_In Spain, Mandonius and Indibilis, reviving hostilities,
are finally subdued. Scipio goes over from Syracuse to Locri;
dislodges the Carthaginian general; repulses Hannibal, and
recovers that city. Peace made with Philip. The Idaean Mother
brought to Rome from Phrygia; received by Publius Scipio
Nasica, judged by the senate the best man in the state. Scipio
passes over into Africa. Syphax, having married a daughter of
Hasdrubal, renounces his alliance with Scipio. Masinissa, who
had been expelled his kingdom by Syphax, joins Scipio with two
hundred horsemen; they defeat a large army commanded by Hanno.
Hasdrubal and Syphax approach with a most numerous force.
Scipio raises the siege of Utica, and fortifies a post for the
winter. The consul Sempronius gets the better of Hannibal in a
battle near Croton. Dispute between Marcus Livius and Claudius
Nero, censors._
1. Scipio, after his arrival in Sicily, formed his volunteers into
cohorts and centuries. Of these he kept about his person three hundred
young men, in the bloom of their age and the prime of their strength,
unarmed, and not knowing for what purpose they were reserved, as they
were not included in the centuries, nor furnished with arms. He then
selected out of the number of the youth of all Sicily three hundred
horsemen, of the highest birth and fortune, who were to cross over
with him into Africa, appointing a day on which they were to present
themselves equipped and furnished with horses and arms. This severe
service, far from their native land, appeared to them likely to be
attended with many hardships, and great dangers, both by sea and land;
nor did that anxiety affect themselves alone, but also their parents
and relations. When the appointed day arrived, they exhibited their
arms and horses. Then Scipio observed, "that an intimation had been
conveyed to him that certain of the Sicilian horsemen felt a strong
aversion to that service, as being severe and arduous. If there were
any who entertained such a feeing, that he would rather they should
then confess it to him, than, complaining afterwards, prove themselves
slothful and useless soldiers to the state. He desired that they would
openly avow their sentiments, for that he would hear them with kindly
feeling." When one of the number took courage to declare, that if he
were allowed the uncontrolled exercise of his will he certainly would
not serve, Scipio replied to him thus: "Since then, young man, you
have not dissembled your sentiments, I will furnish a substitute for
you, to whom I request that you transfer your arms, your horse, and
other appliances of war; and, taking him hence immediately to
your house, train him, and take care that he is instructed in the
management of his horse and arms." The youth accepted the terms
joyfully, when Scipio delivered to him one of the three hundred whom
he kept unarmed. The rest, seeing the horseman thus discharged
without giving any offence to the general, began severally to
excuse themselves and receive substitutes. Thus Roman horsemen were
substituted for the three hundred Sicilian, without any expense to the
state. The Sicilians had the care of instructing and training them,
because the general had ordered that the man who should not do
so, should serve himself. It is said that this turned out to be an
admirable body of cavalry, and rendered effectual service to the state
in many engagements. Afterwards, inspecting the legions, he chose out
of them such soldiers as had served the greatest number of campaigns,
particularly those who had acted under Marcellus; for he considered
that they were formed under the best discipline, and also, from the
long time in which they were engaged in the siege of Syracuse, were
most skilled in the assault of towns: for his thoughts were now
occupied with no small object, but the destruction of Carthage. He
then distributed his army through the towns; ordered the Sicilian
states to furnish corn, sparing that which had been brought from
Italy; repaired his old ships, and sent Caius Laelius with them into
Africa to plunder. His new ships he hauled on shore at Panormus, that
they might be kept on land during the winter, as they had been hastily
built of unseasoned timber.
When every thing was got in readiness for the war he came to Syracuse,
which had hardly yet returned to a state of tranquillity, after the
violent commotions of the war. The Greeks, demanding restitution of
their property, which had been granted to them by the senate, from
certain persons of the Italian nation, who retained possession of it
in the same forcible manner in which they had seized it in the war,
Scipio, who deemed it of the first importance to preserve the
public faith, restored their property to the Syracusans, partly by
proclamation, and partly even by judgments pronounced against those
who pertinaciously retained their unjust acquisitions. This measure
was acceptable not only to the persons immediately concerned, but to
all the states of Sicily, and so much the more energetically did they
give aid in the war. During the same summer a very formidable war
sprang up in Spain, at the instance of Indibilis the Hergetian, from
no other cause than the contempt he conceived for the other generals,
in consequence of his admiration of Scipio. He considered "that he was
the only commander the Romans had left, the rest having been slain by
Hannibal. That they had, therefore, no other general whom they
could send into Spain after the Scipios were cut off there, and that
afterwards, when the war in Italy pressed upon them with increased
severity, he was recalled to oppose Hannibal. That, in addition to the
fact that the Romans had the names only of generals in Spain, their
old army had also been withdrawn thence. That all the troops they had
there were irresolute, as consisting of an undisciplined multitude of
recruits. That there would never again occur such an opportunity for
the liberation of Spain. That up to that time they had been the slaves
either of Carthaginians or Romans, and that not to one or the other in
turns, but sometimes to both together. That the Carthaginians had been
driven out by the Romans, and that the Romans might be driven out by
the Spaniards, if they would unite: so that Spain, for ever freed
from a foreign yoke, might return to her native customs and rites."
By these and other observations he stirred up not only his countrymen,
but the Ausetanians also, a neighbouring nation, as well as other
states bordering on his own and their country. Accordingly, within a
few days, thirty thousand foot and about four thousand horse assembled
in the Sedetanian territory, according to the orders which had been
given.
