Produced by Dave Maddock, Curtis A. Weyant and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
"_I know no safe depository of the ultimate powers of society but the
people themselves; and if we think them not enlightened enough to
exercise their control with a wholesome discretion, the remedy is not to
take it from them, but to inform their discretion by education._"
--Thomas Jefferson
The Invisible Government
by
Dan Smoot
[Transcriber's note: Although copyrighted in 1962, the author did not
renewal his copyright claim after 28 years (which was required to retain
copyright for works published before 1964). Therefore, this text is now
in the public domain. The text of the copyright notice from the original
book is preserved below.]
Copyright 1962 by Dan Smoot
All rights reserved
First Printing June, 1962; Second Printing July, 1962; Third Printing
August, 1962; Fourth Printing September, 1962; Fifth Printing October,
1962
Sixth Printing (in pocketsize paperback) August, 1964
Communists in government during World War II formulated major policies
which the Truman administration followed; but when the known communists
were gone, the policies continued, under Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson.
The unseen _they_ who took control of government during World War II
still control it. Their tentacles of power are wrapped around levers of
political control in Washington; reach into schools, big unions,
colleges, churches, civic organizations; dominate communications; have a
grip on the prestige and money of big corporations.
For a generation, _they_ have kept voters from effecting any changes at
the polls. Voters are limited to the role of choosing between parties to
administer policies which _they_ formulate. _They_ are determined to
convert this Republic into a socialist province of a one-world socialist
system.
This book tells who _they_ are and how _they_ work. If enough Americans
had this information, our Republic would be saved. Please do your utmost
to spread the word: order extra copies of this book and help give it
wide distribution. See inside of back cover for quantity prices.
Published by
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, INC.
P.O. Box 9538
Dallas, Texas 75214
Table of Contents
Foreword i
Chapter I History and The Council 1
Chapter II World War II and Tragic Consequences 23
Chapter III FPA-WAC-IPR 35
Chapter IV Committee For Economic Development 51
Chapter V Business Advisory Council 81
Chapter VI Advertising Council 97
Chapter VII UN and World Government Propaganda 103
Chapter VIII Foreign Aid 129
Chapter IX More of The Interlock 137
Chapter X Communications Media 153
Chapter XI Interlocking Untouchables 161
Chapter XII Why? What Can We Do? 173
Appendix I CFR Membership List 186
Appendix II AUC Membership List 201
Index 227
FOREWORD
On May 30, 1961, President Kennedy departed for Europe and a summit
meeting with Khrushchev[A]. Every day the Presidential tour was given
banner headlines; and the meeting with Khrushchev was reported as an
event of earth-shaking consequence.
It was an important event. But a meeting which was probably far more
important, and which had commanded no front-page headlines at all, ended
quietly on May 29, the day before President and Mrs. Kennedy set out on
their grand tour.
On May 12, 1961, Dr. Philip E. Mosely, Director of Studies of the
Council on Foreign Relations, announced that,
"Prominent Soviet and American citizens will hold a week-long
unofficial conference on Soviet-American relations in the Soviet
Union, beginning May 22."
Dr. Mosely, a co-chairman of the American group, said that the State
Department had approved the meeting but that the Americans involved
would go as "private citizens" and would express their own views.
_The New York Times'_ news story on Dr. Mosely's announcement (May 13,
1961) read:
"The importance attached by the Soviet Union to the meeting appears
to be suggested by the fact that the Soviet group will include
three members of the communist party's Central Committee ... and
one candidate member of that body....
"The meeting, to be held in the town of Nizhnyaya Oreanda, in the
Crimea, will follow the pattern of a similar unofficial meeting,
in which many of the same persons participated, at Dartmouth
College last fall. The meetings will take place in private and
there are no plans to issue an agreed statement on the subjects
discussed....
"The topics to be discussed include disarmament and the
guaranteeing of ... international peace, the role of the United
Nations in strengthening international security, the role of
advanced nations in aiding under-developed countries, and the
prospects for peaceful and improving Soviet-United States
relations.
"The Dartmouth conference last fall and the scheduled Crimean
conference originated from a suggestion made by Norman Cousins,
editor of _The Saturday Review_ and co-chairman of the American
group going to the Crimea, when he visited the Soviet Union a year
and a half ago....
"Mr. Cousins and Dr. Mosely formed a small American group early
last year to organize the conferences. It received financial
support from the Ford Foundation for the Dartmouth conference and
for travel costs to the Crimean meeting. This group selected the
American representatives for the two meetings.
"Among those who participated in the Dartmouth conference were
several who have since taken high posts in the Kennedy
Administration, including Dr. Walt W. Rostow, now an assistant to
President Kennedy, and George F. Kennan; now United States
Ambassador to Yugoslavia...."
* * * * *
The head of the Soviet delegation to the meeting in the Soviet Union,
May 22, 1961, was Alekesander Y. Korneichuk, a close personal friend of
Khrushchev. The American citizens scheduled to attend included besides
Dr. Mosely and Mr. Cousins:
_Marian Anderson_, the singer; _Dean Erwin N. Griswold_, of the Harvard
Law School; _Gabriel Hauge_, former economic adviser to President
Eisenhower and now an executive of the Manufacturers Trust Company; _Dr.
