all the boats joined battle near the land and the infantry force of
both alike was marshaled at the very edge of the breakers, so that the
spectacle was a most notable one. The whole sea in that vicinity was full
of ships,--they were so many that they formed a long line,--and the
land just back of it was occupied by the armed men, while that further
removed, but adjoining, was taken up by the rest of the throng that
followed each side. Wherefore, though the struggle seemed to be between
the fighters on the ships alone, in reality the others too participated.
For those on the ships contended more valiantly in order to exhibit
their prowess to those beholding them, and the latter, in spite of being
considerably separated from them, nevertheless in watching the men in
action were themselves in a way concerned in the conflict. The battle was
for a long time an even one, the fighting being precisely similar to
that in previous encounters, and the men on shore followed it with minds
equally intent. They were very hopeful of having the whole war settled by
this engagement: yet they felt encouraged even should that not prove the
case, the one party expecting that if they should conquer then no further
labor of importance would be theirs, and that if they should prevail on
this occasion they would incur no further danger of defeat. Accordingly,
in order that they might keep their eyes fixed upon the action and not
incommode those taking part in it they were silent or employed but little
shouting. Their cries were directed to the combatants or were addressed
by way of invocation to the gods; such as got the upper hand received
praise and such as gave way abuse, and besides uttering many exhortations
to their warriors they shouted not a little against each other, wishing
their own men to hear more easily what was said, and their opponents to
catch familiar words less frequently.
[-10-] While the two sides were equally matched, these were the
conditions among both parties alike and they even tried to show by
gestures of the whole body that they could see and understand. When,
however, the adherents of Sextus were routed, then in unison and with
one impulse the one side raised the paean and the others a wail of
lamentation. The soldiers as if they too had shared defeat at once
retired to Messana. Caesar took up such of the vanquished as were cast on
shore and went into the sea itself to set on fire all the vessels
that ran aground in shoal water; thus there was no safety for such as
continued to sail, for they would be disabled by Agrippa, nor for such as
tried to land anywhere, for they were destroyed by Caesar, except for
a few that made good their escape to Messana. In this hard position
Demochares on the point of being taken slew himself and Apollophanes who
had his ship unscathed and might have fled went over to Caesar. The same
was done by others,--by Gallus and all the cavalry that followed him
and subsequently by some of the infantry. [-11-] This most of all caused
Sextus to despair of the situation, and he resolved to flee. He took his
daughter and certain other persons, his money and the rest of his chief
valuables, put them by night aboard of such ships as sailed best out of
the number that had been preserved, and departed. No one pursued him, for
his sailing had been secret and Caesar was temporarily in the midst of
great disturbance.
Lepidus had attacked Messana and on being admitted to the town set fire
to some of it and pillaged other portions. When Caesar on ascertaining
this came up quickly and withstood him, he was alarmed and slipped out
of the city, but encamped on a strong hill and made complaints about his
treatment; he detailed all the slights he had received and demanded
all that had been conceded to him according to their first compact and
further laid claim to Sicily, on the ground that he had helped subdue
it. He sent some men to Caesar with these charges and challenged him
to submit to arbitration: his forces consisted of troops which he had
brought in from Libya and all of those who had been left behind in
Messana; for he had been the first to enter it and had suggested to them
some hopes of a change in the government. [-12-] Caesar made no answer
to it, thinking that he had justice all on his side and in his weapons,
since he was stronger than his rival. He immediately set out, however,
against him with some few followers, expecting to alarm him by his
suddenness,--Lepidus not being of an energetic nature,--and to win over
his soldiers. On account of the fewness of the men accompanying him they
thought when he entered the camp that he was on a peaceful errand. But
as his words were not at all to their liking, they became irritated and
attacked him, even killing some of the men: he himself quickly received
aid and was saved. After this he came against them once more with his
entire army, shut them within their ramparts, and besieged them. This
made them afraid of capture, and without creating any general revolt,
through dread of Lepidus, they individually, a few at a time or one by
one, deserted him and transferred their allegiance. In this way he too
was compelled on his own initiative to array himself in mourning garments
and become a suppliant of Caesar. As a result Lepidus was shorn of all
authority and could not even live in Italy without a guard. Of those who
had been enlisted in the cause of Sextus, members of the senatorial or
equestrian classes were punished, save a few, while in the case of the
rank and file all free citizens were incorporated in the legions of
Caesar, and those that had been slaves were given back to their masters
for vengeance: in case no master could be found for any one of them, he
was impaled. Of the cities some voluntarily opened their gates to the
victor and received pardon, and others resisted him and were disciplined.
