REPORTS OF CAPT, W.W. PETTIT

I left Petrograd on March 31. During the past three weeks I have

crossed the Finnish border six times and have been approximately

two weeks in Petrograd. I have met Tchitcherin, Litvinov, and

most of the important personages in the communist government of

Petrograd (including Bill Shatov, chief of police).

Briefly, my opinion of the Russian situation is as follows:

In Petrograd I presume the present communist government has

a majority of the working-men behind it, but probably less

than half of the total population are members of the

communist party. However, my conclusions are based on

conversations with not only communists, but also many

opponents of the communist government, members of the

aristocracy, business men, and foreigners, and I am

persuaded that a large majority of the population of

Petrograd if given a choice between the present government

and the two alternatives, revolution or foreign

intervention, would without hesitation take the present

government. Foreign intervention would unite the population

in opposition and would tend to greatly emphasize the

present nationalist spirit. Revolution would result in

chaos. (There is nowhere a group of Russians in whom the

people I have talked with have confidence. Kolchak, Denikin,

Yudenvitch, Trepov, the despicable hordes of Russian

emigrees who haunt the Grand Hotel, Stockholm; the Socithans

House, Helsingfors; the offices of the peace commission in

Paris, and squabble among themselves as to how the Russian

situation shall be solved; all equally fail to find many

supporters in Petrograd.) Those with whom I have talked

recognize that revolution, did it succeed in developing a

strong government, would result in a white terror comparable

with that of Finland. In Finland our consul has a record of

12,500 executions in some 50 districts, out of something

like 500 districts, by the White Guard. In Petrograd I have

been repeatedly assured that the total Red executions in

Petrograd and Moscow and other cities was at a maximum

3,200.

It may seem somewhat inconsistent for the Russian

bourgeoisie to oppose allied intervention and at the same

time fail to give whole-hearted support to the present

government. They justify this attitude on the grounds that

when the two great problems of food and peace are solved the

whole population can turn itself to assisting the present

régime in developing a stable efficient government. They

point to the numerous changes which have already been

introduced by the present communist government, to the

acknowledgment that mistakes have been made to the ease of

securing introduction of constructive ideas under the

present régime. All these facts have persuaded many of the

thinking people with whom I have talked to look to the

present government in possibly a somewhat modified form as

the salvation of Russia.

At present the situation is bad. Russia is straining every

nerve to raise an army to oppose the encircling White

Guards. That the army is efficient is demonstrated by the

present location of Soviet forces who have contended with

the Russian White Guard supported by enormous sums of money,

munitions, and even soldiers from the Allies. Naturally,

transportation is inefficient; it was horrible in the last

year of the Czar's regime. Absolute separation from the rest

of the world, combined with the chaotic conditions which

Russia has passed through since the 1917 revolution, plus

the sabotage, which until recently was quite general among

the intelligent classes, including engineers, has resulted

in a decrease in rolling stock. The transportation of the

enormous army which has been raised limits the number of

cars which can be used for food. The cutting off of Siberia,

Finland, the Baltic Provinces, and until recently the

Ukraine, made it necessary to establish new lines of food

transportation. Consequently there has been great suffering

in Petrograd. Of the population of a million, 200,000 are

reported by the board of health to be ill, 100,000 seriously

ill in hospitals or at home, and another 100,000 with

swollen limbs still able to go to the food kitchens.

However, the reports of people dying in the streets are not

true. Whatever food exists is fairly well distributed and

there are food kitchens where anyone can get a fairly good

dinner for 3.50 rubles.

For money one can still obtain many of the luxuries of life.

The children, some 50,000 of whom have been provided with

homes, are splendidly taken care of, and except for the

absence of milk have little to complain of. In the public

schools free lunches are given the children, and one sees in

the faces of the younger generation little of the suffering

which some of the older people have undergone and are

undergoing. Food conditions have improved recently, due to

the suspension of passenger traffic and the retaking of the

Ukraine, where food is plentiful. From 60 to 100 carloads of

food have arrived in Petrograd each day since February 18.

Perhaps it is futile to add that my solution of the Russian

problem is some sort of recognition of the present

government, with the establishment of economic relations and

the sending of every possible assistance to the people. I

have been treated in a wonderful manner by the communist

representatives, though they know that I am no socialist and

though I have admitted to the leaders that my civilian

clothing is a disguise. They have the warmest affection for

America, believe in President Wilson, and are certain that

we are coming to their assistance, and, together with our

engineers, our food, our school-teachers, and our supplies,

they are going to develop in Russia a government which will

emphasize the rights of the common people as no other

government has. I am so convinced of the necessity for us

taking a step immediately to end the suffering of this

wonderful people that I should be willing to stake all I

have in converting ninety out of every hundred American

business men whom I could take to Petrograd for two weeks.

It is needless for me to tell you that most of the stories

that have come from Russia regarding atrocities, horrors,

immorality, are manufactured in Viborg, Helsingfors, or

Stockholm. The horrible massacres planned for last November

were first learned of in Petrograd from the Helsingfors

papers. That anybody could even for a moment believe in the

nationalization of women seems impossible to anyone in

Petrograd. To-day Petrograd is an orderly city--probably the

only city of the world of its size without police. Bill

Shatov, chief of police, and I were at the opera the other

night to hear Chaliapine sing in Boris Gudonov. He excused

himself early because he said there had been a robbery the

previous night, in which a man had lost 5,000 rubles, that

this was the first robbery in several weeks, and that he had

an idea who had done it, and was going to get the men that

night. I feel personally that Petrograd is safer than Paris.

At night there are automobiles, sleighs, and people on the

streets at 12 o'clock to a much greater extent than was true

in Paris when I left five weeks ago.

Most wonderful of all, the great crowd of prostitutes has

disappeared. I have seen not a disreputable woman since I

went to Petrograd, and foreigners who have been there for

the last three months report the same. The policy of the

present government has resulted in eliminating throughout

Russia, I am told, this horrible outgrowth of modern

civilization.

Begging has decreased. I have asked to be taken to the

poorest parts of the city to see how the people in the slums

live, and both the communists and bourgeoisie have held up

their hands and said, "But you fail to understand there are

no such places." There is poverty, but it is scattered and

exists among those of the former poor or of the former rich

who have been unable to adapt themselves to the conditions

which require everyone to do something.

Terrorism has ended. For months there have been no

executions, I am told, and certainly people go to the

theater and church and out on the streets as much as they

would in any city of the world.

(Certain memoranda referred to in the hearing relating to the work of

Capt. Pettit in Russia are here printed in full as follows:)

The Bullitt Mission to Russia Testimony before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, of William C. Bullitt · 第 87 / 89 题