crescent-shaped spot. It is shut in by small hills, bare except in a
few places, and the sea there forms a kind of triple bay. The first is
outside and near the cities; the second is separated from it by a small
passage; and the third, like a real harbor, is seen far back. The last
named is called Avernus, and the middle bay Lucrinus: the outer one
belongs to the Tyrrhenian Sea and takes its name from that water. In this
roadstead within the other two, which had but narrow entrances then,
Agrippa, by cutting channels close along the shore through the land
separating Lucrinus from the sea on each side, produced harbors affording
most safe anchorage for ships. While the men were working a certain image
situated above Avernus, either of Calypso to whom this place, whither
they say Odysseus also sailed, is devoted, or to some other heroine, was
covered with sweat like a human body. [-51-] Now what this imported I
cannot say; but I will go on to tell of everything else worth reporting
which I saw in that place. These mountains close to the inner bodies of
water have springs full of both fire and water in considerable quantity
mixed together. Neither of the two elements is anywhere to be found by
itself (that is, neither pure fire or cold water alone is to be seen) but
from their association the water is heated and the fire moistened. The
former on its way down the foothills to the sea runs into reservoirs and
the inhabitants conduct the steam from it through pipes into rooms set
up high, where they use the steam for vapor baths. The higher it ascends
from the earth and from the water, the dryer it becomes. Costly apparatus
has been installed for turning both the fire and the vapor to practical
use; and they are very well suited for employment in the conduct of daily
life and also for effecting cures.
Now besides these products that mountain makes an earth, the peculiar
nature of which I am going to describe. Since the fire has not the power
of burning (for by its union with, the water all its blazing qualities
are extinguished) but is still able to separate and melt the substances
with which it comes in contact, it follows that the oily part of the
earth is melted by it, whereas the hard and what I might call the bony
part of it is left as it was. Hence the masses of earth necessarily
become porous and when exposed to the dry air crumble into dust, but when
they are placed in a swirl of water and sand grow into a solid piece; as
much of them as is in the liquid hardens and petrifies. The reason for
this is that the brittle element in them is disintegrated and broken up
by the fire, which possesses, the same nature, but by the admixture of
dampness is chilled, and so, being compressed all over, through and
through, becomes indissoluble. Such is Baiae, where Agrippa as soon as he
had constructed the entrances collected ships and rowers, of which he
fortified the former with armor and trained the latter to row on wooden
benches.
[-52-] Now the population of Rome was being disturbed by signs. Among the
various pieces of news brought to them was one to the effect that many
dolphins battled with one another and perished near Aspis, the African
city. And in the vicinity of the City blood descended from heaven and was
smeared all about by the birds. When at the Ludi Romani not one of the
senators was entertained on the Capitol, as had been the custom, they
took this, too, as a portent. Again, the incident that happened to Livia
caused her pleasure, but inspired the rest with terror. A white bird
carrying a sprig of fruited laurel had been thrown by an eagle into her
lap. As this seemed to be a sign of no small importance, she took care of
the bird and planted the laurel. The latter took root and grew, so that
it amply supplied those who were afterward to celebrate triumphs; and
Livia was destined to hold Caesar's power in a fold of her robe and to
dominate him in everything.
[-53-] The rest, however, in the City had their peace of mind thoroughly
shattered by this and the differences between officials. Not only the
consuls and praetors but even the quaestors were arrayed against one
another, and this lasted for some time. The reason was that all were
anxious not so much to hold office a longer time at home as to be counted
among the ex-officials and secure the outward honors and influence that
belonged to that class. They were no longer chosen for any specified
time, but took just long enough to enter upon the title of the office and
resign, whenever it so seemed good to those in power. Many did both
on the same day. Some actually had to abandon hope of offices through
poverty, and in this I am not speaking of those then supporting Sextus,
who had been disenfranchised as if by some principle of right. But
we have the case of a certain Marcus Oppius who through lack of means
desired to resign the aedileship,--both he and his father had been among
the proscribed,--and the populace would not permit it, but contributed
money for his various necessities of life and the expenses of his office.
And the story goes that some criminals, too, really came into the theatre
in masks as if they were actors and left their money there with the rest.
So this man was loved by the multitude while in life and at his death not
long after was carried to the Campus Martius and there burned and buried.
The senate was indignant at the utter devotion of the masses to him and
took up his bones, on the plea that it was impious for them to lie in
that consecrated spot; they were persuaded by the pontifices to make this
declaration although they buried many other men there both before and
after.