[-13-] While Caesar was thus occupied his soldiers revolted. Being so many
they drew encouragement from their very numbers and when they stopped
to think of their dangers and the hopes that rested on them they became
insatiable in the matter of rewards, and gathering in groups they
demanded whatever each one longed for. When their talk had no
effect,--for Caesar since no enemy longer confronted him made light of
them,--they became clamorous. Setting before him all the hardships they
had endured and bringing to his notice any promise he had ever made them
they uttered many threats besides, and thought to render him willy-nilly
their slave. As they gained nothing this way, they demanded with much
heat and deafening shouts to be relieved at least from further service,
saying they were worn out. This was not because they really wished to be
free from it, for most of them were in their prime, but because they had
an inkling of the coming conflict between Caesar and Antony and for that
reason set a high value upon themselves. And what they could not obtain
by requests they expected they could secure by threatening to abandon
him. Not even this, however, served their purpose. Caesar would not yield
to them, even if he knew for an absolute certainty that the war was going
to occur and clearly understood their wishes. He did not think it proper
for a commander to do anything against his will under compulsion from
the soldiers, because they would be sure, if he did, to want to get the
advantage of him again in some other matter. [-14-] So he pretended that
their request was a fair one and their desire only human and dismissed
first those that had accompanied him in the campaign against Antony at
Mutina, and next, since the rest were troublesome, all of them who had
been ten years in the service. And in order to restrain the remainder he
gave further notice that he would no longer employ any one of them, no
matter how much such a person might wish it. On hearing this they uttered
not another word, but began to exhibit great devotion toward him because
he announced that he would give to the men that had been released,--not
to all, save to the first of them, but to the worthiest,--everything that
he had promised, and would assign them land. They were also influenced by
the fact that he gave to all of them five hundred denarii and to those
who had been victors in the sea-fight a crown of olive besides. After
this he inspired them all personally with great hopes and the centurions
with the idea that he would appoint them to the senatorial bodies in
their native lands. Upon his lieutenants he bestowed various gifts and
upon Agrippa a golden crown adorned with beaks of ships,--a decoration
given to nobody before or since. And it was later ratified by a decree
that as often as any persons celebrated a triumph, wearing[49] the laurel
crown, Agrippa should always wear this trophy of the naval encounter. In
this way Caesar calmed the soldiers temporarily. The money he gave them at
once and the land not much later. And since what was still held by the
government at the time did not suffice, he bought more in addition,
especially considerable from the Campanians dwelling in Capua, since
their city needed a number of settlers. To them he also gave in return
the so-called Julian supply of water, one of their chief sources of pride
at all times, and the Gnosian territory,[50] from which they still gather
harvests.