2. On the other side, the Roman generals also, Lucius Lentulus and
Lucius Manlius Acidinus, lest by neglecting the first beginnings of
the war it should increase in violence, having united their armies,
and led their troops through the Ausetanian territory in a peaceable
manner, as though it had been the territory of friends instead of
enemies, came to the position of the enemy, and pitched their camp
at a distance of three miles from theirs. At first an unsuccessful
attempt was made, through ambassadors, to induce them to lay down
their arms; then the Spanish cavalry making a sudden attack on the
Roman foragers, a body of cavalry was sent to support them from the
Roman outposts, when a battle between the cavalry took place with no
memorable issue to either side. The next day, at sun-rise, the whole
force displayed their line, armed and drawn out for battle, at the
distance of about a mile from the Roman camp. The Ausetanians were in
the centre, the right wing was occupied by the Ilergetians, the left
by some inconsiderable states of Spain. Between the wings and the
centre they had left intervals of considerable extent, through which
they might send out their cavalry when occasion required. The Romans
also, drawing up their army in their usual manner, imitated the enemy
in respect only of leaving themselves also intervals between the
legions to afford passages for their cavalry. Lentulus, however,
concluding that the cavalry could be employed with advantage by those
only who should be the first to send them against the enemy's line,
thus broken by intervals, ordered Servius Cornelius, a military
tribune, to direct the cavalry to ride at full speed into the spaces
left in the enemy's line. Lentulus himself, as the battle between the
infantry was somewhat unfavourable in its commencement, waited only
until he had brought up from the reserve into the front line the
thirteenth legion to support the twelfth legion, which had been
posted in the left wing, against the Ilergetians, and which was giving
ground. And when the battle was thus placed on an equal footing in
that quarter, he came to Lucius Manlius, who was exhorting the troops
in the foremost line, and bringing up the reserves in such places as
circumstances required, and told him that all was safe in the left
wing, and that Cornelius Servius, who had been sent by him for that
purpose, would soon pour round the enemy a storm of cavalry. He had
scarcely uttered these words, when the Roman horse, riding into
the midst of the enemy, at once threw their line of infantry into
disorder, and closed up the passage by which the Spanish cavalry
were to advance. The Spaniards, therefore, giving up all thoughts of
fighting on horseback, dismounted and fought on foot. When the Roman
generals saw that the ranks of the enemy were in confusion, that they
were in a state of trepidation and dismay, their standards moving to
and fro, they exhorted and implored their men to charge them while
thus discomfited, and not allow them to form their line again.
So desperate was their charge that the barbarians could not have
withstood the shock, had not the prince Indibilis in person, together
with the discounted cavalry, opposed himself to the enemy before the
front rank of the infantry. There an obstinate contest continued for a
considerable time; but those who fought round the king, who continued
his resistance though almost expiring, and who was afterwards pinned
to the earth by a javelin, having at length fallen, overwhelmed with
darts, a general flight took place; and the number slain was the
greater because the horsemen were prevented from remounting, and
because the Romans pressed impetuously upon the discomfited troops;
nor did they give over until they had deprived the enemy of their
camp. On that day thirteen thousand Spaniards were slain, and about
eight hundred captured. Of the Romans and allies there fell a little
more than two hundred, and those principally in the left wing. Such
of the Spaniards as were beaten out of their camp, or had escaped from
the battle, at first dispersed themselves through the country, but
afterwards returned each to his own state.
3. They were then summoned to an assembly by Mandonius, at which,
after complaining bitterly of the losses they had sustained, and
upbraiding the instigators of the war, they resolved that ambassadors
should be sent with proposals to deliver up their arms and make a
surrender. These, laying the blame on Indibilis, the instigator of the
war, and the other chiefs, most of whom had fallen in the battle, and
offering to deliver up their arms and surrender themselves, received
for answer, that their surrender would be accepted on condition that
they delivered up alive Mandonius and the rest of the persons who had
fomented the war; but if they refused to comply, that armies should be
marched into the territories of the Ilergetians and Ausetanians, and
afterwards into those of the other states in succession. This answer
given to the ambassadors, was reported to the assembly, and
Mandonius and the other chiefs were there seized and delivered up
for punishment. Peace was restored to the states of Spain, which
were ordered to pay double taxes that year, and furnish corn for six
months, together with cloaks and gowns for the army; and hostages were
taken from about thirty of the states.
The tumult occasioned by the rebellion in Spain having been thus
excited and suppressed within the space of a few days, without any
great disturbance, the whole terror of the war was directed against
Africa. Caius Laelius having arrived at Hippo Regius by night, at
break of day led his soldiers and mariners in regular array to lay
waste the country. As all the inhabitants were living unguardedly, as
in a time of peace, great damage was done; and messengers, flying in
terror, filled Carthage with alarm, by reporting that the Roman fleet
and the general, Scipio, had arrived; for there was a rumour that
Scipio had already crossed over into Sicily. Not knowing accurately
how many ships they had seen, or how large a body of troops was
devastating the country, they, under the influence of fear, which
represented them as greater than they really were, exaggerated every
thing. Accordingly, at first, terror and dismay took possession of
their minds, but afterwards grief, when they reflected that their
circumstances had undergone so great a change; that they, who lately
as conquerors had an army before the walls of Rome, and, after having
laid prostrate so many armies of the enemy, had received the surrender
of all the states of Italy, either by force or choice, now, the
war having taken an unfavourable turn, were destined to behold the
devastation of Africa and the siege of Carthage, without any thing
like the resources to enable them to bear up against those calamities
which the Romans possessed. To the latter the Roman commons and
Latium afforded a supply of young men, which continually grew up more
vigorous and more numerous, in the room of so many armies destroyed,
while their own people, both those in the city and those in the
country, were unfit for military service; their troops consisted of
auxiliaries, procured by hire from the Africans, a faithless nation,
and veering about with every gale of fortune. Now too, with regard to
the kings, Syphax was alienated from them since his conference with
Scipio, and Masinissa, by an open defection, had become their most
determined enemy. Wherever they turned their eyes there was no hope,
no aid. Neither did Mago excite any commotion on the side of Gaul, nor
join his forces with those of Hannibal; while Hannibal himself was now
declining both in reputation and strength.