Margaret Mead_, a widely known anthropologist whose name (like that of
Norman Cousins) has been associated with communist front activities in
the United States; _Dr. A. William Loos_, Director of the Church Peace
Union; _Stuart Chase_, American author notable for his pro-socialist,
anti-anti-communist attitudes; _William Benton_, former U.S. Senator,
also well-known as a pro-socialist, anti-anti-communist, now Chairman of
the Board of _Encyclopaedia Britannica_; _Dr. George Fisher_, of the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology; _Professor Paul M. Doty_, _Jr._,
of Harvard's Chemistry Department; _Professor Lloyd Reynolds_, Yale
University economist; _Professor Louis B. Sohn_ of the Harvard Law
School; _Dr. Joseph E. Johnson_, an old friend and former associate of
Alger Hiss in the State Department, who succeeded Hiss as President of
the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and still holds that
position; _Professor Robert R. Bowie_, former head of the State
Department's Policy Planning Staff (a job which Hiss also held at one
time), now Director of the Center for International Affairs at Harvard;
and _Dr. Arthur Larson_, former assistant to, and ghost writer for,
President Eisenhower. Larson was often called "Mr. Modern Republican,"
because the political philosophy which he espoused was precisely that of
Eisenhower (Larson is now, 1962, Director of the World Rule of Law
Center at Duke University, where his full-time preoccupation is working
for repeal of the Connally Reservation, so that the World Court can take
jurisdiction over United States affairs).
* * * * *
I think the meeting which the Council on Foreign Relations arranged in
the Soviet Union, in 1961, was more important than President Kennedy's
meeting with Khrushchev, because I am convinced that the Council on
Foreign Relations, together with a great number of other associated
tax-exempt organizations, constitutes the invisible government which
sets the major policies of the federal government; exercises controlling
influence on governmental officials who implement the policies; and,
through massive and skillful propaganda, influences Congress and the
public to support the policies.
I am convinced that the objective of this invisible government is to
convert America into a socialist state and then make it a unit in a
one-world socialist system.
My convictions about the invisible government are based on information
which is presented in this book.
The information about membership and activities of the Council on
Foreign Relations and of its interlocking affiliates comes largely from
publications issued by those organizations. I am deeply indebted to
countless individuals who, when they learned of my interest, enriched my
own files with material they had been collecting for years, hoping that
someone would eventually use it.
I have not managed to get all of the membership rosters and publications
issued by all of the organizations discussed. Hence, there are gaps in
my information.
* * * * *
One aspect of the over-all subject, omitted entirely from this book, is
the working relationship between internationalist groups in the United
States and comparable groups abroad.
The Royal Institute of International Affairs in England (usually called
Chatham House) and the American Council on Foreign Relations were both
conceived at a dinner meeting in Paris in 1919. By working with the CFR,
the Royal Institute, undoubtedly, has had profound influence on American
affairs.
Other internationalist organizations in foreign lands which work with
the American Council on Foreign Relations, include the Institut des
Relations Internationales (Belgium), Danish Foreign Policy Society,
Indian Council of World Affairs, Australian Institute of International
Affairs, and similar organizations in France, Italy, Yugoslavia, Greece,
and Turkey.
The "Bilderbergers" are another powerful group involved in the
internationalist web. The "Bilderbergers" take their name from the scene
of their first known meeting--the Bilderberg Hotel, Oosterbeck, The
Netherlands, in May, 1954. The group consists of influential Western
businessmen, diplomats, and high governmental officials. Their meetings,
conducted in secrecy and in a hugger-mugger atmosphere, are held about
every six months at various places throughout the world. His Royal
Highness, Prince Bernhard of The Netherlands, has presided at every
known meeting of the Bilderberger Group.
Prince Bernhard is known to be an influential member of the Societé
Generale de Belgique, a mysterious organization which seems to be an
association of large corporate interests from many countries. American
firms associated with the society are said to be among the large
corporations whose officers are members of the Council on Foreign
Relations and related organizations. I make no effort to explore this
situation in this volume.
My confession of limitation upon my research does not embarrass me,
because two committees of Congress have also failed to make a complete
investigation of the great _camarilla_ which manipulates our government.
And the congressional committees were trying to investigate only one
part of the web--the powerful tax-exempt foundations in the United
States.
My own research does reveal the broad outlines of the invisible
government.
D.S.
May, 1962
Chapter 1
HISTORY AND THE COUNCIL
President George Washington, in his Farewell Address to the People of
the United States on September 17, 1796, established a foreign policy
which became traditional and a main article of faith for the American
people in their dealings with the rest of the world.
Washington warned against foreign influence in the shaping of national
affairs. He urged America to avoid permanent, entangling alliances with
other nations, recommending a national policy of benign neutrality
toward the rest of the world. Washington did not want America to build a
wall around herself, or to become, in any sense, a hermit nation.