[-54-] At this same period Antony came into Italy again from Syria. The
reason he gave was that he intended to bear his share of the war against
Sextus because of Caesar's mishaps; he did not, however, stay by his
colleague, but, having come to spy upon his actions rather than to
accomplish anything, he gave him some ships and promised to send others,
in return for which he received heavy-armed infantry and set sail
himself, stating that he was going to conduct a campaign against the
Parthians. Before he departed they presented to each other their mutual
grievances, at first through friends and then personally. As they had no
leisure for war together they became reconciled in a way, chiefly through
the instrumentality of Octavia. In order that they might be bound by
still more ties of relationship Caesar betrothed his daughter to Antyllis,
Antony's son, and Antony betrothed to Domitius, though he had been an
assassin of Caesar and had been proscribed to die, his own daughter, borne
to him by Octavia. This was all mutual pretence. They had no intention of
carrying out any of these unions, but were acting a part in view of the
needs of the existing situation. Furthermore Antony sent Octavia herself
at once from Corcyra to Italy, that she might not share his danger while
he was warring against the Parthians. Besides the above negotiations at
that time they removed Sextus from his priesthood as well as from the
consulship to which he had been appointed, and granted themselves chief
authority for another five years, since the first period had elapsed.
After this Antony hastened to Syria and Caesar gave his attention to the
war. Nearly everything went as he wished, but Menas, who was naturally
untrustworthy and always followed the fortunes of the stronger, and was
further vexed because he held no office but had been made a subordinate
of Sabinus, deserted again to Sextus.
DIO'S
ROMAN HISTORY
49
The following is contained in the Forty-ninth of Dio's Rome.
How Caesar conquered Sextus and overthrew Lepidus (chapters 1-18).
How Ventidius conquered and slew Pacorus and expelled the Parthians,
driving them across the Euphrates (chapters 19-21).
How Antony was defeated by the Parthians (chapters 22-33).
How Caesar subjugated the Pannonians (chapters 34-38).
How Antony by guile captured Artavasdes, the king of Armenia (chapters
39-41).
How the Portico of Paulus was consecrated (chapter 42).
How Mauritania Caesariensis became Roman property (chapters 43, 44).
Duration of time four years, in which there were the following
magistrates here enumerated.
L. Gellius L. F. Poplicola, M. Cocceius Nerva. (B.C. 36 = a. u. 718.)
L. Cornificius L. F., Sextusi Pompeius Sexti F. (B.C. 35 = a. u. 719.)
M. Antonius M. F. (II), L. Scribonius L. F. Libo. (B.C. 34 = a. u. 720.)
Caesar (II), L. Volcacius L. F. Tullus. (B.C. 33 = a. u. 721.)
(_BOOK 49, BOISSEVAIN_.)
[B.C. 36 (a. u. 718)]
[-1-] This happened in the winter when Lucius Gellius and Cocceius Nerva
became consuls. Caesar, when his fleet had been made ready and spring set
in, started from Baise and coasted along Italy, having great hopes of
encompassing Sicily on all sides. For he was sailing thither with many
ships and those of Antony were already in the strait. Also Lepidus,
though reluctantly, had promised to assist him. His greatest ground of
confidence lay in the height of the vessels and the thickness of the
timbers. They had been built unusually stout and unusually high so as
to carry the largest number of marines possible; indeed, they were
surmounted by towers, in order that the conflict might be waged from a
higher point, as if from a wall: they were further intended to resist
the rammings of antagonists and to bend aside their beaks by making the
collision more violent. With such calculations Caesar was hastening to
Sicily. As he was passing the promontory of Palinurus, so-called, a great
storm fell upon him. This destroyed many ships, and Menas coming upon the
rest in confusion burned a number and towed away the rest. And had he not
again changed sides on the promise of immunity and through some other
hopes, besides betraying the whole fleet that he commanded by receiving
some triremes that simulated desertion, Caesar's voyage to Sicily on this
occasion also would have proved fruitless. Menas's action was due to the
fact that he was not allowed by Sextus to fight against Lepidus and was
under suspicion in nearly every way. Caesar was then extremely glad to
receive him, but trusted him no longer. He first repaired the damaged
ships, freed the slaves that served on the triremes, and assigned the
spare seamen, (many of whom when their vessels were destroyed in the
wreck had dived and escaped by swimming) to Antony's fleet, which was
short of men. Then he came to Lipara, and leaving there Agrippa and the
ships, returned to the mainland with the intention of transporting the
infantry across into Sicily, when an opportunity should arise.
[-2-] On learning this Sextus himself lay quietly at anchor off Messana,
watching for his attempt to cross, and ordered Demochares to anchor
opposite Agrippa at Mylae. This pair spent most of the time in testing
each other's strength according as each one would temporarily give way
a little; yet they did not dare to risk an engagement with their entire
armaments. They were not acquainted with each other's forces and on both
sides they figured everything about their opponents as being greater and
more terrible than the reality. Finally Agrippa comprehended that it
was not advantageous for him to delay,--for the adherents of Sextus,
occupying a friendly position, had no need to hurry,--and taking the best
of his ships set out for Mylae to spy out the numbers of the enemy. As he
could not see them all and no one of them manifested any inclination to
come out into the open sea, he despised them, and on his return made
preparations to sail against Mylae on the following day with all his
ships. Demochares came to much, the same conclusion. He had the idea that
the ships which had approached him were the only ones, and seeing that
they sailed very slowly by reason of their size he sent for Sextus by
night and made preparations to assail Lipara itself. When day broke, they
were sailing against each other, expecting to meet inferior numbers.