4. Their minds, which had fallen into these melancholy reflections in
consequence of the intelligence they had just received, were brought
back by their immediate fears to deliberate how to oppose the instant
danger. They resolved, that troops should be hastily levied both
in the city and in the country; that persons should be sent to hire
auxiliaries from the Africans; that the city should be fortified, corn
collected, weapons and arms prepared, and ships equipped and sent
to Hippo against the Roman fleet. But now, while engaged in these
matters, news at length arrived that it was Laelius, and not Scipio;
that the forces which he had brought over were only what were
sufficient for making predatory incursions into the country, and that
the principal stress of the war still lay in Sicily. Thus they were
enabled to take breath, and they began to send embassies to Syphax
and the other petty princes, for the purpose of strengthening their
alliances. To Philip also ambassadors were sent, to promise him two
hundred talents of silver, if he would cross over into Sicily or
Italy. Ambassadors were also sent into Italy to the two generals, to
desire them to keep Scipio at home by terrifying the enemy in
every way they could. To Mago, not only ambassadors were sent, but
twenty-five men of war, six thousand infantry, eight hundred horse,
and seven elephants, besides a large sum of money to be employed in
hiring auxiliaries, in order that, encouraged by these aids, he might
advance his army nearer to the city of Rome, and form a junction with
Hannibal. Such were the preparations and plans at Carthage. While
Laelius was employed in carrying off an immense quantity of booty
from the country, the inhabitants of which had no arms, and which was
destitute of forces, Masinissa, moved by the report of the arrival
of the Roman fleet, came to him attended by a small body of horse.
He complained that "Scipio had not acted with promptness in this
business, in that he had not already passed his army over into Africa,
while the Carthaginians were in consternation, and while Syphax was
entangled in wars with the neighbouring states, and in doubt and
uncertainty as to the course he should take; that if time was allowed
to Syphax to adjust his own affairs according to his mind, he would
not in any thing keep his faith with the Romans inviolate." He
requested that he would exhort and stimulate Scipio not to delay.
Though driven from his kingdom, he said he would join him with no
despicable force of foot and horse. Nor was it right, said he that
Laelius should continue in Africa, for he believed that a fleet had
set sail from Carthage, with which, in the absence of Scipio, it would
not be altogether safe to engage.
5. After this discourse Masinissa departed. Laelius, the next day,
sailed from Hippo with his ships loaded with booty, and returning to
Sicily, delivered to Scipio the injunctions of Masinissa. About the
same time the ships which were sent from Carthage to Mago touched
at the country between the Albingaunian Ligurians and Genoa. Mago
happened to be lying here with his fleet at this time. After hearing
the message of the ambassadors, directing him to collect as great a
number of troops as possible, he immediately held a council of the
Gauls and Ligurians, for a great number of both those nations were
there. He said that he was sent to restore them to liberty, and, as
they themselves might see, succours were sent him from home; but that
it depended upon them with how great forces and how large an army the
war for that purpose was to be carried on. That the Romans had two
armies in the field, one in Gaul and another in Etruria. That he was
well informed that Spurius Lucretius would form a junction with Marcus
Livius, and that they on their part must arm many thousands, in order
to cope with two Roman generals and two armies. The Gauls replied,
that they had the strongest possible inclination to this, but as
the Romans had one army within their borders, and another in the
neighbouring country of Etruria, almost within sight, if it should
be known that they had supported the Carthaginians with auxiliaries,
those would immediately invade their territories on both sides with
determined hostility. They requested that he would ask of the Gauls
such aids as they could afford in a covert manner. The purposes of the
Ligurians, they said, were unrestrained, because the Roman troops were
at a distance from their lands and cities; that it was fair that they
should arm their youth and take upon themselves a portion of the war.
The Ligurians did not dissent; they only requested the space of two
months to make their levies. Having dismissed the Gauls, Mago in the
mean time secretly hired soldiers through their country. Provisions
also of every description were sent to him privately by the Gallic
states. Marcus Livius led his army of volunteer slaves out of Etruria
into Gaul, and having joined Lucretius, prepared to meet Mago in case
he should move from Liguria nearer to the city; but intending, if the
Carthaginian should keep himself quiet under the angle formed by the
Alps, to remain himself also in the same quarter, near Ariminum, for
the protection of Italy.
6. After the return of Caius Laelius from Africa, though Scipio was
goaded on by the exhortations of Masinissa; and the soldiers, on
seeing the booty which was taken from the enemy's country landed from
the whole fleet, were inflamed with the strongest desire to cross over
as soon as possible; this important object was interrupted by one
of minor consideration, namely, that of regaining the town of Locri,
which at the time of the general defection of Italy had itself also
gone over to the Carthaginians. The hope of accomplishing this object
beamed forth from a very trifling circumstance. The war was carried on
in Bruttium rather in a predatory than a regular manner, the Numidians
having set the example, and the Bruttians falling in with that
practice, not more in consequence of their connexion with the
Carthaginians, than from their natural inclination. At last the Romans
also, who now took delight in plunder by a sort of infection, made
excursions into the lands of their enemies so far as their leaders
would permit it. Some Locrians who had gone out of the town, were
surrounded by them and carried off to Rhegium. Among the number of
the prisoners were certain artisans, who, as it happened, had been
accustomed to work for the Carthaginians in the city of Locri for
hire. They were recognised by some of the Locrian nobles, who having
been driven out by the opposite faction, which had delivered up Locri
to Hannibal, had retired to Rhegium; and having answered their other
questions relative to what was going on at home, questions which are
usually put by such as have been long absent, they gave them hopes
that, if ransomed and sent back, they might be able to deliver up the
citadel to them; for there they resided, and among the Carthaginians
they enjoyed unlimited confidence. Accordingly, as these nobles were
at once tormented with a longing for their country, and inflamed with
a desire to be revenged on their enemies, they immediately ransomed
the prisoners and sent them back, after having settled the plan of
operation, and agreed upon the signals which were to be given at a
distance and observed by them. They then went themselves to Scipio to
Syracuse, with whom some of the exiles were; and having, by relating
to him the promises made by the prisoners, inspired the consul with
hopes which seemed likely to be realized, Marcus Sergius and Publius
Matienus, military tribunes, were sent with them, and ordered to
lead three thousand soldiers from Rhegium to Locri. A letter was also
written to Quintus Pleminius, the propraetor, with directions that he
should assist in the business. The troops, setting out from Rhegium
and carrying with them ladders to suit the alleged height of the
citadel, about midnight gave a signal to those who were to betray it
from the place agreed upon. The latter were ready and on the watch,
and having themselves also lowered down ladders made for the purpose,
and received the Romans as they climbed up in several places at once,
an attack was made upon the Carthaginian sentinels, who were fast
asleep, as they were not afraid of any thing of the kind before any
noise was made. Their dying groans were the first sound that was
heard; then, awaking from their sleep, a sudden consternation and
confusion followed, the cause of the alarm being unknown. At length,
one rousing another, the fact became more certain, and now every one
shouted "To arms" with all his might; "that the enemy were in the
citadel and the sentinels slain;" and the Romans, who were far
inferior in numbers, would have been overpowered, had not a shout
raised by those who were outside of the citadel rendered it uncertain
whence the noise proceeded, while the terror of an alarm by night
magnified all fears, however groundless. The Carthaginians, therefore,
terrified and supposing that the citadel was already filled with
the enemy, gave up all thoughts of opposition and fled to the other
citadel; for there were two at no great distance from each other. The
townsmen held the city, which lay between the two fortresses, as the
prize of the victors. Slight engagements took place daily from the
two citadels. Quintus Pleminius commanded the Roman, Hamilcar the
Carthaginian garrison. They augmented their forces by calling in aids
from the neighbouring places. At last Hannibal himself came; nor would
the Romans have held out, had not the general body of the Locrians,
exasperated by the pride and rapacity of the Carthaginians, leaned
towards the Romans.