That took place later. At the time under discussion he administered the
government in Sicily and through Statilius Taurus won both the Libyas
without a struggle and sent back to Antony a number of ships equivalent
to those lost. [-15-]Meantime conditions in Etruria which had been full
of rebellion regained a state of quiet when the inhabitants heard of his
victory. The people of the capital unanimously bestowed laudations upon
him and images, the right to front seats and an arch surmounted by a
trophy, as well as the privilege of riding into the city on horseback, of
wearing the laurel crown on all occasions, and of holding a banquet with
his wife and children in the precinct of the Capitoline Jupiter on the
anniversary of the day that he had conquered, which was to be a perpetual
day of thanksgiving. This is what they granted him directly after the
victory. The persons to announce it were, first, a soldier stationed in
the city, who on the very day in question had become possessed by some
god and after saying and doing many unusual things finally ran up to
the temple on the Capitol and laid his sword at the feet of Jupiter to
signify that there would be no further use for it; after that came the
rest who had been present at the action and had been sent to Rome by
Caesar. When he arrived himself he assembled them according to ancestral
custom outside the pomerium, gave them an account of what had been done,
and renounced some of the honors voted him. He then remitted the tribute
called for by the registered lists and everything else that was owing the
government since before the period of the civil wars, abolished certain
taxes, and refused to accept the priesthood of Lepidus, which was offered
to him; for it was not lawful to take away the appointment from a man
still alive. At this time they voted him many other distinctions. Some at
once declared that this striking magnanimity of his at this time was due
to the calumnies of Antony and of Lepidus and was intended to lay the
blame of former unjust behavior upon them alone. Others said that since
he was unable in any way to collect the debts he made of the people's
impotency a favor that cost him nothing. In spite of this various talk
that gained currency in different quarters they now resolved that a house
be presented to him from the public treasury. He had made the place on
the Palatine which he had bought to erect a structure public property,
and had consecrated it to Apollo, because a thunderbolt descended upon
it. Hence they voted him the house and protection from any insult by deed
or word. Any one who committed such an offence was to be bound by the
same penalties as prevailed in the case of a tribune. For he received
permission to sit upon the same benches with them.
[-16-] These were the gifts bestowed upon Caesar by the senate. As for
him, he enrolled among the augurs above the proper number, Valerius
Messala, whom he previously in the proscriptions condemned to death, made
the people of Utica citizens, and gave orders that no one should wear
purple clothing except senators and such as held public office. For it
had been already appropriated by ordinary individuals in a few cases. In
this same year there was no aedile owing to a lack of candidates, and the
praetors and the tribunes performed the aediles' duties: also no praetor
urbanus was appointed for the Feriae, but some of the regular praetors
discharged his functions. Other matters in the city and in the rest of
Italy were under the charge of one Gaius Maecenas, a knight, both then and
for a long time afterward.
[-17-] Now Sextus after taking ship from Messana was afraid of pursuit
and suspected that there might be some act of treachery on the part of
his retinue. Therefore he gave notice to them that he was going to sail
seaward, but when he had extinguished the light which flagships exhibit
during night voyages for the purpose of having the rest follow close
behind, he coasted along Italy, then went over to Corcyra and from there
came to Cephallenia. Here the remainder of his vessels, which had
by chance been driven from the course by a storm, joined him again.
Accordingly, after calling them together, he took off his general's
uniform and made an address of which the substance was that while they
remained together they could render no lasting aid to one another or
escape detection, but if they scattered they could more easily make
good their escape; and he advised each man to look out individually and
separately for his own safety. The majority were led to give ear to his
arguments and they departed in different directions, while he with the
remainder crossed over to Asia with the intention of going straight to
Antony. When he reached Lesbos and learned that the latter had gone on
a campaign against the Medes and that Caesar and Lepidus had become
estranged, he decided to winter in the country. The Lesbians, indeed,
out of affectionate remembrance for his father were ready to receive and
detain him. He ascertained, however, that Antony had met with a mishap in
Media, and reflected further that Gaius Furnius, temporarily the governor
of Asia, was not friendly to him. Hence he did not remain, but hoping to
succeed to Antony's leadership because a number of men had come to him
from Sicily and still others had rallied around him, some drawn by the
glamour of his father's renown and some who were seeking a livelihood, he
resumed the outfit of a general and continued his preparations to occupy
the opposite shore. [-18-] Meantime Antony had got back again into
friendly territory and on learning what Sextus was doing promised he
would grant him amnesty and favor, if he would lay down his arms. Sextus
wrote back to the effect that he would obey him, but did not do so,
because he felt a contempt for the man, inspired by his recent disasters,
and because he immediately set off for Egypt. Hence he held to his
previous design and entered into negotiations with the Parthians. Antony
ascertained this, but without turning back sent against him the fleet and
Marcus Titius, who had formerly come to him from Sextus and was still
with him. Sextus received information of this move in advance, and in
alarm, since his preparations were not yet complete, abandoned his
anchorage. He went forward then, taking the course which seemed most
likely to afford escape, and reached Nicomedea, where he was overtaken.