[-3-] As they came near together and each contrary to his expectations
saw that his opponents were many more than he had thought, they were at
first both alike thrown into confusion, and some even backed water. Then,
fearing flight more than battle, because in the latter they hoped to
prevail, but in the former they expected to be utterly destroyed, they
moved toward each other and joined in conflict on the sea. The one side
surpassed in the number of its ships, the other in the experience of its
sailors: to the first the height of the vessels, the thickness of the
catheads and the towers were a help, but charges straight ahead furthered
the progress of the second, and the strength of Caesar's marines was
matched by the daring of their antagonists; for the majority of them,
being deserters from Italy, were quite desperate. As a result, possessing
the mutual advantages and deficiencies which I have mentioned, they had
equal power contributed by their evenly balanced equipment, and so their
contest was close for a very long period. The followers of Sextus alarmed
their opponents by the way they dashed up the waves: and they knocked
holes in some ships by assailing them with a rush and bursting open the
parts outside the oars, but as they were struck from the towers in the
combat and brought alongside by grappling irons, they suffered no less
harm than they inflicted. The Caesarians, also, when they came into close
conflict and had crossed over to the hostile ships, proved superior; but
as the enemy leaped out into the sea whenever the boats sank, and by
their swimming well and being lightly equipped succeeded easily in
climbing upon others, the attackers were at a corresponding disadvantage.
Meantime the rapidity with which the ships of the one party could sail
proved an offset to the solidity of those on the other side, and the
heaviness of the latter counterbalanced the agility of the former. [-4-]
Late in the day, near nightfall, Caesar's party finally conquered,
but instituted no pursuit: the reason as it appears to me and may be
conjectured from probability was that they could not overtake the fleeing
ships and were afraid of running aground in the shallows, with which they
were unacquainted, near the coast. Some say that Agrippa because he was
battling for Caesar and not for himself thought it sufficient merely to
rout his adversaries. For he had been in the habit of saying to his most
intimate associates that the majority of those holding sovereign power
wish no one to display more ability than themselves; and that they
attended personally to nearly all such matters as afford them a conquest
without effort, but assign the less favorable and more complicated
business to others. And if they ever are forced to entrust some choice
enterprise to their assistants, they are irritated and displeased at the
latter's renown. They do not pray that these subordinates may be defeated
and fare badly, yet they do not choose to have them win a complete
success and secure glory from it. His advice therefore was that the
man who intended to survive must relieve his masters of the annoyance
incident to such undertakings and still reserve for them the successful
completion of the work. As for me, I know that the above is regularly
true and that Agrippa paid attention to it, but I am not setting down
that on that particular occasion this was the cause of his failure to
pursue. For he was not able, no matter how much he might have desired it,
to follow up the foe.
[-5-] While the naval battle was in progress, Caesar, as soon as he
perceived that Sextus was gone from Messana and that the strait was
destitute of guards, did not let slip this opportunity of the war but
immediately embarked on Antony's vessels and crossed to Tauromenium. Yet
this seizure of the opportunity was not accompanied by good fortune. No
one prevented him from sailing or disembarking, and he constructed his
camp, as he had done everything else, at leisure. When, however, the
naval battle had ended, Sextus got back to Messana with speed, and
learning of Caesar's presence he quickly filled the ships with fresh
warriors and assailed him with the vessels and also with his heavy-armed
men on land. Caesar did not come out to fight the latter, but sailed out
against Sextus through contempt of the few opposing ships and because
they had been previously defeated: then it was that he lost the majority
of his fleet and barely avoided destruction himself. He could not even
escape to his own men that were in Sicily but was glad to reach the
mainland in safety. He was himself then in security, but was mightily
disturbed at seeing his army cut off on the island. His confidence was
not restored until a fish of its own accord jumped out of the sea and
fell at his feet. By this incident his spirits were invigorated and he
believed the soothsayers who had told him that he should make Sicily his
slave.