7. When Scipio received intelligence that the posture of affairs
at Locri had become more critical, and that Hannibal himself was
approaching, lest even the garrison might be exposed to danger; for
it was not an easy matter for it to retire thence; as soon as the
direction of the tide in the strait had changed, he let the ships
drive with the tide from Messana, having left his brother, Lucius
Scipio, in command there. Hannibal also sent a messenger in advance
from the river Butrotus, which is not far from the town of Locri, to
desire his party to attack the Romans and Locrians at break of day in
the most vigorous manner, while he on the opposite side assaulted the
town, which would be unprepared for such a measure, as every one
would have his attention occupied with the tumult created in the other
quarter. But when, as soon as it was light, he found that the battle
had commenced, he was unwilling to shut himself up in the citadel,
where, by his numbers, he would crowd that confined place; nor had
he brought with him scaling-ladders to enable him to mount the walls.
Having, however, had the baggage thrown together in a heap, and
displayed his line at a distance from the walls to intimidate the
enemy, while the scaling-ladders and other requisites for an assault
were preparing, he rode round the city with some Numidian horsemen, in
order to observe in what quarter the attack might be best made. Having
advanced towards the rampart, the person who happened to stand next
him was struck by a weapon from a scorpion; and, terrified at an
accident in which he had been exposed to so much danger, he retired,
gave directions for sounding a retreat, and fortified a camp out
of the reach of weapons. The Roman fleet from Messana came to Locri
several hours before night. The troops were all landed and had entered
the city before sun-set. The following day the fight began from the
citadel on the part of the Carthaginians, and Hannibal, having now
prepared ladders and all the other requisites for an assault, was
coming up to the walls; when, throwing open the gate, the Romans
suddenly sallied out upon him, Hannibal fearing nothing less than such
a step. They slew as many as two hundred in the attack, having taken
them by surprise. The rest Hannibal withdrew into the camp when he
found the consul was there; and having despatched a messenger to those
who were in the citadel, to desire them to take measures for their
own safety, he decamped by night. Those who were in the citadel also,
after throwing fire upon the buildings they occupied, in order that
the alarm thus occasioned might detain their enemy, went away with
a speed which resembled flight, and overtook the body of their army
before night.
8. Scipio, seeing that the citadel was abandoned by the enemy, and
their camp deserted, called the Locrians to an assembly and rebuked
them severely for their defection. He inflicted punishment on the
persons principally concerned, and gave their effects to the leaders
of the other party, in consideration of their extraordinary fidelity
to the Romans. As to the Locrians in general, he said that he would
neither grant them any thing, nor take any thing from them. They might
send ambassadors to Rome, and they should experience that treatment
which the senate thought proper to adopt. Of one thing, however, he
said he was confident, which was, that although they had deserved ill
at the hands of the Romans, they would be better off when subject to
them, though incensed against them, than they had been when in the
power of their friends the Carthaginians. Leaving Quintus Pleminius
lieutenant-general, and the garrison which had taken the citadel to
defend the city, the general himself crossed over to Messana with the
forces he had brought with him. The Locrians had been treated with
such insolence and cruelty by the Carthaginians since their revolt
from the Romans, that they were able to endure severities of an
ordinary kind not only with patience but almost willingness. But
indeed, so greatly did Pleminius surpass Hamilcar, who had commanded
the garrison, so greatly did the Roman soldiers in the garrison
surpass the Carthaginians in villany and rapacity, that it would
appear that they endeavoured to outdo each other, not in arms, but in
vices. None of all those things which render the power of a superior
hateful to the powerless was omitted towards the inhabitants, either
by the general or his soldiers. The most shocking insults were
committed against their own persons, their children, and their wives,
For their rapacity did not abstain from the spoliation even of
sacred things; and not only were other temples violated, but even
the treasures of Proserpine, which had never been touched through
all ages, excepting that they were said to have been carried away by
Pyrrhus, who restored the spoils, together with a costly offering in
expiation of his sacrilege. Therefore, as on the former occasion,
the royal ships, wrecked and shattered, brought nothing safe to land,
except the sacred money of the goddess, which they were carrying away;
so now also, that same money, by a different kind of calamity, cast a
spirit of madness upon all who were contaminated by this violation
of the temple, and turned them against each other with the fury of
enemies, general against general, and soldier against soldier.