At this he opened negotiations with Antony, placing some hope in him
because of the kindness which had been shown him. When the chieftain,
however, refused to enter into a truce with him without first taking
possession of the ships and the rest of his force, Sextus despaired of
safety by sea, put all of his heavier baggage into the ships (which he
thereupon burned) and proceeded inland. Titius and Furnius pursued him,
and overtaking him at Midaeium in Phrygia surrounded him and captured him
alive. When Antony learned this he at first under the influence of anger
sent a despatch that the captive should be put to death, but again not
long after repenting[51] ... that his life should be spared....[51] Now
the bearer of the second letter came in before the first, and later
Titius received the epistle in regard to killing him. Thinking,
therefore, that it was really the second, or else knowing the truth but
not caring to heed it, he followed the order of the arrival of the
two, but not their manifest intention. So Sextus was executed in the
consulship of Lucius Cornificius and one Sextus Pompeius.
[B.C. 35 (_a. u_. 719)]
Caesar held a horse-race in honor of the event, and set up for Antony
a chariot in front of the rostra and images in the temple of Concord,
giving him also authority to hold banquets there with his wife and
children, this being similar to the decree that had once been passed
in his own honor. He pretended to be still Antony's friend and was
endeavoring to console him for the disasters inflicted by the Parthians
and in that way to cure any jealousy that might be felt at his own
victory and the decrees which followed it.
[B.C. 38 (_a. u_. 716)]
[-19-]This was what Caesar did: Antony's experience with the barbarians
was as follows. Publius Ventidius heard that Pacorus was gathering an
army and was invading Syria, and became afraid, since the cities had not
grown quiet and the legions were still scattered in winter-quarters, and
so he acted as follows to delay him and make the assembling of an army
a slow process. He knew that a certain prince Channaeus, with whom he
enjoyed an acquaintance, was rather disposed to favor the Parthian cause.
Ventidius, then, honored him as if he had his entire confidence and took
him as an adviser in some matters where he could not himself be injured
and would cause Channaeus to think he possessed his most hidden secrets.
Having reached this point he affected to be afraid that the barbarians
might abandon the place where they customarily crossed the Euphrates near
where the city Zeugma is located, and use some other road farther down
the river. The latter, he said, was in a flat district convenient for the
enemy, whereas the former was hilly and suited _them_ best. He persuaded
the prince to believe this and through the latter deceived Pacorus. The
Parthian leader took the route through the flat district, where Ventidius
kept pretending he hoped he would not go, and as this was longer than the
other it gave the Roman time to assemble his forces. [-20-] So he met
Pacorus when he had advanced to Cyrrestician Syria and conquered him. For
he did not prevent them from crossing the river, and when they had got
across he did not at once attack them, so that they imputed sloth
and weakness to the Romans and therefore marched against the Roman
fortification, although on higher ground, expecting to take it without
resistance. When a sally was suddenly made, the attacking party, being
cavalry, was driven back without effort down the slope. At the foot they
defended themselves valiantly,--the majority of them were in armor,--but
were confused by the unexpectedness of the onslaught and stumbling over
one another were damaged most of all by the heavy-armed men and the
slingers. The latter struck them, from a distance with powerful weapons
and proved a very great annoyance. The fall of Pacorus at this critical
juncture injured them most of all. As soon as they saw that their leader
had perished, a few steadily contended over his body, but when these were
destroyed all the rest gave way. Some of them desired to escape homeward
across the bridge and were not able, being cut off and killed before they
could reach it, and others fled for refuge to Antiochus in Commagene.