Washington's policy permitted freer exchange of travel, commerce, ideas,
and culture between Americans and other people than Americans have ever
enjoyed since the policy was abandoned. The Father of our Country wanted
the American _government_ to be kept out of the wars and revolutions and
political affairs of other nations.
Washington told Americans that their nation had a high destiny, which it
could not fulfill if they permitted their government to become entangled
in the affairs of other nations.
Despite the fact of two foreign wars (Mexican War, 1846-1848; and
Spanish American War, 1898) the foreign policy of Washington remained
the policy of this nation, _unaltered_, for 121 years--until Woodrow
Wilson's war message to Congress in April, 1917.
* * * * *
Wilson himself, when campaigning for re-election in 1916, had
unequivocally supported our traditional foreign policy: his one major
promise to the American people was that he would keep them out of the
European war.
Yet, even while making this promise, Wilson was yielding to a pressure
he was never able to withstand: the influence of Colonel Edward M.
House, Wilson's all-powerful adviser. According to House's own papers
and the historical studies of Wilson's ardent admirers (see, for
example, _Intimate Papers of Colonel House_, edited by Charles Seymour,
published in 1926 by Houghton Mifflin; and, _The Crisis of the Old
Order_ by Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., published 1957 by Houghton
Mifflin), House created Wilson's domestic and foreign policies, selected
most of Wilson's cabinet and other major appointees, and ran Wilson's
State Department.
House had powerful connections with international bankers in New York.
He was influential, for example, with great financial institutions
represented by such people as Paul and Felix Warburg, Otto H. Kahn,
Louis Marburg, Henry Morgenthau, Jacob and Mortimer Schiff, Herbert
Lehman. House had equally powerful connections with bankers and
politicians of Europe.
Bringing all of these forces to bear, House persuaded Wilson that
America had an evangelistic mission to save the world for "democracy."
The first major twentieth century tragedy for the United States
resulted: Wilson's war message to Congress and the declaration of war
against Germany on April 6, 1917.
House also persuaded Wilson that the way to avoid all future wars was to
create a world federation of nations. On May 27, 1916, in a speech to
the League to Enforce Peace, Wilson first publicly endorsed Colonel
House's world-government idea (without, however, identifying it as
originating with House).
* * * * *
In September, 1916, Wilson (at the urging of House) appointed a
committee of intellectuals (the first President's Brain Trust) to
formulate peace terms and draw up a charter for world government. This
committee, with House in charge, consisted of about 150 college
professors, graduate students, lawyers, economists, writers, and others.
Among them were men still familiar to Americans in the 1960's: Walter
Lippmann (columnist); Norman Thomas (head of the American socialist
party); Allen Dulles (former head of C.I.A.); John Foster Dulles (late
Secretary of State); Christian A. Herter (former Secretary of State).
These eager young intellectuals around Wilson, under the clear eyes of
crafty Colonel House, drew up their charter for world government (League
of Nations Covenant) and prepared for the brave new socialist one-world
to follow World War I. But things went sour at the Paris Peace
Conference. They soured even more when constitutionalists in the United
States Senate found out what was being planned and made it quite plain
that the Senate would not authorize United States membership in such a
world federation.
Bitter with disappointment but not willing to give up, Colonel House
called together in Paris, France, a group of his most dedicated young
intellectuals--among them, John Foster and Allen Dulles, Christian A.
Herter, and Tasker H. Bliss--and arranged a dinner meeting with a group
of like-minded Englishmen at the Majestic Hotel, Paris, on May 19, 1919.
The group formally agreed to form an organization "for the study of
international affairs."
The American group came home from Paris and formed The Council on
Foreign Relations, which was incorporated in 1921.
The purpose of the Council on Foreign Relations was to create (and
condition the American people to accept) what House called a "positive"
foreign policy for America--to replace the traditional "negative"
foreign policy which had kept America out of the endless turmoil of
old-world politics and had permitted the American people to develop
their great nation in freedom and independence from the rest of the
world.
The Council did not amount to a great deal until 1927, when the
Rockefeller family (through the various Rockefeller Foundations and
Funds) began to pour money into it. Before long, the Carnegie
Foundations (and later the Ford Foundation) began to finance the
Council.
In 1929, the Council (largely with Rockefeller gifts) acquired its
present headquarters property: The Harold Pratt House, 58 East 68th
Street, New York City.
In 1939, the Council began taking over the U.S. State Department.
Shortly after the start of World War II, in September, 1939, Hamilton
Fish Armstrong and Walter H. Mallory, of the Council on Foreign
Relations, visited the State Department to offer the services of the
Council. It was agreed that the Council would do research and make
recommendations for the State Department, without formal assignment or
responsibility. The Council formed groups to work in four general
fields--Security and Armaments Problems, Economic and Financial
Problems, Political Problems, and Territorial Problems.
The Rockefeller Foundation agreed to finance, through grants, the
operation of this plan.
In February, 1941, the Council on Foreign Relations' relationship with
the State Department changed. The State Department created the Division
of Special Research, which was divided into Economic, Security,
Political, Territorial sections. Leo Pasvolsky, of the Council, was
appointed Director of this Division. Within a very short time, members
of the Council on Foreign Relations dominated this new Division in the
State Department.