9. Pleminius had the chief command; that part of the soldiers which he
had brought with him from Rhegium were under his own command, the rest
were under the command of the tribunes. One of Pleminius's men, while
running away with a silver cup which he had stolen from the house of
a townsman, the owners pursuing him, happened to meet Sergius and
Matienus, the military tribunes. The cup having been taken away from
him at the order of the tribunes, abuse and clamour ensued, and at
last a fight arose between the soldiers of Pleminius and those of the
tribunes; the numbers engaged and the tumult increasing at the same
time, as either party was joined by their friends who happened to come
up at the time. When the soldiers of Pleminius, who had been worsted,
had run to him in crowds, not without loud clamouring and indignant
feelings, showing their blood and wounds, and repeating the reproaches
which had been heaped upon him during the dispute, Pleminius, fired
with resentment, flung himself out of his house, ordered the tribunes
to be summoned and stripped, and the rods to be brought out.
During the time which was consumed in stripping them, for they made
resistance, and implored their men to aid them, on a sudden the
soldiers, flushed with their recent victory, ran together from every
quarter, as if there had been a shout to arms against enemies; and
when they saw the bodies of their tribunes now mangled with rods, then
indeed, suddenly inflamed with much, more ungovernable rage, without
respect, not only for the dignity of their commander, but of humanity,
they made an attack upon the lieutenant-general, having first
mutilated the lictors in a shocking manner; they then cruelly
lacerated the lieutenant-general himself, having cut him off from his
party and hemmed him in, and after mutilating his nose and ears
left him almost lifeless. Accounts of these occurrences arriving at
Messana, Scipio, a few days after, passing over to Locri in a ship
with six banks of oars, took cognizance of the cause of Pleminius and
the tribunes. Having acquitted Pleminius and left him in command of
the same place, and pronounced the tribunes guilty and thrown them
into chains, that they might be sent to Rome to the senate, he
returned to Messana, and thence to Syracuse. Pleminius, unable
to restrain his resentment, for he thought that the injury he had
sustained had been treated negligently and too lightly by Scipio, and
that no one could form an estimate of the punishment which ought to
be inflicted in such a case, except the man who had in his own person
felt its atrocity, ordered the tribunes to be dragged before him, and
after lacerating them with every punishment which the human body
could endure, put them to death; and not satisfied with the punishment
inflicted on them while alive, cast them out unburied. The like
cruelty he exercised towards the Locrian nobles, whom he heard had
gone to Scipio to complain of the injuries he had done them. The
horrid acts, prompted by lust and rapacity, which he had before
perpetrated upon his allies, he now multiplied from resentment; thus
bringing infamy and odium, not only upon himself, but upon the general
also.
10. The time of the elections was now drawing near, when a letter from
the consul Publius Licinius arrived at Rome, stating that "he himself
and his army were afflicted with a severe sickness, nor could they
have stood their ground had not the malady attacked the enemy with the
same or even greater violence. Therefore, as he could not come
himself to the election, he would, with the approbation of the senate,
nominate Quintus Caecilius Metellus dictator, for the purpose of
holding the election. That it was for the interest of the state that
the army of Quintus Caecilius should be disbanded; for that it could
not be made any use of under present circumstances, for Hannibal had
now withdrawn his troops into winter quarters; and so violent was
the malady which had infected that camp, that unless it was speedily
broken up, there would not survive one man out of the whole army."
The senate left it to the consul to settle these matters, as he should
deem consistent with the interest of the state and his own honour.
The state was at this time suddenly occupied with a question of a
religious nature, in consequence of the discovery of a prediction
in the Sibylline books, which had been inspected on account of
there having been so many showers of stones this year. It ran thus:
"Whensoever a foreign enemy should bring war into the land of Italy,
he may be driven out of Italy and conquered, if the Idaean Mother
should be brought from Pessinus to Rome." This prophecy, discovered
by the decemviri, produced the greater impression upon the senate,
because ambassadors also, who had carried a present to Delphi, had
brought word back, that they had both obtained a favourable appearance
in sacrificing to the Pythian Apollo, and that a response was
delivered from the oracle, to the effect, that a much greater victory
than that from the spoils of which they now brought presents, awaited
the Roman people. They considered the presentiment which existed in
the mind of Publius Scipio, with regard to the termination of the
war, when he claimed Africa as his province, as corroborating the same
anticipation. In order, therefore, that they might the more speedily
put themselves in possession of victory, which was portended to them
by the fates, omens, and oracles, they began to think what method
could be adopted for conveying the goddess to Rome.
11. As yet the Roman people had none of the states of Asia in alliance
with them. Recollecting, however, that formerly Aesculapius, on
account of a sickness among the people, was fetched from Greece, which
was not then united with them by any treaty; recollecting, also, that
a friendship had already commenced between them and king Attalus, on
account of the war which they waged in common against Philip, and
that he would do whatever he could to oblige the Roman people, they
resolved to send, as ambassadors to him, Marcus Valerius Laevinus, who
had been twice consul, and had carried on operations in Greece; Marcus
Caecilius Metellus, who had been praetor; Servius Sulpicius Galba,
who had been aedile; and two who had been quaestors, Caius Tremellius
Flaccus and Marcus Valerius Falto. To these five quinqueremes were
assigned, in order that, in a manner suitable to the dignity of the
Roman people, they might visit those lands where it was important
to gain respect for the Roman name. The ambassadors, on their way
to Asia, having landed at Delphi, immediately approached the oracle,
inquiring what hopes the deity held out to themselves and the Roman
people, of accomplishing the business for which they had been sent
from home. It is said that the answer given was, "that they would
obtain what they were seeking by means of king Attalus. When they had
conveyed the goddess to Rome, they must take care that the best man at
Rome should receive her to his hospitality." They came to Pergamus to
the king, who received the ambassadors graciously, and conducted them
to Pessinus in Phrygia, and putting into their hands a sacred stone,
which the inhabitants said was the mother of the gods, bid them convey
it to Rome. Marcus Valerius Falto, who was sent in advance, brought
word that the goddess was on her way, and that the most virtuous man
in the state must be sought out, who might in due form receive and
entertain her. Quintus Caecilius Metellus was nominated dictator for
holding the elections, by the consul in Bruttium, and his army was
disbanded. Lucius Veturius Philo was made master of the horse. The
elections were held by the dictator; the consuls elected were Marcus
Cornelius Cethegus and Publius Sempronius Tuditanus, who was absent,
being engaged in his province of Greece. The praetors were then
elected: Titus Claudius Nero, Marcus Marcius Ralla, Lucius Scribonius
Libo, Marcus Pomponius Matho. On the conclusion of the elections, the
dictator abdicated his office. The Roman games were repeated thrice,
the plebeian seven times. The curule aediles were Cneius and Lucius
Cornelius Lentulus: Lucius had the province of Spain; he was elected
in his absence, and was absent while he filled the office. The
plebeian aediles were Titus Claudius Asellus and Marcus Junius Pennus.
