Mr. Lloyd George, continuing, said that it would be
impossible to raise 150,000 men in that way. He asked,
however, what contributions America, Italy and France would
make towards the raising of this Army.
President Wilson and M. Clemenceau each said none.
M. Orlando agreed that Italy could make no further
contributions.
Mr. Lloyd George said that the Bolshevists had an army of
300,000 men who would, before long, be good soldiers, and to
fight them at least 400,000 Russian soldiers would be
required. Who would feed, equip and pay them? Would Italy,
or America, or France, do so? If they were unable to do
that, what would be the good of fighting Bolshevism? It
could not be crushed by speeches. He sincerely trusted that
they would accept President Wilson's proposal as it now
stood.
M. Orlando agreed that the question was a very difficult one
for the reasons that had been fully given. He agreed that
Bolshevism constituted a grave danger to all Europe. To
prevent a contagious epidemic from spreading, the
sanitarians set up a _cordon Sanitaire_. If similar measures
could be taken against Bolshevism, in order to prevent its
spreading, it might be overcome, since to isolate it meant
vanquishing it. Italy was now passing through a period of
depression, due to war weariness. But Bolshevists could
never triumph there, unless they found a favourable medium,
such as might be produced either by a profound patriotic
disappointment in their expectations as to the rewards of
the war, or by an economic crisis. Either might lead to
revolution, which was equivalent to Bolshevism. Therefore,
he would insist that all possible measures should be taken
to set up this cordon. Next, he suggested the consideration
of repressive measures. He thought two methods were
possible; either the use of physical force or the use of
moral force. He thought Mr. Lloyd George's objection to the
use of physical force unanswerable. The occupation of Russia
meant the employment of large numbers of troops for an
indefinite period of time. This meant an apparent
prolongation of the war. There remained the use of moral
force. He agreed with M. Clemenceau that no country could
continue in anarchy and that an end must eventually come;
but they could not wait; they could not proceed to make
peace and ignore Russia. Therefore, Mr. Lloyd George's
proposal, with the modifications introduced after careful
consideration by President Wilson and M. Clemenceau, gave a
possible solution. It did not involve entering into
negotiations with the Bolsheviks; the proposal was merely an
attempt to bring together all the parties in Russia with a
view to finding a way out of the present difficulty. He was
prepared, therefore, to support it.
President Wilson asked for the views of his Japanese
colleagues.
Baron Makino said that after carefully considering the
various points of view put forward, he had no objections to
make regarding the conclusions reached. He thought that was
the best solution under the circumstances. He wished,
however, to enquire what attitude would be taken by the
Representatives of the Allied powers if the Bolshevists
accepted the invitation to the meeting and there insisted
upon their principles. He thought they should under no
circumstances countenance Bolshevist ideas. The conditions
in Siberia East of the Baikal had greatly improved. The
objects which had necessitated the despatch of troops to
that region had been attained. Bolshevism was no longer
aggressive, though it might still persist in a latent form.
In conclusion, he wished to support the proposal before the
meeting.
President Wilson expressed the view that the emissaries of
the Allied Powers should not be authorised to adopt any
definite attitude towards Bolshevism. They should merely
report back to their Governments the conditions found.
Mr. Lloyd George asked that that question be further
considered. He thought the emissaries of the Allied Powers
should be able to establish an agreement if they were able
to find a solution. For instance, if they succeeded in
reaching an agreement on the subject of the organization of
a Constituent Assembly, they should be authorised to accept
such a compromise without the delay of a reference to the
Governments.
President Wilson suggested that the emissaries might be
furnished with a body of instructions.
Mr. Balfour expressed the view that abstention from hostile
action against their neighbours should be made a condition
of their sending representatives to this meeting.
President Wilson agreed.
M. Clemenceau suggested that the manifesto to the Russian
parties should be based solely on humanitarian grounds. They
should say to the Russians: "You are threatened by famine.
We are prompted by humanitarian feelings; we are making
peace; we do not want people to die. We are prepared to see
what can be done to remove the menace of starvation." He
thought the Russians would at once prick up their ears, and
be prepared to hear what the Allies had to say. They would
add that food cannot be sent unless peace and order were
re-established. It should, in fact, be made quite clear that
the representatives of all parties would merely be brought
together for purely humane reasons.
Mr. Lloyd George said that in this connection he wished to
invite attention to a doubt expressed by certain of the
delegates of the British Dominions, namely, whether there
would be enough food and credit to go round should an
attempt be made to feed all Allied countries, and enemy
countries, and Russia also. The export of so much food would
inevitably have the effect of raising food prices in Allied
countries and so create discontent and Bolshevism. As
regards grain, Russia had always been an exporting country,
and there was evidence to show that plenty of food at
present existed in the Ukraine.
