, and as many as twelve hundred
of the army of the consul were slain in this affair, which was more
a tumult than a battle. They returned in confusion to their camp. The
enemy, however, dared not assault it. But, during the silence of the
following night, the consul marched away, and having sent a messenger
before him to Publius Licinius, the proconsul, to bring up his
legions, united his forces with his. Thus two generals and two armies
returned to Hannibal. Nor did either party delay to fight, as the
forces of the consul were doubled, and the Carthaginian was inspirited
by recent victory. Sempronius led his legions into the front line;
those of Licinius were placed in reserve. The consul, in the beginning
of the battle, vowed a temple to Fortuna Primigenia if he routed
the enemy that day, and he obtained the object of that vow. The
Carthaginians were routed and put to flight; above four thousand armed
men were slain, a little under three hundred taken alive, with forty
horses and eleven military standards. Hannibal, dispirited by this
adverse battle, led his troops away to Croton. At the same time, in
another part of Italy, Etruria, almost the whole of which had
espoused the interest of Mago, and had conceived hopes of effecting
a revolution through his means, was kept in subjection by the consul
Marcus Cornelius, not so much by the force of his arms as the terror
of his judicial proceedings. In the trials he had instituted there,
in conformity with the decree of the senate, he had shown the utmost
impartiality; and many of the Tuscan nobles, who had either themselves
gone, or had sent others to Mago respecting the revolt of their
states, at first standing their trials, were condemned; but afterwards
others, who, from a consciousness of guilt, had gone into voluntary
exile, were condemned in their absence, and by thus withdrawing left
their effects only, which were liable to confiscation, as a pledge for
their punishment.
37. While the consuls were thus engaged in different quarters, in the
mean time, at Rome, the censors, Marcus Livius and Caius Claudius,
called over the senate roll. Quintus Fabius was again chosen chief of
the senate; seven were stigmatized, of whom there was not one who had
sat in the curule chair. They inquired into the business relating to
the repair of public edifices with diligence and the most scrupulous
exactness. They set by contract the making of a road out of the ox
market to the temple of Venus, with public seats on each side of it,
and a temple to be built in the palatium for the great mother. They
established also a new tax out of the price of salt. Salt, both at
Rome, and throughout all Italy, was sold at the sixth part of an _as_.
They contracted for the supply of it at Rome at the same price, at a
higher price in the country towns and markets, and at different
prices in different places. They felt well convinced that this tax
was invented by one of the censors, out of resentment to the people
because he had formerly been condemned by an unjust sentence, and that
in fixing the price of salt, those tribes had been most burdened by
whose means he had been condemned. Hence Livius derived the surname
of Salinator. The closing of the lustrum was later than usual, because
the censors sent persons through the provinces, that a report might be
made of the number of Roman citizens in each of the armies. Including
these, the number of persons returned in the census was two hundred
and fourteen thousand. Caius Claudius Nero closed the lustrum. They
then received a census of the twelve colonies, which had never been
done before, the censors of the colonies themselves presenting it,
in order that there might appear registers among the public records,
stating the extent of their resources, both in respect of furnishing
soldiers and money. The review of the knights then began to be made,
and it happened that both the censors had a horse at the public
expense. When they came to the Pollian tribe, in which was the name
of Marcus Livius, and the herald hesitated to cite the censor himself,
Nero said, "Cite Marcus Livius;" and whether it was that he was
actuated by the remains of an old enmity, or that he felt a ridiculous
pride in this ill-timed display of severity, he ordered Marcus Livius
to sell his horse, because he had been condemned by the sentence of
the people. In like manner, when they came to the Narnian tribe, and
the name of his colleague, Marcus Livius ordered Caius Claudius to
sell his horse, for two reasons; one, because he had given false
evidence against him; the other, because he had not been sincere in
his reconciliation with him. Thus a disgraceful contest arose, in
which each endeavoured to asperse the character of the other, though
not without detriment to his own. On the expiration of the office,
when Caius Claudius had taken the oath respecting the observance of
the laws, and had gone up into the treasury, he gave the name of
his colleague among the names of those whom he left disfranchised.
Afterwards, Marcus Livius came into the treasury, and excepting only
the Maecian tribe, which had neither condemned him nor made him consul
or censor when condemned, left all the Roman people, four and thirty
tribes, disfranchised, because they had both condemned him when
innocent, and when condemned had made him consul and censor; and
therefore could not deny that they had been guilty of a crime, either
once in his condemnation, or twice at the elections. He said that the
disfranchisement of Caius Claudius would be included in that of the
thirty-four tribes, but that if he were in possession of a precedent
for leaving the same person disfranchised twice he would have left
his name particularly among the disfranchised. This contest between
censors, endeavouring to brand each other, was highly improper, while
the correction applied to the inconstancy of the people was suitable
to the office of a censor, and worthy of the strict discipline of
the times. As the censors were labouring under odium, Cneius Babius,
tribune of the people, thinking this a favourable opportunity of
advancing himself at their expense, summoned them both to trial before
the people. This proceeding was quashed by the unanimous voice of the
senate, lest in future this office of censor should become subject to
the caprice of the people.
38. The same summer Clampetia in Bruttium was taken by the consul by
storm. Consentia and Pandosia, with some other inconsiderable states,
submitted voluntarily. As the time for the elections was now drawing
near, it was thought best that Cornelius should be summoned to Rome
from Etruria, as there was no war there. He elected, as consuls,
Cneius Servilius Caepio and Caius Servilius Geminus. The election of
praetors was then held. The persons elected were, Publius Cornelius
Lentulus, Publius Quinctilius Varus, Publius Aelius Paetus, and
Publius Villius Tappulus. The last two were plebeian aediles when
elected praetors. The elections finished, the consul returned into
Etruria to his army. The priests who died this year, and those who
were put in their places, were Tiberius Veturius Philo, flamen of
Mars, elected and inaugurated in the room of Marcus Aemilius Regillus,
who died the year before: in the room of Marcus Pomponius Matho,
augur and decemvir, were elected Marcus Aurelius Cotta, decemvir, and
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, augur, being then a very young man;
an instance of very rare occurrence in the disposal of the priests'
offices in those times. Golden four-horsed chariots were placed this
year in the Capitol by the curule aediles, Caius Livius and Marcus
Servilius Geminus. The Roman games were repeated during two days.
During two days also the plebeian games were repeated by the aediles,
Publius Aelius and Publius Villius. There was likewise a feast of
Jupiter on occasion of the games.