Marcus Marcellus this year dedicated the temple of Virtue at the Porta
Capena, in the seventeenth year after it had been vowed by his father
during his first consulate at Clastidium in Gaul: also Marcus Aemilius
Regillus, flamen of Mars, died this year.
12. For the last two years the affairs of Greece had been neglected.
Accordingly, as the Aetolians were deserted by the Romans, on whom
alone they depended for assistance, Philip compelled them to sue for
and agree to a peace on whatever conditions he pleased. Had he not
exerted himself to the utmost in expediting this measure, he would
have been overpowered, while engaged in war with the Aetolians,
by Publius Sempronius, the proconsul, who had been sent to succeed
Sulpicius in the command, with ten thousand infantry and a thousand
horse, together with thirty-five ships of war, a force of no small
importance to bring to the assistance of allies. Ere the peace was
well concluded, news was brought to the king that the Romans had
arrived at Dyrrachium; that the Parthinians, and other bordering
nations, were up in arms on seeing hopes of effecting a change; and
that Dimallum was besieged. The Romans had turned their efforts to
that quarter instead of assisting the Aetolians, for which purpose
they had been sent, from resentment at the conduct of the Aetolians
for making peace with the king without their sanction, contrary to the
league. When Philip had received intelligence of these events, lest
any greater commotion should arise in the neighbouring nations and
states, he proceeded by forced marches to Apollonia, to which place
Sempronius had retired, having sent Laetorius, his lieutenant-general,
with a part of his forces and fifteen ships into Aetolia, to look into
the state of affairs, and, if he could, dissolve the peace. Philip
laid waste the lands of the Apollonians, and, advancing his troops to
the tower, offered the Romans battle. But seeing that they remained
quiet, only defending the walls, and not having sufficient confidence
in his strength to assault the town, being desirous also of making
peace with the Romans if possible, as he had with the Aetolians, or
at least a truce, he withdrew into his own dominions, without further
exciting their animosity by a fresh contest. During the same time
the Epirots, wearied by the long continuance of the war, having first
sounded the disposition of the Romans, sent ambassadors to Philip on
the subject of a common peace; affirming that they were well satisfied
that it might be arranged if he would come to a conference with
Publius Sempronius, the Roman general. They easily prevailed on him to
pass into Epirus, for neither were the king's own inclinations averse
from this measure. Phoenice is a city of Epirus; here Philip first
conferred with Aeropus Dardas and Philip, praetors of the Epirots, and
afterwards met Publius Sempronius. Amynander, king of the Athamanians,
and other magistrates of the Epirots and Acarnanians, were present at
the conference. The praetor Philip spoke first, and requested at once
of the king and the Roman general, that they would put an end to the
war, and grant this boon to the Epirots. Publius Sempronius proposed
as the conditions of the peace, that the Parthinians, and Dimallum,
and Bargulum, and Eugenium, should be under the dominion of the
Romans; that Atintania, if on sending ambassadors to Rome they could
prevail upon the senate to acquiesce, should be added to the dominions
of the Macedonian. The peace having been agreed upon on these
terms, Prusias king of Bithynia, the Achaeans, the Boeotians, the
Thessalians, the Acarnanians, and the Epirots, were included in
the treaty by the king; by the Romans, the Ilians, king Attalus,
Pleuratus, Nabis tyrant of the Lacedaemonians, the Eleans, the
Messenians, and Athenians. These conditions were committed to writing
and sealed; and a truce was agreed upon for two months, to allow time
for ambassadors being sent to Rome, that the people might order the
peace upon these terms. All the tribes agreed in ordering it, because
now that the operations of the war were removed into Africa, they were
desirous to be relieved for the present from all other wars. The peace
being concluded, Publius Sempronius took his departure for Rome, to
attend to the duties of his consulship.
13. To Publius Sempronius and Marcus Cornelius, the consuls in the
fifteenth year of the Punic war, the provinces assigned were, to
Cornelius, Etruria, with the old army; to Sempronius, Bruttium, with
directions to levy fresh legions. Of the praetors, to Marcus Marcius
fell the city jurisdiction; to Lucius Scribonius Libo, the foreign,
together with Gaul; to Marcus Pomponius Matho, Sicily; to Titus
Claudius Nero, Sardinia. Publius Scipio was continued in command
with the army and fleet which he had under him, as was also Publius
Licinius, with directions to occupy Bruttium with two legions, so long
as the consul should deem it for the advantage of the state that
he should continue in the province with command. Marcus Livius and
Spurius Lucretius were also continued in command, with the two legions
with which they had protected Gaul against Mago; also Cneius Octavius,
with orders that, after he had delivered up Sardinia and the legion
to Titus Claudius, he should, with forty ships of war, protect the
sea-coast within such limits as the senate should appoint. To Marcus
Pomponius, the praetor in Sicily, the troops which had fought at
Cannae, consisting of two legions, were assigned. It was decreed, that
Titus Quinctius and Caius Tubulus, propraetors, should occupy, the
former Tarentum, the latter Capua, as in the former year, each having
his old army. With respect to the command in Spain, it was submitted
to the people to decide on the two proconsuls to be sent into that
province. All the tribes agreed in ordering that the same persons,
namely, Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus, should,
as proconsuls, hold the command of those provinces as they had the
former year. The consuls set about making the levies, both to raise
new legions for Bruttium, and recruit the other armies; for so were
they directed by the senate.