President Wilson said that his information was that enough
food existed in Russia, but, either on account of its being
hoarded or on account of difficulties of transportation, it
could not be made available.
(It was agreed that President Wilson should draft a
proclamation, for consideration at the next meeting,
inviting all organized parties in Russia to attend a Meeting
to be held at some selected place such as Salonika or
Lemnos, in order to discuss with the representatives of the
Allied and Associated Great Powers the means of restoring
order and peace in Russia. Participation in the Meeting
should be conditional on a cessation of hostilities.)
2. _Peace Conference_.--M. Clemenceau considered it to be
most urgent that the delegates should be set to work. He
understood that President Wilson would be ready to put on
the table at the next full Conference, proposals relating to
the creation of a League of Nations. He was anxious to add a
second question, which could be studied immediately, namely,
reparation for damages. He thought the meeting should
consider how the work should be organized in order to give
effect to this suggestion.
Mr. Lloyd George said that he agreed that these questions
should be studied forthwith. He would suggest that, in the
first place, the League of Nations should be considered,
and, that after the framing of the principles, an
International Committee of Experts be set to work out its
constitution in detail. The same remark applied also to the
question of indemnities and reparation. He thought that a
Committee should also be appointed as soon as possible to
consider International Labour Legislation.
President Wilson observed that he had himself drawn up a
constitution of a League of Nations. He could not claim that
it was wholly his own creation. Its generation was as
follows:--He had received the Phillimore Report, which had
been amended by Colonel House and re-written by himself. He
had again revised it after having received General Smuts'
and Lord Robert Cecil's reports. It was therefore a compound
of these various suggestions. During the week he had seen M.
Bourgeois, with whom he found himself to be in substantial
accord on principles. A few days ago he had discussed his
draft with Lord Robert Cecil and General Smuts, and they
found themselves very near together.
Mr. Balfour suggested that President Wilson's draft should
be submitted to the Committee as a basis for discussion.
President Wilson further suggested that the question should
be referred as far as possible to the men who had been
studying it.
Mr. Lloyd George expressed his complete agreement. He
thought they themselves should, in the first place, agree on
the fundamental principles and then refer the matter to the
Committee. When that Committee met they could take President
Wilson's proposals as the basis of discussion.
(It was agreed that the question of appointing an
International Committee, consisting of two members from each
of the five Great Powers, to whom would be referred
President Wilson's draft, with certain basic principles to
guide them, should be considered at the next meeting.)
3. _Poland_.--M. Pichon called attention to the necessity
for replying to the demand addressed by M. Paderewski to
Colonel House, which had been read by President Wilson that
morning, and asked that Marshal Foch should be present.
(It was agreed that this question should be discussed at the
next Meeting.)
4. _Disarmament_.--Mr. Balfour called attention to the
urgency of the question of disarmament, and said that he
would shortly propose that a Committee should be appointed
to consider this question.
VILLA MAJESTIC, Paris January 21st, 1919.
This is the minute of January 21, and the Prinkipos memorandum was
written on January 22.
The instructions to the President were as follows:
It was agreed that President Wilson should draft a
proclamation for consideration at the next meeting, inviting
all organized parties in Russia to attend a meeting to be
held at some selected place such as Salonika or Lemnos, in
order to discuss with the representatives of the allied and
associated great powers the means of restoring order and
peace in Russia. Participation in the meeting should be
conditional on a cessation of hostilities.
The President then wrote the Prinkipos proposition.
Senator KNOX. Did you make a written report of your mission?
Mr. BULLITT. I did, sir.
Senator KNOX. Have you it here?
Mr. BULLITT. Yes, sir. I might read the report without the appendices.
Senator KNOX. The chairman wants you to read it.
The CHAIRMAN. I do not know whether it is very long. The report he
made would be of some interest. You were the only official
representative sent?
Mr. BULLITT. Yes, sir; except Capt. Pettit, my assistant. The
circumstances of my sending will perhaps require further elucidation.
I not only was acquainted with the minutes of the discussions of the
council of ten, but in addition I had discussed the subject with each
of the commissioners each morning and I had talked with many British
representatives. After the Prinkipos proposal was made, the replies
began to come in from various factions, that they would refuse to
accept it for various reasons. The Soviet Government replied in a
slightly evasive form. They said, "We are ready to accept the terms of
the proposals, and we are ready to talk about stopping fighting." They
did not say, "We are ready to stop fighting on such and such a date."
It was not made specific.
Senator KNOX. That was one of the conditions of the proposal?