During 1942, the State Department set up the Advisory Committee on
Postwar Foreign Policy. Secretary of State Cordell Hull was Chairman.
The following members of the Council on Foreign Relations were on this
Committee: Under Secretary of State Sumner Welles (Vice-Chairman), Dr.
Leo Pasvolsky (Executive Officer); Hamilton Fish Armstrong, Isaiah
Bowman, Benjamin V. Cohen, Norman H. Davis, and James T. Shotwell.
Other members of the Council also found positions in the State
Department: Philip E. Mosely, Walter E. Sharp, and Grayson Kirk, among
others.
The crowning moment of achievement for the Council came at San Francisco
in 1945, when over 40 members of the United States Delegation to the
organizational meeting of the United Nations (where the United Nations
Charter was written) were members of the Council. Among them: Alger
Hiss, Secretary of State Edward R. Stettinius, Leo Pasvolsky, John
Foster Dulles, John J. McCloy, Julius C. Holmes, Nelson A. Rockefeller,
Adlai Stevenson, Joseph E. Johnson, Ralph J. Bunche, Clark M.
Eichelberger, and Thomas K. Finletter.
By 1945, the Council on Foreign Relations, and various foundations and
other organizations interlocked with it, had virtually taken over the
U.S. State Department.
Some CFR members were later identified as Soviet espionage agents: for
example, Alger Hiss and Lauchlin Currie.
Other Council on Foreign Relations members--Owen Lattimore, for
example--with powerful influence in the Roosevelt and Truman
Administrations, were subsequently identified, not as actual communists
or Soviet espionage agents, but as "conscious, articulate instruments of
the Soviet international conspiracy."
I do not intend to imply by these citations that the Council on Foreign
Relations is, or ever was, a communist organization. Boasting among its
members Presidents of the United States (Hoover, Eisenhower, and
Kennedy), Secretaries of State, and many other high officials, both
civilian and military, the Council can be termed, by those who agree
with its objectives, a "patriotic" organization.
The fact, however, that communists, Soviet espionage agents, and
pro-communists could work inconspicuously for many years as influential
members of the Council indicates something very significant about the
Council's objectives. The ultimate aim of the Council on Foreign
Relations (however well-intentioned its prominent and powerful members
may be) is the same as the ultimate aim of international communism: to
create a one-world socialist system and make the United States an
official part of it.
Some indication of the influence of CFR members can be found in the
boasts of their best friends. Consider the remarkable case of the
nomination and confirmation of Julius C. Holmes as United States
Ambassador to Iran. Holmes was one of the CFR members who served as
United States delegates to the United Nations founding conference at San
Francisco in 1945.
Mr. Holmes has had many important jobs in the State Department since
1925; but from 1945 to 1948, he was out of government service.
During that early postwar period, the United States government had
approximately 390 Merchant Marine oil tankers (built and used during
World War II) which had become surplus.
A law of Congress prohibited the government from selling the surplus
vessels to foreign-owned or foreign-controlled companies, and prohibited
any American company from purchasing them for resale to foreigners.
The purpose of the law was to guarantee that oil tankers (vital in times
of war) would remain under the control of the United States government.
Julius Holmes conceived the idea of making a quick profit by buying and
selling some of the surplus tankers.
Holmes was closely associated with Edward Stettinius, former Secretary
of State, and with two of Stettinius' principal advisers: Joe Casey, a
former U.S. Congressman; and Stanley Klein, a New York financier.
In August, 1947, this group formed a corporation (and ultimately formed
others) to buy surplus oil tankers from the government. The legal and
technical maneuvering which followed is complex and shady, but it has
all been revealed and reported by congressional committees.
Holmes and his associates managed to buy eight oil tankers from the U.S.
government and re-sell all of them to foreign interests, in violation of
the intent of the law and of the surplus-disposal program. One of the
eight tankers was ultimately leased to the Soviet Union and used to haul
fuel oil from communist Romania to the Chinese reds during the Korean
war.
By the time he returned to foreign service with the State Department in
September, 1948, Holmes had made for himself an estimated profit of
about one million dollars, with practically no investment of his own
money, and at no financial risk.
A Senate subcommittee, which, in 1952, investigated this affair,
unanimously condemned the Holmes-Casey-Klein tanker deals as "morally
wrong and clearly in violation of the intent of the law," and as a
"highly improper, if not actually illegal, get-rich-quick" operation
which was detrimental to the interests of the United States.
Holmes and his associates were criminally indicted in 1954--but the
Department of Justice dismissed the indictments on a legal technicality
later that same year.
A few weeks after the criminal indictment against Holmes had been
dismissed, President Eisenhower, in 1955, nominated Julius C. Holmes to
be our Ambassador to Iran.
Enough United States Senators in 1955 expressed a decent sense of
outrage about the nomination of such a man for such a post that Holmes
"permitted" his name to be withdrawn, before the Senate acted on the
question of confirming his appointment.