[-6-] Caesar in haste sent for Agrippa to render aid to them, and meantime
they were being besieged. When, provisions began to fail them and no
rescuing force appeared, Cornificius their leader became afraid that if
he stayed where he was he should in the course of time be compelled by
hunger to yield to the besieging party; and he reflected that while he
delayed there in that way none of the enemy would come into conflict with
him, because he was stronger in point of heavy-armed infantry, but if
he should go forward in any direction one of two things would
happen,--either they would be attacked by the enemy and come off
victorious, or, if their adversaries were unwilling to do this, they
would retire to a place of safety, get a supply of provisions, and obtain
some help from Caesar or from Agrippa. Therefore he burned all the vessels
which had survived from the sea-fight and had been cast up against the
ramparts, and started out himself as if to proceed to Mylae. Both cavalry
and light-armed troops attacked him from a distance (not daring to come
to close quarters) and proved frightfully troublesome to him. For the
enemy came close, whenever there was good opportunity, and again turned
back with rapidity. But his men, being heavy-armed, could not pursue them
in any way owing to the weight of their armor, and were endeavoring to
protect the unarmed, who had been saved from the fleet. As a result they
were continually suffering disastrously and could do no damage in return;
for, in case they made a rush upon any group, they would put the foe to
flight, but not being able to pursue farther they found themselves in
a worse plight on their return, since by their sortie they had been
isolated. They endured the greatest hardship throughout their entire
journey, but chiefly in crossing the rivers. Then their adversaries
hemmed them in as they were going along rapidly, in disorder, a few at a
time, as usual on such occasions, and struck them in favorable spots that
they saw exposed. They were shot at, moreover, whenever they encountered
places that were muddy or where the current was strong, and when they
happened to be stuck for a moment or were carried down stream. [-7-]
This the enemy did for three whole days and on the last demoralized them
completely, especially since Sextus with his heavy-armed contingent had
been added to their attacking force. Consequently the Caesarians no longer
mourned such as were perishing but counted them fortunate to escape from
further torment, and in their hopelessness wished that they, too, were
among those already dead, wounded were far more in number than those
died, and being struck from a distance with stones and javelins and
receiving no blow from near at hand their wounds were in many places,
and not as a rule favorably located. These men were themselves in great
distress and they caused the survivors far more trouble than did the
enemy. For if they were carried they usually brought about the death of
the men supporting them, and if they were left behind, they threw the
whole army into dejection by their laments. The detachment would have
perished utterly, had not the foe, though reluctantly, taken their hands
off them. Agrippa, after winning the naval battle, had sailed back
to Lipara, but when he learned that Sextus had fled to Messana and
Demochares had gone off in some other direction, he crossed over to
Sicily, occupied Mylae and Tyndaris, and sent food and soldiers to the
other party. Sextus, thinking that Agrippa himself would come likewise,
became frightened and beat a hasty retreat before his approach, even
abandoning some baggage and supplies in his fortifications. The followers
of Cornificius obtained from these ample support and made their way in
safety to Agrippa. Caesar received them back with praises and gifts,
although he had treated them after the victory of Agrippa in a very
supercilious manner, thinking the latter had finished the war.
Cornificius, indeed, prided himself so much upon his preservation of the
soldiers, that in Rome, whenever he went out of his house to dine, he
always returned home on the back of an elephant.
[-8-] Caesar after this entered Sicily and Sextus encamped opposite him in
the vicinity of Artemisium. They did not have any great battle at
once, but indulged in a few slight cavalry skirmishes. While they were
stationed there in hostile array Sextus received as an accession Tisienus
Gallus, and Caesar Lepidus with his forces. Lepidus had encountered the
storm which I mentioned, and also Demochares, and he had lost a number
of ships: he did not come to Caesar immediately, but on account of his
reverse or to the end that his colleague should face difficulties by
himself or in the wish to draw Sextus away from him he had made an
assault on Lilybaeum. Gallus was sent thither by Sextus and contended
against him. From there both the contestants, as they accomplished
nothing, went to Artemisium. Gallus proved a source of strength to
Sextus, but Lepidus quarreled with Caesar; he claimed the privilege of
managing everything on equal terms with Caesar as his fellow-commander,
whereas he was employed by him entirely in the capacity of lieutenant:
therefore he inclined to favor Sextus and secretly held communication
with him. Caesar suspected this, but dared not give expression to his
doubts and alienate him openly, nor could he safely conceal his thoughts:
he felt it would look suspicious if he should not consult him at all and
that it would be dangerous to reveal all his plans. Hence he determined
to dispose of the uncertainty as quickly as possible, before there was
any rebellion, though for most reasons there was no need of particular
haste. He had as much food and as much money as Sextus, and therefore
hoped to overthrow him without effort before a great while. Still, when
he had once reached this decision, he himself led out his land force and
marshaled it in front of the camp, while simultaneously Agrippa sailed
close in and lay at anchor. Sextus, whose forces were far inferior to
theirs, would not oppose them on either element. This lasted for several
days. Finally, Pompey became afraid that he might be despised for his
behavior and be deserted by his allies, hence he gave orders for the
ships to weigh anchor; in these he reposed his chief trust.