14. Although Africa had not as yet been openly declared a province,
the senate keeping it a secret, I suppose, lest the Carthaginians
should get intelligence of it beforehand, nevertheless, the most
sanguine hopes were entertained in the city, that the enemy would be
vanquished that year in Africa, and that the termination of the Punic
war was at hand. This circumstance had filled the minds of the people
with superstitious notions, and they were strongly disposed to credit
and propagate accounts of prodigies, and for that reason more were
reported. It was said, "that two suns had been seen; that it had
become light for a time during the night; that at Setia a meteor had
been seen, extending from the east to the west; that at Tarracina a
gate, at Anagnia a gate and the wall in many places, had been struck
by lightning; that in the temple of Juno Sospita, at Lanuvium, a noise
had been heard, accompanied with a tremendous crash." There was a
supplication for one day for the purpose of expiating these, and
the nine days' sacred rite was celebrated on account of a shower of
stones. In addition to these cares, they had to deliberate about the
reception of the Idaean Mother; for besides that Marcus Valerius, one
of the ambassadors who had come before the rest, had brought word that
she would be in Italy forthwith a recent account had arrived that she
was at Tarracina. The senate was occupied with the determination of a
matter of no small importance, namely, who was the most virtuous man
in the state. Every one doubtless would wish for himself the victory
in this contest, rather than any office of command, or any honours,
which could be conferred by the suffrages either of the senate or the
people. Publius Scipio, son of Cneius who had fallen in Spain, a youth
not yet of the age to be quaestor, they adjudged to be the best of the
good men in the whole state. Though I would willingly record it for
the information of posterity, had the writers who lived in the times
nearest to those events mentioned by what virtues of his they were
induced to come to this determination, yet I will not obtrude my own
opinion, formed upon conjecture, relative to a matter buried in the
obscurity of antiquity. Publius Cornelius was ordered to go to Ostia,
attended by all the matrons, to meet the goddess; to receive her from
the ship himself, and, when landed, place her in the hands of the
matrons to convey her away. After the ship arrived at the mouth of the
Tiber, Scipio, according to the directions given him, sailed out into
the open sea, and, receiving the goddess from the priests, conveyed
her to land. The chief matrons in the state received her, among whom
the name of Claudia Quinta alone is worthy of remark. Her fame,
which, as it is recorded, was before that time dubious, became,
in consequence of her having assisted in so solemn a business,
illustrious for chastity among posterity. The matrons, passing her
from one to another in orderly succession, conveyed the goddess into
the temple of Victory, in the Palatium, on the day before the ides of
April, which was made a festival, while the whole city poured out to
meet her; and, placing censers before their doors, on the way by which
she was conveyed in procession, kindled frankincense, and prayed
that she would enter the city of Rome willingly and propitiously. The
people in crowds carried presents to the goddess in the Palatium; a
lectisternium was celebrated, with games called the Megalesian.
15. When the business of recruiting the legions in the provinces was
under consideration, it was suggested by certain senators that now was
the time, when, by the favour of the gods, their fears were removed,
to put a stop to certain things, however they might have been
tolerated in perilous circumstances. The senators, being intent in
expectation, subjoined, that the twelve Latin colonies which had
refused to furnish soldiers to the consuls, Quintus Fabius and
Quintus Fulvius, were enjoying, for now the sixth year, exemption
from military service, as though it had been granted to them a mark
of honour and favour; while in the mean time their good and dutiful
allies, in return for their fidelity and obedience to the Roman
people, had been exhausted by continual levies every year. By these
words the recollection of the senate was renewed touching a matter
which was now almost obliterated, and their indignation equally
excited. Accordingly, without allowing the consuls to lay any other
business before the senate in priority, they decreed, "that the
consuls should summon to Rome the magistrates, and ten principal
inhabitants, from each of the colonies, Xepete, Sutrium, Ardea, Cales,
Alba, Carseoli, Sora, Suessa, Setia, Circeii, Narnia, and Interamna;
for these were the colonies implicated in this affair; and command
them that each of those colonies should furnish double the greatest
number of foot soldiers which they had ever provided for the Roman
people since the enemy had been in Italy, and one hundred and twenty
horsemen each. If any of them was unable to make up that number of
horsemen, that it should be allowed to furnish three foot soldiers for
every horseman deficient. That both the foot and horse soldiers should
be chosen from the wealthiest of the inhabitants, and should be sent
out of Italy wheresoever there was want of recruits. If any of them
refused to comply, it was their pleasure that the magistrates and
ambassadors of such should be detained; and that, if they requested
it, they should not be allowed an audience of the senate till they had
obeyed these orders. Moreover, that an annual tax should be imposed
upon them, and collected after the rate of one _as_ for every
thousand; and that a census should be taken in those colonies,
according to a formula appointed by the Roman censors, which should be
the same which was employed in the case of the Roman people; and that
a return should be made at Rome by sworn censors of the colonies,
before they retired from their office." The magistrates and principal
men of these colonies having been summoned to Rome, when the consuls
imposed upon them the contribution of men, and the management of the
tax, they vied with each other in making excuses, and remonstrating
against it. They said "it was impossible that so large a number of men
could be raised. That they could scarcely accomplish it, if even the
simple contribution only, according to the established ratio, were
required of them. They entreated and besought them that they might be
allowed to appear before the senate and deprecate their resolution.