Ventidius easily reduced the rest of the places in Syria, whose attitude
had depended on the outcome of the war, by sending the monarch's head
about through the different cities; their doubtful allegiance had been
due to their extreme love for Pacorus because of his justness and
mildness,--a love which had equaled that bestowed by them upon any
previous sovereign. The general himself led an expedition against
Antiochus on the plea that he had not delivered up the suppliants, but
really because of his money, of which he had vast stores.
[-21-] When he had progressed so far Antony suddenly came upon him, and
so far from being pleased was actually jealous of his having gained some
reputation by his own efforts. Consequently he removed him from his
command and employed him on no other business either at the time or
later, though he obtained thanksgivings for both achievements and a
triumph for his assistant's work. The Romans of the capital voted these
honors to Antony as a result of his prominence and in accordance with
law, because he was commander: but they voted them also to Ventidius,
since they thought that he had paid the Parthians in full through the
death of Pacorus for the disasters that Roman arms had incurred in the
time of Crassus, especially since both events had befallen on the same
day of the corresponding years. And it turned out that Ventidius alone
celebrated the triumph, even as the victory had been his alone, for
Antony met an untimely fate, and he acquired a greater reputation from
this fact and the irony of fortune alike. He himself had once marched in
procession with the other captives at the triumph of Pompeius Strabo,
and now he was the first of the Romans to celebrate a triumph over the
Parthians.
[-22-] This took place at a later period: at the time mentioned Antony
attacked Antiochus, shut him up in Samosata and proceeded to besiege
him. As he accomplished nothing and the time was spent in vain, and he
suspected that the soldiers felt coldly toward him on account of his
dishonoring Ventidius, he secretly opened negotiations with the foe,
and made fictitious agreements with him so that he might have a fair
appearing reason for withdrawal. In the end Antony got neither hostages
(except two and these of little importance) nor the money which he had
demanded, but he granted Antiochus the death of one Alexander, who had
earlier deserted from him to the Roman side. After doing this he set out
for Italy, and Gaius Sosius received from him the governorship of Syria
and Cilicia. This man subdued the Aradii, who had been besieged up to
this time and had been reduced to hard straits by famine and disease, and
conquered Antigonus in battle after killing the Roman guards that he kept
about him, and reduced him by siege when he took refuge in Jerusalem. The
Jews had committed many outrages upon the Romans,--for the race is very
bitter when aroused to anger,--but they suffered far more themselves. The
first of them were captured fighting for the precinct of their god, and
later the rest on the day even then called the day of Saturn. And so
great still were their religious scruples that the men who had been first
captured along with the temple obtained leave from Sosius when the day of
Saturn came around again, and went up with the remaining population into
the building, where they performed all the customary rites. These people
Antony entrusted to one Herod to govern, and Antigonus he bound to
a cross and flogged,--treatment accorded to no other king by the
Romans,--and subsequently slew him.
[B.C. 37 (_a. u_. 717)]
[-23-] This was the course of events in the days of Claudius and
Norbanus: the following year the Romans accomplished nothing worthy
of note in Syria. Antony arrived in Italy and returned again to the
province, consuming the entire season: and Sosius, because he would
be advancing his master's interests and not his own, and furthermore
dreading his jealousy and anger, spent the time in devising means not for
achieving success and drawing down his enmity, but for pleasing him by
remaining quiet. Parthian affairs with no outside interference underwent
a severe revolution from the following cause. Orodes their king succumbed
to age and grief for Pacorus combined, and while still alive delivered
the government to Phraates, the eldest of his remaining children. He
in his discharge of it proved himself the most impious of men. He
treacherously murdered his brothers, sons of the daughter of Antiochus,
because they were his superiors in excellence and (on their mother's
side) in family: when Antiochus chafed under this outrage he killed him
in addition and after that destroyed the noblest men in the remaining
population and kept committing many other abuses. Consequently a number
of the more prominent persons abandoned him and betook themselves to
various places, some going to Antony, among whom was Monaeses. This
happened in the consulship of Agrippa and Gallus.
[B.C. 36 (_a. u_. 718)]