The State Department promptly sent Holmes to Tangier with the rank of
Minister; brought him back to Washington in 1956 as a Special Assistant
to the Secretary of State; and sent him out as Minister and Consul
General in Hong Kong and Macao in 1959.
And then, in 1961, Kennedy nominated Julius C. Holmes for the same job
Eisenhower had tried to give him in 1955--Ambassador to Iran.
Arguing in favor of Holmes, Senator Prescott Bush admitted that Holmes'
tanker deals were improper and ill-advised, but claimed that Holmes was
an innocent victim of sharp operators! The "innocent" victim made a
million dollars in one year by being victimized. He has never offered to
make restitution to the government. Moreover, when questioned, in April,
1961, Holmes said he still sees nothing wrong with what he did and
admits he would do it again if he had the opportunity--and felt that no
congressional committee would ever investigate.
All Senators, who supported Holmes in debate, hammered the point that,
although Holmes may have done something shady and unsavory during the
three-year period in the late 1940's when he was _out_ of government
service, there was no evidence that he had ever misbehaved while he was
_in_ government service.
This amoral attitude seems to imply that a known chicken thief cannot be
considered a threat to turkey growers, unless he has actually been
caught stealing turkeys.
Senate debates on the confirmation of Holmes as Ambassador to Iran are
printed in the _Congressional Record_: pp. 6385-86, April 27, 1961; pp.
6668-69, May 3, 1961; and pp. 6982-95, May 8, 1961.
The vote was taken on May 8. After the history of Julius C. Holmes had
been thoroughly exposed, the Senate confirmed Holmes' nomination 75 to
21, with 4 Senators taking no stand. Julius C. Holmes was sworn in as
United States Ambassador to Iran on May 15, 1961.
The real reason why Holmes was nominated for an important ambassadorship
by two Presidents and finally confirmed by the Senate is obvious--and
was, indeed, inadvertently revealed by Senator Prescott Bush: Holmes, a
Council on Foreign Relations member, is a darling of the leftwing
internationalists who are determined to drag America into a socialist
one-world system.
During the Senate debate about Holmes' nomination Senator Bush said:
"I believe that one of the most telling witnesses with whom I have
ever talked regarding Mr. Holmes is Mr. Henry Wriston, formerly
president of Brown University, now chairman of the Council on
Foreign Relations, in New York, and chairman of the American
Assembly. Mr. Wriston not only holds these distinguished offices,
but he has also made a special study of the State Department and
the career service in the State Department.
"He is credited with having 'Wristonized' the Foreign Service of
the United States. He told me a few years ago ... [that] 'Julius
Holmes is the ablest man in the Foreign Service Corps of the United
States.'"
Dr. Wriston was (in 1961) President (not Chairman, as Senator Bush
called him) of the Council on Foreign Relations. But Senator Bush was
not exaggerating or erring when he said that the State Department has
been _Wristonized_--if we acknowledge that the State Department has been
converted into an agency of Dr. Wriston's Council on Foreign Relations.
Indeed, the Senator could have said that the United States government
has been _Wristonized_.
Here, for example, are _some_ of the members of the Council on Foreign
Relations who, in 1961, held positions in the United States Government:
John F. Kennedy, President; Dean Rusk, Secretary of State; Douglas
Dillon, Secretary of the Treasury; Adlai Stevenson, United Nations
Ambassador; Allen W. Dulles, Director of the Central Intelligence
Agency; Chester Bowles, Under Secretary of State; W. Averell Harriman,
Ambassador-at-large; John J. McCloy, Disarmament Administrator; General
Lyman L. Lemnitzer, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff; John Kenneth
Galbraith, Ambassador to India; Edward R. Murrow, Head of United States
Information Agency; G. Frederick Reinhardt, Ambassador to Italy; David
K. E. Bruce, Ambassador to United Kingdom; Livingston T. Merchant,
Ambassador to Canada; Lt. Gen. James M. Gavin, Ambassador to France;
George F. Kennan, Ambassador to Yugoslavia; Julius C. Holmes, Ambassador
to Iran; Arthur H. Dean, head of the United States Delegation to Geneva
Disarmament Conference; Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., Special White House
Assistant; Edwin O. Reischauer, Ambassador to Japan; Thomas K.
Finletter, Ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization for
Economic Co-operation and Development; George C. McGhee, Assistant
Secretary of State for Policy Planning; Henry R. Labouisse, Director of
International Cooperation Administration; George W. Ball, Under
Secretary of State for Economic Affairs; McGeorge Bundy, Special
Assistant for National Security; Paul H. Nitze, Assistant Secretary of
Defense; Adolf A. Berle, Chairman, Inter-Departmental Committee on Latin
America; Charles E. Bohlen, Assistant Secretary of State.
The names listed do not, by any means, constitute a complete roster of
all Council members who are in the Congress or hold important positions
in the Administration.
In the 1960-61 Annual Report of the Council on Foreign Relations, there
is an item of information which reveals a great deal about the close
relationship between the Council and the executive branch of the federal
government.
On Page 37, The Report explains why there had been an unusually large
recent increase in the number of non-resident members (CFR members who
do not reside within 50 miles of New York City Hall):
"The rather large increase in the non-resident academic category is
largely explained by the fact that many academic members have left
New York to join the new administration."