They had committed no crime for which they deserved to be ruined;
but, even if they were to be ruined, neither their own crime nor
the resentment of the Roman people could make them furnish a greater
number of soldiers than they had got." The consuls, persisting,
ordered the ambassadors to remain at Rome, and the magistrates to
go home to make the levies; observing, that "unless the amount of
soldiers enjoined were brought to Rome, no one would give them an
audience of the senate." All hope of appearing before the senate,
and deprecating their decision, being then cut off, the levies were
completed in the twelve colonies without difficulty, as the number of
their youth had increased during their long exemption from service.
16. Another affair, likewise, which had been passed over in silence
for an almost equally long period, was laid before the senate by
Marcus Valerius Laevinus; who said, "that equity required that the
monies which had been contributed by private individuals, when he
and Marcus Claudius were consuls, should now at length be repaid. Nor
ought any one to feel surprised that a case, where the public faith
was pledged, should have engaged his attention in an especial manner;
for, besides that the matter appertained, in some degree, peculiarly
to the consul of that year in which the money was contributed, he was
himself the author of the measure, as the treasury was drained, and
the people unable to pay the taxes." This suggestion was well received
by the senate, and, bidding the consuls to propose the question, they
decreed, "that this money should be paid by three instalments; that
the present consuls should make the first payment immediately, and the
third and fifth consuls, from that time, the two remaining."
After this, all their other cares gave place to one alone when the
sufferings of the Locrians, of which they had been ignorant up to that
day, were made known by the arrival of their ambassadors. Nor was it
the villany of Pleminius so much as the partiality or negligence of
Scipio in that affair, which excited the resentment of the people.
While the consuls were sitting in the comitium, ten ambassadors of the
Locrians, covered with filth, and in mourning, and extending branches
of olive, the badges of suppliants, according to the Grecian custom,
prostrated themselves on the ground before the tribunal, with loud
lamentations. In answer to the inquiry of the consuls, they said,
"that they were Locrians, who had suffered such things at the hands of
Pleminius the lieutenant-general, and the Roman soldiers, as the
Roman people would not wish even the Carthaginians to experience. They
requested that they would allow them to appear before the senate, and
complain of their sufferings."
17. An audience having been granted, the eldest of them thus spoke:
"I know, conscript fathers, that the importance you will attach to
the complaints we make before you must depend, in a very great degree,
upon your accurately knowing the manner in which Locri was betrayed to
Hannibal, and placed again under your dominion after the expulsion of
his garrison. Inasmuch as if the guilt of defection does not rest
upon the public, and it is made apparent that our restoration to your
dominion was effected, not only in concurrence with our wishes, but by
our own co-operation and valour, you will be the more indignant that
such atrocious and shameful injuries should have been inflicted upon
good and faithful allies by your lieutenant-general and soldiers.
But I think it proper that the subject of our changing sides, in both
instances, should be deferred to another time, on two accounts: first,
that it may be discussed in the presence of Publius Scipio, who
retook Locri, and who witnessed all our acts, both good and bad; and
secondly, because, whatever we are, we ought not to have suffered
what we have. We cannot conceal, conscript fathers, that when we had
a Carthaginian garrison in our citadel we were exposed to many
sufferings, of a shocking and shameful kind, from Hamilcar, the
captain of the garrison, and the Numidians and Africans. But what
are they compared with what we endure this day? I request, conscript
fathers, that you will hear without offence what I am reluctant to
mention. All mankind are now in a state of anxious suspense, whether
they are to see you or the Carthaginians lords of the world. If an
estimate is to be formed of the Roman and Carthaginian governments
from what we Locrians have suffered from the Carthaginians on the one
hand, or on the other, from what we are suffering, at the present time
especially, from your garrison; there is no one who would not wish
the Carthaginians to be his masters rather than the Romans. And yet
observe what are the feelings which the Locrians have entertained
towards you. When we were suffering injuries of much less magnitude
from the Carthaginians, we fled for protection to your general; now
we are suffering more than hostile indignities from your garrison, we
have carried our complaints to no others than yourselves. Conscript
fathers! either you will consider our forlorn condition or there is
no other resource left us for which we can even pray to the immortal
gods. Quintus Pleminius, the lieutenant-general, was sent with a body
of troops to recover Locri from the Carthaginians, and was left there
in command of the same as a garrison. In this your lieutenant-general
there is neither any thing of a man, conscript fathers, but the figure
and outward appearance, (for the extremity of our misery prompts me to
speak freely,) nor of a Roman citizen, but the attire and dress, and
the sound of the Latin language. He is a pest and savage monster, such
as are fabled to have beset the strait by which we are separated
from Sicily, for the destruction of mariners. And yet if he had been
content to be the only person to vent his villany, his lust, and
rapacity upon your allies, that one gulf, deep as it was, we would
however have filled up by our patience. But the case is, he has
made every one of your centurions and soldiers a Pleminius, so
indiscriminately has he willed that licentiousness and wickedness
should be practised. All plunder, spoil, beat, wound, and slay; all
defile matrons, virgins, and free-born youths torn from the embraces
of their parents. Our city is captured daily, plundered daily. Day
and night, every place indiscriminately rings with the lamentations of
women and children, seized and carried away. Any one, acquainted with
our sufferings, might be astonished how it is that we are capable of
bearing them, or that the authors of them are not yet satiated with
inflicting such enormous cruelties. Neither am I able to go through
with them, nor is it worth your while to listen to the particulars of
our sufferings. I will embrace them all in a general description.
I declare that there is not a house or a man at Locri exempt from
injury. I say that there cannot be found any species of villany, lust,
or rapacity which has not been exercised on every one capable of being
the object of them. It would be difficult to determine in which case
the city was visited with the more horrible calamity, whether when it
was captured by an enemy, or when a sanguinary tyrant crushed it
by violence and arms. Every evil, conscript fathers, which captured
cities suffer, we have suffered, and do now as much as ever suffer.
All the enormities which the most cruel and savage tyrants are wont
to perpetrate upon their oppressed subjects, Pleminius has perpetrated
upon ourselves, our children, and our wives.