* * * * *
Concerning President Kennedy's membership in the CFR, there is an
interesting story. On June 7, 1960, Mr. Kennedy, then a United States
Senator, wrote a letter answering a question about his membership in the
Council. Mr. Kennedy said:
"I am a member of the Council on Foreign Relations in New York
City. As a long-time subscriber to the quarterly, Foreign Affairs,
and as a member of the Senate, I was invited to become a member."
On August 23, 1961, Mr. George S. Franklin, Jr., Executive Director of
the Council on Foreign Relations, wrote a letter answering a question
about President Kennedy's membership. Mr. Franklin said:
"I am enclosing the latest Annual Report of the Council with a list
of members in the back. You will note that President Eisenhower is
a member, but this is not true of either President Kennedy or
President Truman."
President Kennedy is not listed as a member in the 1960-61 Annual Report
of the CFR.
The complete roster of CFR members, as set out in the 1960-61 Annual
Report, is in Appendix I of this volume. Several persons, besides
President Kennedy, whom I have called CFR members are not on this
roster. I have called them CFR members, if their names have ever
appeared on _any_ official CFR membership list.
The Council is actually a small organization. Its membership is
restricted to 700 resident members (American citizens whose residences
or places of business are within 50 miles of City Hall in New York
City), and 700 non-resident members (American citizens who reside or do
business outside that 50-mile radius); but most of the members occupy
important positions in government, in education, in the press, in the
broadcasting industry, in business, in finance, or in some
multi-million-dollar tax-exempt foundation.
An indication of overall accomplishments of the Council can be found in
its Annual Report of 1958-59, which reprints a speech by Walter H.
Mallory on the occasion of his retiring after 32 years as Executive
Director of the Council. Speaking to the Board of Directors of the
Council at a small dinner in his honor on May 21, 1959, Mr. Mallory
said:
"When I cast my mind back to 1927, the year that I first joined the
Council, it seems little short of a miracle that the organization
could have taken root in those days. You will remember that the
United States had decided not to join the League of Nations.... On
the domestic front, the budget was extremely small, taxes were
light ... and we didn't even recognize the Russians. What could
there possibly be for a Council on Foreign Relations to do?
"Well, there were a few men who did not feel content with that
comfortable isolationist climate. They thought the United States
had an important role to play in the world and they resolved to try
to find out what that role ought to be. Some of those men are
present this evening."
The Council's principal publication is a quarterly magazine, _Foreign
Affairs_. Indeed, publishing this quarterly is the Council's major
activity; and income from the publication is a principal source of
revenue for the Council.
On June 30, 1961, _Foreign Affairs_ had a circulation of only 43,500;
but it is probably the most influential publication in the world. Key
figures in government--from the Secretary of State downward--write
articles for, and announce new policies in, _Foreign Affairs_.
Other publications of the Council include three volumes which it
publishes annually (_Political Handbook of the World_, _The United
States in World Affairs_ and _Documents on American Foreign Relations_),
and numerous special studies and books.
The Council's financial statement for the 1960-61 fiscal year listed the
following income:
Membership Dues $123,200
Council Development Fund $ 87,000
Committees Development Fund $ 2,500
Corporation Service $112,200
Foundation Grants $231,700
Net Income from Investments $106,700
Net Receipt from Sale of Books $ 26,700
_Foreign Affairs_ Subscriptions and Sales $210,300
_Foreign Affairs_ Advertising $ 21,800
Miscellaneous $ 2,900
---------
Total $925,000
"Corporation Service" on this list means money contributed to the
Council by business firms.
Here are firms listed as contributors to the Council during the 1960-61
fiscal year:
Aluminum Limited, Inc.
American Can Company
American Metal Climax, Inc.
American Telephone and Telegraph Company
Arabian American Oil Company
Armco International Corporation
Asiatic Petroleum Corporation
Bankers Trust Company
Belgian Securities Corporation
Bethlehem Steel Company, Inc.
Brown Brothers, Harriman and Co.
Cabot Corporation
California Texas Oil Corp.
Cameron Iron Works, Inc.
Campbell Soup Company
The Chase Manhattan Bank
Chesebrough-Pond's Inc.
Chicago Bridge and Iron Co.
Cities Service Company, Inc.
Connecticut General Life Insurance Company
Continental Can Company
Continental Oil Company
Corn Products Company
Corning Glass Works
Dresser Industries, Inc.
Ethyl Corporation
I. I. du Pont de Nemours & Co., Inc.
Farrell Lines, Inc.
The First National City Bank of New York
Ford Motor Company, International Division
Foster Wheeler Corporation
Freeport Sulphur Company
General Dynamics Corporation
General Motors Overseas Operations
The Gillette Company
W. R. Grace and Co.
Gulf Oil Corporation
Halliburton Oil Well Cementing Company
Haskins and Sells
H. J. Heinz Company
Hughes Tool Company
IBM World Trade Corporation
International General Electric Company
The International Nickel Company, Inc.
International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation
Irving Trust Company
The M. W. Kellogg Company
Kidder, Peabody and Co.
Carl M. Loeb, Rhoades and Co.
The Lummus Company
Merck and Company, Inc.
Mobil International Oil Co.
Model, Roland and Stone
The National Cash Register Co.
National Lead Company, Inc.
The New York Times
The Ohio Oil Co., Inc.
Olin Mathieson Chemical Corporation
Otis Elevator Company
Owens-Corning Fiberglas Corporation
Pan American Airways System
Pfizer International, Inc.
Radio Corporation of America
The RAND Corporation
San Jacinto Petroleum Corporation
J. Henry Schroder Banking Corporation
Sinclair Oil Corporation
The Singer Manufacturing Company
Sprague Electric Company
Standard Oil Company of California
Standard Oil Company (N. J.)
Standard-Vacuum Oil Company
Stauffer Chemical Company
Symington Wayne Corporation
Texaco, Inc.
Texas Gulf Sulphur Company
Texas Instruments, Inc.
Tidewater Oil Company
Time, Inc.
Union Tank Car Company
United States Lines Company
United States Steel Corporation
White, Weld and Co.
Wyandotte Chemicals Corporation
What do these corporations get for the money contributed to the Council
on Foreign Relations?
From the 1960-61 Annual Report of the Council:
"Subscribers to the Council's Corporation Service (who pay a
minimum fee of $1,000) are entitled to several privileges. Among
them are (a) free consultation with members of the Council's staff
on problems of foreign policy, (b) access to the Council's
specialized library on international affairs, including its unique
collection of magazine and press clippings, (c) copies of all
Council publications and six subscriptions to _Foreign Affairs_ for
officers of the company or its library, (d) an off-the-record
dinner, held annually for chairmen and presidents of subscribing
companies at which a prominent speaker discusses some outstanding
issue of United States foreign policy, and (e) two annual series of
Seminars for business executives appointed by their companies.
These Seminars are led by widely experienced Americans who discuss
various problems of American political or economic foreign policy."
_All_ speakers at the Council's dinner meetings and seminars for
business executives are leading advocates of internationalism and the
total state. Many of them, in fact, are important officials in
government. The ego-appeal is enormous to businessmen, who get special
off-the-record briefings from Cabinet officers and other officials close
to the President of the United States.
The briefings and the seminar lectures are consistently designed to
elicit the support of businessmen for major features of Administration
policy.
For example, during 1960 and 1961, the three issues of major importance
to both Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy were Disarmament, the
declining value of the American dollar, and the tariff-and-trade
problem. The Eisenhower and Kennedy positions on these three issues were
virtually identical; and the solutions they urged meshed with the
internationalist program of pushing America into a one-world socialist
system.
The business executives who attended CFR briefings and seminars in the
1960-61 fiscal year received expert indoctrination in the
internationalist position on the three major issues of that year. From
"Seminars For Business Executives," Pages 43-44 of the 1960-61 Annual
Report of the Council on Foreign Relations:
"The Fall 1960 Seminar ... was brought to a close with an appraisal
of disarmament negotiations, past and present, by Edmund A.
Gullion, then Acting Deputy Director, United States Disarmament
Administration....
"'The International Position of the Dollar' was the theme of the
Spring 1961 Seminar series. Robert Triffin, Professor of Economics
at Yale University, spoke on the present balance of payments
situation at the opening session. At the second meeting, William
Diebold, Jr., Director of Economic Studies at the Council,
addressed the group on United States foreign trade policy. The
third meeting dealt with foreign investment and the balance of
payments. August Maffry, Vice President of the Irving Trust
Company, was discussion leader....
"On June 8, George W. Ball, Under Secretary of State for Economic
Affairs, spoke at the annual Corporation Service dinner for
presidents and board chairmen of participating companies....
Secretary Ball [discussed] the foreign economic policy of the new
Kennedy Administration."
George W. Ball was, for several years, a registered lobbyist in
Washington, representing foreign commercial interests. He is a chief
architect of President Kennedy's 1962 tariff-and-trade proposals--which
would internationalize American trade and commerce, as a prelude to
amalgamating our economy with that of other nations.
In 1960-61, 84 leading corporations contributed 112,200 tax-exempt
dollars to the Council on Foreign Relations for the privilege of having
their chief officers exposed to the propaganda of international
socialism.
A principal activity of the Council is its meetings, according to the
1958-1959 annual report:
"During 1958-59, the Council's program of meetings continued to
place emphasis on small, roundtable meetings.... Of the 99 meetings
held during the year, 58 were roundtables.... The balance of the
meetings program was made up of the more traditional large
afternoon or dinner sessions for larger groups of Council members.
In the course of the year, the Council convened such meetings for
Premier Castro; First Deputy Premier Mikoyan; Secretary-General Dag
Hammarskjold...."
The Council's annual report lists all of the meetings and
"distinguished" speakers for which it convened the meetings. It is an
amazing list. Although the Council has tax-exemption as an organization
to study international affairs and, presumably, to help the public
arrive at a better understanding of United States foreign policy, not
one speaker for any Council meeting represented traditional U. S.
policy. Every one was a known advocate of leftwing internationalism. A
surprising number of them were known communists or communist
sympathizers or admitted socialists.
Kwame Nkrumah, Prime Minister of Ghana, who is widely believed to be a
communist; who is admittedly socialist; and who aligned his nation with
the Soviets--spoke to the Council on "Free Africa," with W. Averell
Harriman presiding.
Mahmoud Fawzi, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the United Arab Republic,
a socialist whose hatred of the United States is rather well known,
spoke to the Council on "Middle East."
Herbert L. Matthews, a member of the editorial board of _The New York
Times_ (whose articles on Castro as the Robin Hood of Cuba built that
communist hoodlum a worldwide reputation and helped him conquer Cuba)
spoke to the Council _twice_, once on "A Political Appraisal of Latin
American Affairs," and once on "The Castro Regime."
M. C. Chagla, Ambassador of India to the United States, a socialist,
spoke to the Council on "Indian Foreign Policy."
Anastas I. Mikoyan, First Deputy Premier, USSR, spoke to the Council on
"Issues in Soviet-American Relations," with John J. McCloy (later
Kennedy's Disarmament Administrator) presiding.
Fidel Castro spoke to the Council on "Cuba and the United States."
Here are some other well-known socialists who spoke to the Council on
Foreign Relations during the 1958-59 year:
Dag Hammarskjold, Secretary-General of the United Nations; Per
Jacobsson, Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund; Abba
Eban, Ambassador of Israel to the United States; Willy Brandt, Mayor of
West Berlin; Stanley de Zoysa, Minister of Finance of Ceylon; Mortarji
Desai, Minister of Finance of India; Victor Urquidi, President of
Mexican Economic Society; Fritz Erler, Co-Chairman of the Socialist
Group in the German Bundestag; Tom Mboya, Member of the Kenya
Legislative Council; Sir Grantley H. Adams, Prime Minister of the West
Indies Federation; Theodore Kollek, Director-General of the Office of
the Prime Minister of Israel; Dr. Gikomyo W. Kiano, member of the Kenya
Legislative Council.
Officials of communist governments, in addition to those already listed,
who spoke to the Council that year, included Oscar Lange, Vice-President
of the State Council of the Polish People's Republic; and Marko Nikezic,
Ambassador of Yugoslavia to the United States.
* * * * *
Throughout this book, I show the close inter-locking connection between
the Council on Foreign Relations and many other organizations. The only
organizations formally affiliated with the Council, however, are the
Committees on Foreign Relations, which the Council created, which it
controls, and which exist in 30 cities: Albuquerque, Atlanta,
Birmingham, Boise, Boston, Casper, Charlottesville, Denver, Des Moines,
Detroit, Houston, Indianapolis, Little Rock, Los Angeles, Louisville,
Nashville, Omaha, Philadelphia, Portland (Maine), Portland (Oregon),
Providence, St. Louis, St. Paul-Minneapolis, Salt Lake City, San
Francisco, Seattle, Tucson, Tulsa, Wichita, Worcester.
A booklet entitled _Committees on Foreign Relations: Directory of
Members, January, 1961_, published by the Council on Foreign Relations,
contains a roster of members of all the Committees on Foreign Relations,
except the one at Casper, Wyoming, which was not organized until later
in 1961. The booklet also gives a brief history of the Committees:
"In 1938, with the financial assistance of the Carnegie Corporation
of New York, the Council began to organize affiliated discussion
groups in a few American cities....
"Each Committee is composed of forty or more men who are leaders in
the professions and occupations of their area--representatives of
business, the law, universities and schools, the press, and so on.
About once a month, from October through May, members come together
for dinner and an evening of discussion with a guest speaker of
special competence.... Since the beginning in 1938, the Carnegie
Corporation of New York has continued to make annual grants in
support of the Committee program."
The following information about the Committees on Foreign Relations is
from the 1960-61 Annual Report of the Council on Foreign Relations:
"During the past season the Foreign Relations Committees carried on
their customary programs of private dinner meetings. In all, 206
meetings were held....
"The Council arranged or figured in the arrangement of about
three-quarters of the meetings held, the other sessions being
undertaken upon the initiative of the Committees. Attendance at the
discussions averaged 28 persons, slightly more than in previous
years and about the maximum number for good discussion. There was
little change in membership--the total being just under 1800. It
will be recalled that this membership consists of men who are
leaders in the various professions and occupations....
"On June 2 and 3, the 23rd annual conference of Committee
representatives was held at the Harold Pratt House. Mounting
pressures throughout the year ... made it advisable to plan a
conference program that would facilitate re-examination of the
strategic uses of the United Nations for American Policy in the
years ahead. Accordingly, the conference theme was designated as
_United States Policy and the United Nations_. Emphasis was upon
re-appraisal of the United States national interest in the United
Nations--and the cost of sustaining that interest....
"In the course of the year, officers and members of the Council and
of the staff visited most of the Committees for the purpose of
leading discussions at meetings, supervising Committee procedures
and seeking the strengthening of Committee relations with the
Council."